NAZIONALE
DEI
LT A
275
ZI O
ATTI DEI CONVEGNI LINCEI
LINCEI
N E
ACCADEMIA
MEDITERRANEAN ARCHAEOLOGY: A GID-EMAN TRAINING COURSE
SU
Rome, 8 - 10 October 2012
Editors: Louis Godart, Eugenio La Rocca, Paolo Sommella
PE R
C
O
N
Coordination by Maurizio Brunori
ROMA 2013 SCIENZE E LETTERE EDITORE COMMERCIALE
N E
LT A
ZI O
© by Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei
N
SU
Si ringrazia la «Associazione Amici dell’Accademia dei Lincei» per la collaborazione offerta alla edizione del presente volume
PE R
C
O
ISSN: 0391-805X ISBN: 978-88-218-1079-4
FINITO DI STAMPARE NEL MESE DI LUGLIO 2013 Antica Tipografia dal 1876 S.r.l. – 00186 Roma, Piazza delle Cinque Lune, 113 Azienda con Sistema Qualità certificata ISO 9001 – 14001
N E
CONTENT OF THE VOLUME
Pag. 4
ZI O
Scientific- Organising Committee ...................................................
»
5
M. Gendreau-Massaloux - Il GID e il Mediterraneo ................
»
7
L. Godart - Introduzione generale ................................................
» 11 » 19
C. Smith - Methodology and historiography in the study of early Rome..........................................................................................
» 23
P. León - Artistic projection of Rome in the Mediterranean .........
» 39
M. Bouchenaki - Heritage monuments of the Roman period in Algeria .......................................................................................
» 49
S. De Caro - Preventive Archaeology ............................................
» 63
N
M. Brunori - The Mediterranean Archaeology course: an outlook
SU
LT A
L. Maffei - Welcome address .........................................................
» 75
P. Moscati - Archaeology and computers: perspectives of the 21st century.......................................................................................
» 91
E. La Rocca - Nero, his image and his golden house ...................
» 109
G. A. Campitelli - Restorations in the parks of Rome: Villa Borghese and Villa Torlonia .....................................................
» 127
A. Pasquier - A propos des problèmes posés par la présentation de la sculpture antique et ses restaurations: la responsabilité des conservateurs de musée......................................................
» 141
G. de’ Giovanni Centelles - Considerazioni conclusive ...........
» 155
List of participants ......................................................................
» 157
PE R
C
O
G. Croci - Arches, domes and vaults in the history of architecture
N E
Scientific- Organising Committee
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
Louis Godart (Chair), Linceo, Counsellor of the President of the Italian Republic, Rome Maria Andreadaki-Vlazaki, Director General of the Department of Antiquities and Cultural Heritage, Athens Azedine Beschaouch, Special Advisor to the Director General of ICCROM, former Tunisia’s Minister of Culture, Tunis Mounir Bouchenaki, Special Advisor to the Director General of Unesco, former ADG Unesco for Culture, Algiers Maurizio Brunori (Coordinator), Linceo, President of EMAN, Rome Stefano De Caro, Director General, ICCROM, Rome Guglielmo de’ Giovanni Centelles, Fondazione Roma-Mediterraneo, Rome Maria Teresa Jaquinta, ICCROM, Rome Eugenio La Rocca, Linceo, Sapienza University of Rome Luigi Malnati, Director General of Antiquities, Ministry of Cultural Heritage, Rome Maurizio Melani, Ambassador, Director General of the Promozione Sistema Paese, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Rome Paolo Sommella, Linceo, President of the Istituto Nazionale di Studi Romani, Rome Catherine Virlouvet, Director of École française de Rome
WELCOME ADDRESS
ZI O
President of the Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei Via della Lungara, 10 – 00165 Rome, Italy.
N E
Lamberto Maffei
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
Distinguished colleagues, ladies and gentlemen, On behalf of the Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, I am very pleased to welcome you here today for the Mediterranean Archaeology GID-EMAN advanced training course. As you all know, this initiative is organized by my colleagues Proff. Brunori, Godart, La Rocca and Sommella. Prof. Brunori, in his capacity as President of the Euro Mediterranean Academic Network, actually promotes with this event the spirit of EMAN. In fact, the participation of teachers, scholars and students in archaeology and restoration coming from almost all of the Mediterranean countries will provide an ideal opportunity to strengthen the cultural ties that go back centuries and millennia, and have made the Mediterranean a home to many people. I therefore wish to thank Prof. Brunori for the initiative and for his exceptional contribution, energy and enthusiasm. I also wish to express my gratitude to the Lincei fellows in the Class of Humanities for their support in shaping the course; specifically, I would like to acknowledge the contribution of Prof. Godart, Prof. La Rocca and Prof. Sommella, who have with their work enriched the guiding principle that fosters effective collaboration between the two Classes of our Academy. The Accademia dei Lincei has recently been very actively involved in promoting Science education; therefore I am particularly delighted to see a project that promotes the Humanities, because this underlines our Academy’s commitment in disseminating knowledge in all disciplines – Sciences and Humanities alike. Before I give the floor to the other speakers of this opening session, I wish to thank the Fondazione Roma-Mediterraneo and the GID (Groupe Inter-acadèmique pour le Dèveloppement) for their financial contribution to the organization of this event. My warmest wishes to you all for a successful and rewarding experience.
PE R SU
N
O
C
ZI O
LT A
N E
N E
Michèle Gendreau-Massaloux
ZI O
Recteur et Conseiller d’Etat honoraire – GID et Union pour la Méditerranée Mission interministérielle pour la Méditerranée – 20, avenue de Ségur 75007 Paris, France;
[email protected]
LT A
IL GID E IL MEDITERRANEO
PE R
C
O
N
SU
È con gran piacere che, una volta di più, ho risposto all’invito dell’Accademia dei Lincei, al vostro invito, Signore e Signori Accademici. L’onore che mi fate è doppio. Innanzitutto, ritrovo un’istituzione essenziale nella storia della cultura scientifica, non solo in Italia, ma dovunque i lumi dello spirito si sforzano di rischiarare le scelte dei cittadini del mondo. Ho potuto osservare il vigore del vostro apporto alla ricerca contemporanea in occasione del convegno sulla sanità nel Mediterraneo del 2009. E ho apprezzato la vostra generosa ospitalità, non meno dei contributi che gli eminenti membri della vostra comunità hanno dato alle scoperte più importanti, in particolare nel settore della genetica. D’altra parte, mi invitate oggi a parlarvi in nome di un’associazione che ho considerato indispensabile per l’avvicinamento delle culture e dei saperi dei popoli mediterranei. Vi porto il saluto del Groupe Inter-académique pour le Développement, del suo Presidente uscente André Capron, del suo Presidente entrante François Guinot, e di tutti i suoi membri, che considerano un atto fondatore il seminario che si apre oggi. * * *
Il Groupe Inter-académique pour le Développement (GID, www.g-i-d. org) si è costituito nel 2007 allo scopo di rafforzare i legami tra la scienza, le pratiche professionali e le aspettative sociali secondo le competenze delle Accademie, vale a dire la divisione dei saperi sotto il segno dell’eccellenza, dell’imparzialità e dell’indipendenza, con una visione interdisciplinare e integrata dello sviluppo, in un quadro internazionale.
— 8 — I principi di azione del GID, ovunque validi, sono:
N E
- L’applicazione del sapere e delle sue pratiche alle realtà territoriali; - L’appropriazione delle conoscenze, finalità essenziale a ogni strategia educativa e dello sviluppo; - Il carattere integrato del sapere, che deve associare alle conoscenze scientifiche e tecniche interdisciplinari, le dimensioni economiche, giuridiche e socioculturali delle loro applicazioni.
ZI O
* * *
SU
LT A
Il GID si è dotato di un’équipe di osservazione particolare, costituita dai paesi che si affacciano sul Mediterraneo, per analizzare i rischi e i cambiamenti del Mare Nostrum in relazione ai destini dei suoi popoli e della sua storia, antica e presente, che li unisce e li separa. Ha deciso e realizzato un programma di grandi conferenze scientifiche, Parmenides, e ha dato vita a una rete di Accademici mediterranei impegnati a far progredire il sapere nel Mediterraneo e nella costruzione di un’identità scientifica condivisa. Ventitre Accademie dei paesi mediterranei, associate alla Biblioteca di Alessandria d’Egitto e al Cyprus Institute, partecipano così a questo Spazio mediterraneo della Scienza allo scopo di:
PE R
C
O
N
- Promuovere e rafforzare l’identità scientifica della regione mediterranea. - Utilizzare la scienza come vettore permanente dello sviluppo e del progresso socio-economico. - Sviluppare l’eccellenza dei quadri scientifici e tecnici. - Giocare un ruolo cardine nel Mediterraneo, animando una rete scientifica e tecnologica di collaborazione e di scambi. * * *
Il programma Parmenides si è progressivamente costituito attraverso Conferenze internazionali tematiche dedicate alle priorità dello sviluppo scientifico. La prima conferenza, tenutasi nel giugno 2008 all’Institut de France, era dedicata allo «Sviluppo sostenibile nel Mediterraneo, Agricoltura, Risorse ittiche e Cambiamenti climatici». Parmenides 2, che avete ospitato nell’ottobre 2009, aveva per titolo: «Scienza e salute nel Mediterraneo». Parmenides 3, tenutosi alla Biblioteca di Alessandria in Egitto nel giugno 2010, aveva per tema: «Ricchezze e diversità mediterranee: Diversità biologiche e culturali».
— 9 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
Parmenides 4 si è tenuto a Rabat nel novembre 2011 presso l’Accademia Hassan II di Scienze e Tecniche del Marocco, e ha avuto per tema: «Acqua e potabilizzazione: sfide e rischi sanitari nel Mediterraneo». Parmenides 5, tenutosi il 20 e 21 marzo 2012 all’Institut de France, ha avuto l’ambizione, partendo dai temi delle conferenze precedenti, di definire, attraverso un approccio integrato, le grandi sfide e i principali orientamenti delle strategie di sviluppo tecnico e scientifico, e di individuare le grandi linee di un partenariato equilibrato tra le due rive del Mediterraneo. Al culmine di questo ciclo, alcune Assise sullo spazio euro-euromediterraneo della scienza, che si terranno il 22 ottobre prossimo all’Institut de France a Parigi, dovranno consentire la definizione di una tappa essenziale del progetto del GID: il passaggio dai consigli formulati dagli scienziati alla formalizzazione delle decisioni politiche, e il ruolo che la comunità scientifica deve giocare o meno in questa fase, raramente realizzata in maniera soddisfacente. Il passaggio di consegne (la translatio) dalla comunità scientifica ai responsabili politici ed economici, cruciale in genere, appare particolarmente determinante per il Mediterraneo in questo inizio del Terzo Millennio. E non c’è dubbio che il tema a cui avete scelto di dedicare questo seminario illustra una visione della cultura e della scienza la cui portata politica merita di essere sottolineata. Abbiamo bisogno, per costruire insieme un presente di collaborazione, della totalità delle nostre differenze, della totalità delle nostre storie, della totalità dei nostri passati, e di tutto ciò, da qualsiasi luogo sia pervenuto, che ci ha reso quello che siamo. I filosofi, a ragione, diffidano della nozione di origine, perché ogni origine è eterogenea, e sono stati la mescolanza, il passaggio delle frontiere, l’apporto del lontano nel vicino, dello straniero nella città a foggiare la nostra lenta evoluzione. E questo vale in modo particolare qui a Roma, la quale è stata in sé un modello, come ricordano questi bellissimi versi di Rutilio Namaziano in cui si esalta la grandezza e la magnanimità di una civiltà che ha saputo raccogliere popoli diversi in un’unica patria: «Hai fatto di genti diverse una sola patria, / la tua conquista ha giovato a chi viveva senza leggi: / offrendo ai vinti l’unione nel tuo diritto / hai reso l’orbe diviso unica Urbe. / ... di qui la tua buona gioia dello scontro come del perdono, / vincere chi si è temuto, amare chi si è vinto». Gli uomini e le donne dei paesi del Mediterraneo hanno ciascuno una tradizione particolare, che li rende unici, e appartengono tutti a universi culturali in cui le scelte – anche nella guerra – hanno avuto effetti permanenti. Riportare alla luce le rovine, vuol dire costruire l’archivio del nostro passato e, ancora meglio, comprendere il nostro presente. * * *
— 10 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
A questo scopo, gli specialisti apportano metodi e risultati. I primi, li condivideremo. I secondi, a partire dai futuri incontri, saranno la nostra ricompensa, e la meraviglia dei giorni che verranno. Se rappresento il GID in questa occasione è per sottolinearne, a partire dalle vostre finalità, lo spirito e la missione. Un gruppo che ha fatto prevalere lo sguardo incrociato, fertile risorsa del progresso e della disseminazione critica delle conoscenze. Abbiamo tanto da imparare gli uni dagli altri! Ed è perché io stessa voglio imparare da voi che vi esprimo, ancora una volta, tutta la mia sincera gratitudine.
N E
Louis Godart
ZI O
Accademico dei Lincei e Consigliere del Presidente della Repubblica Italiana per la Protezione del Patrimonio Artistico – Presidenza della Repubblica – Palazzo del Quirinale – Via della Dataria, 96 – 00187 Rome, Italy;
[email protected]
LT A
INTRODUZIONE GENERALE
O
N
SU
La missione di EMAN è di avvicinare tra loro i Paesi che affacciano sul Mediterraneo; e pertanto il nostro incontro è posto sotto il duplice sigillo della collaborazione e dell’amicizia. Il Presidente Maurizio Brunori ha scelto di coinvolgere in una riflessione sul Mediterraneo e sul suo prodigioso passato studiosi che nei loro rispettivi Paesi hanno delle responsabilità legate alla scoperta e alla tutela del patrimonio storico e archeologico. Permettetemi di porre l’accento su alcune delle caratteristiche legate al nostro orizzonte mediterraneo. * * *
PE R
C
Il Mediterraneo è uno spazio limitato, una sorta di ferita nella superficie della crosta terrestre che va da Gibilterra all’Istmo di Suez e al Mar Rosso. Il passato del Mediterraneo insegna l’amore e la passione per la ricerca di nuovi orizzonti. Questo “Mare Internum” non ha mai accettato di rimanere chiuso dentro la propria storia. La civiltà mediterranea ha rapidamente capito che per progredire occorreva superare i propri limiti geografici. In un lontano passato, all’alba della Storia, ha appreso l’organizzazione dello Stato dalle civiltà coeve del Vicino e Medio Oriente e per secoli è rimasta affascinata dalla cultura trasmessa dai popoli e dagli Stati orientali. Tramite Roma, la civiltà mediterranea si è poi estesa verso le vaste steppe euroasiatiche che confinano con il Mar Nero e, più a nord ancora, in direzione dei popoli delle grandi foreste, lenti a svegliarsi ma pronti ad accogliere il messaggio civilizzatore dell’impero romano. Più tardi, la cultura mediterranea raggiungerà il Nuovo Mondo e darà vita alla civiltà atlantica.
— 12 —
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
Il Mare Internum è inserito nel più vasto insieme di terre emerse che vi sia al mondo: il grandioso continente unitario, euro-afro-asiatico, che costituisce da solo un vero e proprio pianeta, dove tutto, dai beni, alle idee e alle genti, sin dai tempi più remoti, è circolato precocemente. Gli uomini hanno trovato attraverso l’unione di questi tre continenti, il palcoscenico che diventerà il teatro dei loro scambi decisivi, dove potranno recitare la loro storia universale. Il peso di questa storia scivola irresistibilmente verso le coste del Mediterraneo diventate il punto d’approdo d’esperienze infinite che il genio dei popoli affacciati su questo mare ha saputo trasformare radicalmente. Da queste trasformazioni è nato il volto della prima Europa disegnato dalla Grecia antica. Due dei grandi valori dell’Europa odierna, l’idea di “democrazia” e la convinzione che l’Uomo abbia il dovere di ribellarsi all’ingiustizia, sono nati nell’Atene del V secolo A.D. Il grido di Prometeo («In una parola te lo dico, odio tutti gli dei») crocefisso sulle pareti di uno dei monti del Caucaso perché colpevole, agli occhi di Zeus, d’aver amato troppo gli uomini è quello dell’antica Grecia. È il grido di Elena, di Arianna, Antigone, Clitemnestra, Saffo, Medea e delle umili contadine dei villaggi di Creta o della Tessaglia che osavano sfidare i nazisti per andare a seppellire gli eroi della Resistenza, è l’eterno grido dell’Europa che non accetta la tirannia. * * *
PE R
C
O
N
Ora questo spazio mediterraneo è un formidabile crocevia dove si sono incontrati e a volte scontrati popoli diversi. Da questi incontri e scontri è nato il volto odierno del Mediterraneo. Immaginiamo Erodoto mescolato a milioni di turisti di oggi che popolano le spiagge, le campagne e le città che circondano in nostro mare. Quante cose sono cambiate da quando nel V secolo A.D. il buon Erodoto faceva il giro del Mediterraneo: scoprirebbe le arance, i mandarini e i limoni doni degli Arabi; si meraviglierebbe di fronte a queste bizzarre piante che sono i cactus, i fichi d’India, le agavi importati dall’America; non capirebbe che gli eucalipti vengono dall’Australia, i cipressi dalla Persia. A tavola scoprirebbe il pomodoro, dono del Perù, le melanzane regalate dall’India, il riso altro fantastico regalo degli Arabi, per non parlare dei fagioli, delle patate, delle pesche e della cioccolata. * * *
All’interno di questo spazio ristretto le tre grandi religioni del Dio unico, quella ebraica, quella cristiana e quella islamica, hanno lasciato le loro
— 13 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
forti impronte e condizionato la storia universale. I fedeli di queste religioni si sono scontrati. Come non rabbrividire pensando alle crociate o agli scontri odierni tra fondamentalisti di ogni bordo? Ricordiamoci tuttavia che ci sono stati pensatori e uomini di fede ebraici, cristiani e musulmani che hanno celebrato quello che univa e bandito quello che divideva. Vorrei qui citare un passo di Roger Arnaldez (1): «L’idée d’un Dieu unique soulève des problèmes qui sont communs à tous: celui des attributs, celui de la création, celui du gouvernement divin, celui de la prédestination et du libre arbitre, celui des fins dernières. Dans les trois religions, il y eut certes des littéralistes et des fondamentalistes. Mais la philosophie grecque finit par imposer partout des cadres conceptuels, et la logique d’Aristote des méthodes de raisonnement. À Bagdad, dans la Maison de la Sagesse, “Bayt al-Hikma”, fondée par le calife Ma’mün, se concentra l’héritage philosophique et scientifique d’Alexandrie. Savants juifs, chrétiens et musulmans, se rencontrent pour traduire les ouvrages grecs. A IVème - Xème siècle, Abû Hayyan al-Tawhîdî nous a laissé un important témoignage de ces séances de nuit où, sans distinction de confession, les esprits les plus distingués de la capitale califienne discutaient, sur pied d’égalité, des grands problèmes. En Espagne, dès la même époque, et surtout au VIème-XIIème siècle, des échanges de même genre, dus à une libre circulation extrêmement féconde des idées, ont lieu également. Il suffit d’évoquer les grands noms d’Averroès et de Maïmonide, l’école des traducteurs de Tolède, l’influence de cette activité intense sur la pensée médiévale latine. Enfin, sur un autre plan, celui de la spiritualité et de la théologie mystique, la méditation sur le Dieu unique conduisit de puissants et profonds esprits, en dépit des différences dogmatiques, à décrire des expériences et à définir des valeurs de vie qui ont entre elles plus d’un point commun. Il faut souhaiter la reprise de tels contacts entre les penseurs des trois monothéismes méditerranéens, dans des conditions qui pourraient être aujourd’hui plus favorables encore que par le passé. Notre culture et notre civilisation en tireraient assurément, comme ce fut le cas autrefois, de très grands avantages. Mais il semble, hélas! que les trois religions adoratrices d’un seul Dieu soient vouées à rester séparées. Et pourtant, il est écrit: «Que se souviennent et que reviennent au Seigneur tous les confins de la terre, et que devant sa face se prosternent toutes les familles des nations» (Psaume22, 28-29). «Hommes! Ayez la crainte de votre Seigneur qui vous a créés à partir d’une personne unique» (Coran, 4, 1). Et le même désir
(1)
R. Arnaldez, Un seul dieu, in La Méditerranée. I. Les hommes et l’héritage, Champs Flammarion 1986, p. 41-43.
— 14 —
* * *
ZI O
N E
de l’unité des hommes, non plus seulement autour de Dieu mais en Lui, s’exprime en Saint Jean (17, 11), par l’ultime prière du Christ: «Je ne suis plus dans le monde, mais eux ils restent dans le monde, tandis que moi, je retourne vers Toi, Père Saint, garde en ton nom ceux que tu m’as donnés, pour qu’ils soient un comme nous». «Il faut souhaiter la reprise de tels contacts entre les penseurs des trois monothéismes méditerranéens» scrive Arnaldez! Come non condividere questo augurio e sperare che un incontro come quello odierno possa favorire una maggiore collaborazione tra coloro che sono i custodi della memoria storica del Mediterraneo?
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
Cerchiamo anche di meditare sulle lezioni del nostro passato per tentare di affrontare con un bagaglio più ricco i problemi del presente. La tolleranza manifestata dagli Antichi può insegnarci molto. In una delle sue tragedie “Le Supplici” Eschilo racconta la leggenda delle figlie di Danao costrette a fuggire insieme al loro padre dalla terra d’Egitto perché rifiutavano di andare spose ai figli di Egitto. La loro nave approda in Argolide e chiedono asilo al popolo di Argo. Il vecchio re di Argo, Pelasgo, raduna i cittadini e l’assemblea del popolo decide di accogliere le richieste dei profughi. La storia delle figlie di Argo è la storia eterna dei profughi, una storia antica quanto quella dell’umanità. Sempre, l’emigrante ha conosciuto il dolore provocato dal distacco dalla terra natia. Nessuno meglio di Pitagora, che abbandonò la sua isola di Samo per cercare fortuna in Magna Grecia, ha saputo tradurre questa angoscia: «Lasciando la tua terra, distogli lo sguardo dai confini che ti hanno visto nascere». Dalla fine degli anni ottanta e soprattutto dopo la caduta del muro di Berlino, il Mediterraneo è teatro di nuove, imponenti migrazioni. La Grecia, l’Italia, in particolare l’Italia meridionale, la Spagna vedono approdare sulle loro spiagge migliaia di disperati provenienti dal Vicino e Medio Oriente e dall’Africa. Sono le avanguardie delle masse infinite che compongono il terzo mondo. Bussano alle porte dell’Occidente ricco per chiedere umilmente le briciole del festino. Non si tratta di masse minacciose o arroganti. Sono uomini e donne che non hanno avuto la fortuna di nascere nell’Occidente industrializzato, che spesso provengono da paesi che sono stati dominati e sfruttati ai tempi della colonizzazione e che oggi sono in mano a temibili dittatori. Somigliano tanto a coloro che premevano nel quarto o nel quinto secolo della nostra era sulle frontiere dell’impero romano per tentare di varcarne i confini. Il loro sogno è simile a quello di milioni e milioni di emigranti che li hanno preceduti lungo le strade infinite della sofferenza;
— 15 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
sperano di trovare uno spazio in seno alle società del benessere, di strappare i loro figli alla fame e alla miseria, di conquistare, con il proprio lavoro, la libertà che non hanno mai avuto. Venticinque secoli fa il re Pelasgo e il popolo di Argo hanno mostrato comprensione e compassione nei confronti di chi chiedeva loro salvezza e ospitalità. Hanno voluto accogliere e dare asilo a chi era perseguitato. Quanti dei nostri Stati moderni adottano lo stesso atteggiamento di comprensione e di apertura verso chi, al termine di un’odissea spesso drammatica, approda nei porti dell’Occidente? Quanti tra coloro che chiedono ospitalità sono pronti a seguire i consigli proferiti da Danao alle proprie figlie: «Figlie mie, dovete offrire ai cittadini di Argo preghiere, sacrifici e libagioni come se fossero dèi dell’Olimpo perché all’unanimità sono stati i nostri salvatori. Hanno ascoltato il mio racconto con la simpatia che è propria dei parenti e si sono adirati contro i vostri cugini. Mi hanno anche assegnato questa scorta di guardie armate, attribuendomi così un privilegio che mi onora e impedendo che sia colpito da un dardo improvviso, il che avrebbe macchiato eternamente questa terra. Di fronte a tanti favori, gli dobbiamo, se la nostra anima è guidata da sani principi, l’omaggio di una gratitudine che li onori eternamente?». Alla luce di quanto è successo pochi anni fa in Serbia, in Kosovo, in Ruanda, di quello che succede oggi in Darfur ed altrove, il messaggio di Eschilo appare di una drammatica attualità. Analogo è il messaggio di tolleranza che insegnano le testimonianze archeologiche provenienti dall’isola di Delo. La leggenda narra che l’isola galleggiava sulle onde dell’Egeo prima che Zeus la ancorasse ai fondali per consentire a Leto amata dal signore degli dèi ma perseguitata dalla gelosia di Era, di partorire i due gemelli che portava in grembo: Artemide e Apollo. A partire dall’VII secolo A.D. Delo diventò l’isola greca sacra per eccellenza, il luogo dove erano nate due delle principali divinità del pantheon ellenico. In loro onore erano organizzate ogni quattro anni feste sontuose. Proprio in questo luogo fondamentale per la religione greca, su una terrazza che dominava la città, di fronte ai santuari delle massime divinità elleniche, per rispondere al desiderio dei marinai stranieri che attraccavano nell’isola, le autorità di Delo hanno permesso che fossero costruiti i santuari di varie divinità straniere tra cui Atargati, l’Afrodite siriana, Iside e Serapide. Se non abbiamo spesso accolto i messaggi di tolleranza lasciati dagli Antichi, non abbiamo invece mai esitato a copiarli quando si trattava di svilire l’uomo. Tucidide VII, 86-87 narra quello che hanno dovuto subire gli Ateniesi dopo la loro sconfitta di fronte ai Siracusani: «I Siracusani e gli alleati, riunitisi, tornarono in città dopo aver raccolto le armi e il maggiore numero di prigionieri che potevano. La massa degli Ateniesi e degli alleati che avevano catturato fu gettata nelle latomie perché così si credeva che sa-
— 16 —
LT A
ZI O
N E
rebbe stato facilissimo sorvegliarli ... Quelli delle latomie furono dapprima trattati con durezza dai Siracusani. Trovandosi, infatti, in un luogo incavato e in uno spazio ristretto, dapprima furono tormentati dal sole e dalla calura perché erano privi di tetto; le notti, poi, che sopraggiungevano autunnali e fredde, con questo mutamento portarono come nuovo fenomeno delle malattie. E siccome per la ristrettezza del luogo i prigionieri facevano ogni cosa nello stesso posto, e per giunta si ammalavano l’uno sull’altro i cadaveri di coloro che morivano per le ferite, gli sbalzi di temperatura, vi erano odori insopportabili ed erano torturati alla fame e dalla sete insieme (che per otto mesi si dettero a ciascuno di loro una cotile d’acqua e due di grano), e tutto quello che era naturale che avessero a soffrire persone gettate in un posto simile, tutto capitò a loro». È difficile leggendo questo racconto di Tucidide non pensare ai campi di concentramento nazisti, a quanto l’uomo moderno ha inventato e inventa per imporre il proprio dominio agli altri. * * *
PE R
C
O
N
SU
L’immenso patrimonio archeologico retaggio dei popoli che hanno fatto la storia del Mediterraneo è minacciato dall’oblio, dall’usura del tempo, dalla speculazione edilizia, da coloro che vedono nelle opere d’arte solo una possibilità di guadagno. Occorre reagire e avrete la possibilità in queste giornate romane di vedere quello che faticosamente tentiamo di fare per preservare la nostra memoria. Il compito che ognuno di noi ha davanti a sé è arduo: restaurare significa impiegare risorse che di questi tempi scarseggiano crudelmente ovunque. Proteggere il territorio vuol dire difenderlo dalla speculazione edilizia e spesso la forza del denaro tende a schiacciare implacabilmente chi intende far applicare le leggi. Combattere i “predatori d’arte” sempre più numerosi, più spregiudicati e in possesso di strumenti sempre più sofisticati è un altro compito che spetta a chi vuole salvare la memoria delle antiche civiltà. Un’opera d’arte, soprattutto un reperto archeologico, è ammirata non solo per la sua intrinseca bellezza ma anche perché è lo specchio di un’epoca e appartiene a un ambiente culturale e storico particolare. Strappare un’opera al contesto nel quale è inserita, vuol dire renderla irrimediabilmente muta. Per apprezzare appieno un capolavoro, occorre collegarlo al contesto che l’ha visto nascere. Lo sforzo di tutti, archeologi, ricercatori, direttori di musei, storici dell’arte deve quindi mirare a ricostruire intorno a ogni opera l’ambiente nel quale è nata ed è stata in seguito depositata. Oggi l’Italia ha la fortuna di poter contare sul Comando Carabinieri Tutela Patrimonio Culturale di cui visiterete la sede domani. Il Comando è
— 17 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
stato istituito il 3 maggio 1969 con l’allora denominazione “Comando Carabinieri Ministero Pubblica Istruzione”. I suoi compiti sono quelli di recuperare le opere d’arte trafugate, di coordinare le indagini, di controllare i siti archeologici terrestri e marini e di gestire un’immensa “Banca dati” relativa ai beni culturali rubati o scomparsi. In questa Banca dati, ad oggi, sono memorizzati quasi 4.000.000 oggetti. Il bilancio del lavoro compiuto è eloquente: tra il 1970 e il 2012 i carabinieri del Comando hanno recuperato centinaia di migliaia opere d’arte e più di 600.000 reperti archeologici che erano stati illegalmente sottratti al patrimonio mondiale. In una Paese come l’Italia, vera e propria potenza mondiale in campo culturale con un esercito composto, per difetto, da oltre cinque milioni di opere catalogate, da centomila chiese, ventimila centri storici, quarantacinquemila castelli e giardini, trentacinquemila dimore storiche, duemila siti archeologici e tremilacinquecento musei tra pubblici e privati, il ruolo del Comando è essenziale. Infatti un così ingente patrimonio è minacciato dall’usura del tempo, dalla speculazione edilizia, dai predatori d’arte. Il Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali, attraverso le Soprintendenze, i restauratori e il personale tutto vigila su questi tesori ma senza l’aiuto del Comando Carabinieri Tutela Patrimonio Culturale, ben difficilmente potrebbe fronteggiare gli innumerevoli attentati alle nostre opere d’arte. Mi rimane solo da augurarVi un felice soggiorno a Roma. Il compito di chi è chiamato a difendere la memoria del Mediterraneo sarà reso più facile se tutti insieme uniamo le nostre forze. Possano queste giornate romane aiutarci a capire che la scomparsa o il degrado di un’opera d’arte è una ferita inferta non soltanto al patrimonio culturale di una nazione ma all’intera umanità.
PE R SU
N
O
C
ZI O
LT A
N E
N E
Maurizio Brunori
ZI O
Accademico dei Lincei and President of EMAN; Dipartimento di Scienze Biochimiche – Sapienza Università di Roma – Piazzale Aldo Moro, 5 00185 Rome, Italy;
[email protected]
LT A
THE MEDITERRANEAN ARCHAEOLOGY COURSE: AN OUTLOOK
PE R
C
O
N
SU
The decision of EMAN’s General Assembly to organize at the Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei in Rome a training course on Mediterranean Archaeology responds to GID-EMAN’s fundamental mission of fostering science and culture in the Mediterranean region and of promoting excellence and social development, thereby attempting to be a driving force to human well being in countries belonging to three continents. Archaeology not only has had a central role in the study of Mediterranean civilizations, but it is an important component of development through cultural tourism, which contributes significantly to the income of several if not all Mediterranean countries. This course was conceived as an opportunity for advanced scientific training and sharing of experiences in archaeological conservation and restoration. It was therefore organized as a combination of frontal lectures by eminent experts (held at the Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei), and hands-on training comprising teaching and practical demonstrations on specific restoration and conservation issues, in a unique and ideal archaeological site, the palace of Emperor Nero called the Domus Aurea. The course was directed to trainees from all Mediterranean countries, selected among people at the post-doc level already committed to archaeology and restoration, preferentially young (around 30-to-40) and with some professional experience. The total number of trainees was 33 coming from 19 different countries; unfortunately no people from Egypt, Greece, Algeria and Lebanon attended. The trainees were awarded a fellowship to cover (by-and-large) their travel and living expenses, thanks to a generous donation of the Fondazione RomaMediterraneo. At the end they were asked to respond to several questions about the course, in order to acquire their feed back and their suggestions.
— 20 — Their written responses were generally very positive and their suggestions very sensible.
N E
* * *
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
The event began on October 8, 2012 at Palazzo Corsini, headquarters of the Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, with the welcome address by the President Prof. Lamberto Maffei, followed by the salute of the Recteur et conseiller d’Etat honoraire Mme Michèle Gendreaux-Massaloux on behalf of the GID; of Gen. Mariano Mossa, Head of the Carabinieri Department for the Protection of the Cultural Heritage; of Prof. Ettore Janulardo for Italy’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs; and of the President of EMAN. The Introduction by Louis Godart, Counsellor of the Presidente della Repubblica Italiana, outlined the historical-cultural context with reference to our roots going back to Greek civilization and the diffusion of culture around the Mediterranean basin; and highlighted the significance of archaeology, restoration and conservation for the cultural and socio-economic growth of all Mediterranean countries. The conference by Christopher Smith, director of the British School of Rome, dealt with the history of Rome before Rome, and focused on the methodological challenges in the process of discrimination between legend and history, emphasizing the essential role of archaeology. Mounir Bouchenaki, eminent archaeologist from Algeria and member of Unesco, provided an overview of the cultural heritage of Rome in the Maghreb, and pointed out the vital role of the superintendents in the defense of archaeological sites through negotiations with the political authorities charged with the mission of defending the archaeological heritage. The conference that followed was delivered by Stefano De Caro, Director General of ICCROM, who dealt with the crucial role of preventive archaeology to reduce and/or avoid the risk of destruction of valuable cultural heritage that often occurs in the course of civil works. Giorgio Croci of the Sapienza University of Rome presented a lucid and rigorous analysis of the fundamental importance of structural and engineering requirements in affecting and somehow dictating the aesthetics of four famous cupola, namely the Pantheon, Santa Sophia, Santa Maria Novella and San Pietro. Eugenio La Rocca of the Sapienza University of Rome delivered his exciting and learned conference on the history, the legends and present day status of the Domus Aurea, the palace of the emperor Nero, nowadays the focus of a major restoration project, and the site chosen for the hands-on activities of the trainees. * * *
— 21 —
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
On October 9th, the trainees were active “in the field”, being accompanied by Prof. La Rocca to the Domus Aurea where Fedora Filippi (Soprintendenza speciale per i Beni Archeologici di Roma) coordinated a series of on-site seminars on the different aspects of the restoration master plan. The group was taken all around the archaeological site where the general strategy of the plan, the complexity of the restoration and the problems related to the structural aspects and the micro-climatic conditions of the whole palace were critically explained by Fedora Filippi and her colleagues Heinz-Jürgen Beste (German Archaeological Institute) and Sandro Massa (National Research Council). The visit was enriched and animated by questions and discussions involving the trainees; and in addition proved of interest for possible working experiences by younger archaeologists and restorers from the various Mediterranean countries. In the afternoon, the trainees were taken to the Comando Carabinieri per la Tutela del Patrimonio Culturale, where the history, the mission and the on going activities of this invaluable unit were illustrated by Col. Dr. Raffaele Mancino, the officer in charge; by Capt. Carmelo M. Manola on the potentialities of the rich computer data base of stolen works of art, and by Capt. Gianpietro Romano with a visit to the caveau, where rescued works of art were kept before being returned to the legal owner. * * *
PE R
C
O
N
Wednesday October 10th Alberta Campitelli (Sovraintendenza ai Beni Culturali di Roma Capitale) dealt with the restoration of two very famous Roman villas, Villa Borghese and Villa Torlonia, highlighting the continuity of the cultural heritage in Rome from pre-history up to date; and demonstrated the role of gardens in the overall artistic setting. The following presentation was by Paola Moscati (Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche, Rome), outlining the potentialities of computational methods for the organization and analysis of the cultural heritage, and illustrating the different data bases and forthcoming developments. Pilar Leòn Alonso from the University of Seville in Spain presented an overall panorama of the role of Roman civilization in the Mediterranean basin, and discussed the essential elements to appreciate the significance of archaeological studies across the different countries. The final considerations by Alain Pasquier of the Louvre, touched with effective and concise style a point of crucial importance for those charged with the final decision concerning if, how and when to proceed with a major restoration; he presented effectively the tormenting difficulty to be faced when restoration of famous statues of the Louvre (the Venere di Milo and the Nike di Samotracia) had to be decided. The closing remarks were
— 22 —
N E
delivered by Guglielmo de’ Giovanni Centelles of the Fondazione RomaMediterraneo, who recalled the fundamental role of cultural continuity and diversity in the Mediterranean countries and the absolute need to maintain and encourage exchange of and collaboration between younger people with no barriers, which was the motivation of the Fondazione Roma-Mediterraneo in sponsoring so generously the course.
ZI O
* * *
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
Additional activities involved a visit conceived by archaeologist Valentina Follo to illustrate the essentials of the topography of ancient Rome, as it emerges nowadays from a professional outlook around the Palatino and the Forum. Finally on Thursday the 11 a private guided visit to the Palazzo Farnese was made possible by the French Ambassador in Italy H.E. Mr. Alain Le Roy and of Mme Catherine Virlouvet, Directrice de l’École française de Rome. The trainees had the privilege to be illustrated the history of the Palace, the Carracci paintings and even the Roman mosaics that have been fairly recently discovered in the basement; the visit ended with a salute to the trainees by H.E. the Ambassador.
N E
Christopher Smith
ZI O
British School at Rome – Via Gramsci, 61 – 00197 Rome, Italy;
[email protected]
LT A
METHODOLOGY AND HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE STUDY OF EARLY ROME (*)
1. The problem 1.1. A modern Anglo-Saxon problem?
PE R
C
O
N
SU
It is well known that in the English-speaking world, there has been a strong tendency to find the period of early Roman history to be largely based on myth and legend, and not open to the kind of critical historical thinking which can be applied to the period of the second Punic War and beyond. This approach can be seen from the absence of early Roman history from most university curricula. This prevailing scepticism is somewhat at odds with the approach in Italy, and it requires some reflection. Let us begin with a representative quotation, from a recent monograph by Gary Forsythe, entitled A Critical History of Early Rome from Prehistory to the First Punic War (1), 3: «the overall approach adopted throughout this volume is rather critical toward the general reliability of the surviving ancient sources on early Roman history». This is a mildly stated version. Others have been far more critical, and this arises from but also contributes to a general view of the nature of Roman historiography. Woodman argued that we underestimate the extent to which the Romans were dependent on rhetorical strategies to construct his-
(*) This is a largely unrevised version of the paper read at the GID-EMAN Advance Training Course on Mediterranean Archaeology in October 2012; I am grateful to the organisers for the invitation to participate. (1) G. Forsythe, A Critical History of Early Rome from Prehistory to the First Punic, California 2005.
— 24 —
LT A
1.2. The gap between sources and events
ZI O
N E
tories; it was not simply a matter of taking a structural fact and adding the rhetorical color; the rhetoric could in fact be all there really was. Moses Finley summed this up nicely: «the ability of the ancients to invent and their capacity to believe are persistently underestimated» (2). This is not new, and the intention of this brief paper is to outline the methodological issues. Over a century and a half ago, in a trenchant critique, G. Cornewall Lewis wrote: «If therefore we require that a historical account should rest on the testimony of known and assignable witnesses whose credibility can be scrutinized and judged we shall find ourselves compelled to withhold our belief from the history of Rome down to the landing of Pyrrhus in Italy in the year 473 from the building of the city or 281 BC» (3).
PE R
C
O
N
SU
Finley again puts the problem clearly: «it is our incurable weakness that we completely and absolutely lack primary literary sources for Roman history down to about 300 BC and that we have very few available to us for another century. So did Livy and the other later Roman writers (apart from a handful of miscellaneous and often unintelligible documents)» (4). This takes us directly to the nature of the sources which existed for early Roman history, and we can arrive at this from both ends as it were; what we know about the origins of factual information, and what we read in the surviving sources, all of which are much later than the events described. Fabius Pictor, Rome’s first historian, wrote around 200 BC. The kinds of evidence which may have survived from antiquity seems to have been characterised by the ancients themselves largely in terms of lists. The most basic of all may derive from the ceremony of a nail driven into the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus on the Capitoline every year, which would give a basic count. The most significant is the tabula dealbata on which the pontifices wrote the critical events of the year. These may have contributed to the construction of the Annales Maximi early in the first century BC (5). How-
(2)
M. I. Finley, Ancient History: Evidence and Models, London 1985, 9; A. J. Woodman, Rhetoric in Classical Historiography: Four Studies, London 1988. (3) An Inquiry into the Credibility of the Early Roman History, London 1855, 255. (4) M. I. Finley, Ancient History: Evidence and Models, London 1985, 10. (5) Gell. 2.28. 6 uerba Catonis ex originum quarto haec sunt: non lubet scribere quod in tabula apud pontificem maximum est, quotiens annona cara, quotiens lunae aut solis lumine caligo aut quid obstiterit. (Cato’s words from the fourth book of the Origins are as follows: I do not care to write what is on the tablet at the house of the Pontifex Maximus, how often grain was expensive, how often darkness, or whatever, obscured the light of the moon or sun); Cic. de orat. 2.52 (M. Antonius speaking) erat enim historia nihil aliud nisi annalium confectio, cuius rei ¬memoriaeque pub-
— 25 —
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
ever, there may have been other lists; records were kept in the temple of Ceres Liber Liberaque (6); there must have been some kind of treasury account, perhaps maintaining information on the triumphs, which ended in the deposition of booty in the temple of Jupiter again, and there were family histories too. Although these are often decried as being full of misrepresentation and inaccuracies, the extent to which they can have simply invented Roman history may be questioned. First, the existence of other family histories must have reduced the space to claim things which others could claim; second, the histories will have had to be to some extent aligned to the other existing records; third, a harder look seems to suggest that the two major crimes were claiming to be part of a family which is represented in the early records when in fact there was no family connection, simply a shared name; and questions over achievement in office. It is likely therefore that as Cornell wrote, the Roman historians if anything had a great deal of evidence at their disposal; the difficulty they had was making it coherent and readable. Annalistic history was to some extent a process of at one and the same time creating a coherent story by excluding information, and writing that story in an entertaining and stylistic way (7). Looked at from another point of view, from what we see in the sources, these processes produced a consistent account, in which there was considerable agreement amongst the sources. A good summary of this is given by Stephen Oakley in his magisterial commentary on Livy Books 6-10 (8). He looks at a series of groups of information, and shows that there is considerable agreement amongst the sources; and that the amount of information is substantial and grows over time. His groups include:
C
O
Consular lists from 366 to 293 B.C. Dictators from 420 to 293 B.C.
PE R
licae retinendae causa ab initio rerum Romanarum usque ad P. Mucium pontificem maximum res omnis singulorum annorum mandabat litteris pontifex maximus efferebatque in album et proponebat tabulam domi, potestas ut esset populo cognoscendi, eique etiam nunc annales maximi nominantur. (For history was nothing other than the compilation of annual notices, for the sake of which, and to maintain a public record, right from the beginning of Roman affairs until P. Mucius was Pontifex Maximus, the Pontifex Maximus used to commit to writing all the affairs of each year by copying them on to a white board, and post the board at his home, so that it should be possible for the people to acquaint themselves with it, and even now these are called Annales Maximi). See B. W. Frier, Libri Annales Pontificum Maximorum: The Origins of the Annalistic Tradition, Arbor 1999. (6) Livy 3.55.13. (7) For the historical record, see T.J. Cornell, The Value of the Literary Tradition Concerning Archaic Rome, in K. Raaflaub (ed.), Social Struggles in Archaic Rome, Berkeley 1986, 52- 76; Id. The Beginnings of Rome, London 1995, 1-30; for the epigraphic record see Id. The tyranny of the evidence: a discussion of the possible uses of literacy in Etruria and Latium in the archaic age, in Literacy in the Roman World, JRA Suppl. 3, Ann Arbor 1991, 7-33. (8) S. P. Oakley, A Historical Commentary on Livy Books VI - X , Oxford 1997-2005, 1.38-72.
— 26 —
N E
Interreges from 509 to 291 B.C. (9) Censors before 293 B.C. (10) Praetors, aediles and minor magistracies (11) Triumphs 389 - 293 B.C. (12) A variety of “general annalistic notices” concerning electoral business, shortages of food, plagues, Lectisternia, consultation of Sibylline books, votive games, prodigies, vowing, building and dedication of temples, creation of new tribes, obscure place names.
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
Taken as a whole, this evidence is so complex and diverse that an argument that it was invented from nothing seems difficult to sustain, and there is no reason in principle not to assume that the Romans had a culture of record-keeping. There are however serious issues over the date from which one can begin to trust the sources in this way. Livy himself claimed that many records were destroyed in the sack of Rome by the Gauls in 390 BC, and although he may be exaggerating, there are problems with the account of the fifth century which we have. My view would be that these problems reflect complex times and poorer survival of evidence rather than wholesale ignorance and invention. But the regal period remains a different kind of problem, because the lists of evidence appear less relevant in the context of the regal world. We do not hear of magistrates or triumphs by anyone but the king. Even the patrician families like the Claudii and Fabii are absent; they have difficult connections to the patricians of the Republic and other families are not mentioned. So the nature of what one can believe about the regal period is different from what we can believe about the Republican period, and this qualitative shift in the nature of the evidence has encouraged scepticism.
(9)
Livy 10.11.10 says: eo anno - nec traditur causa - interregnum initum, implying a list. See D. Hal. 1.74.5 for a claim that detailed records were maintained. (11) See Festus 458 L: Sati
dum in Samnio captum est: quo iam deduxerunt triumviri M. Valerius Corvus, Iunius Scaeva, P. Fulvius Longus ex senatus consulto Kal. Ianuaris P. (sic) Papirio Cursore, C. Iunio II cos. (313 B.C.); this commission is not mentioned in the sources, and so implies the existence of information which could not be fitted into their accounts. (12) The major discrepancy here is the poor information preserved on provinces, which may relate to the timing and process for allocation of provinces by lot, on which see R. Stewart, Public Office in Early Rome: Ritual Procedure and Political Practice, Michigan 1998. (10)
— 27 —
2. History of the subject
ZI O
N E
As Grandazzi showed in a wonderful account, The Foundation of Rome: Myth and History (13), the history of how we have studied and approached early Rome shows that it has been for centuries a testing ground for the methodology of ancient history, and this is important because it should encourage us not to shy away from the subject but to engage more closely with it. In fact, one could argue that early Rome was one of the testing grounds for the development of the discipline of ancient history.
LT A
2.1. Pyrrhonism and Early Rome
PE R
C
O
N
SU
In 1738, L. Beaufort in his Dissertation sur l’incertitudes cinq premiers siecles de l’histoire romaine (14) wrote: «It will not be surprising that we are so little enlightened about the origin of Rome and the times close to it, since Rome was for five hundred years without historians, since the first it had were inexact, and since almost all the monuments which could have supplemented the historians’ failings and recorded the principal events were lost in the fire that consumed the city after it was taken by the Gauls». This is a perfect example of the application of the empiricism (or Pyrrhonism) which had developed in the 16th century to history. Doubt was actively encouraged. The capacity to question what the sources actually meant to say, to locate discrepancies and agendas, to identify gaps and uncertainties, all were underpinned by the development of a new conception of knowledge and the stricter proofs required. Whilst Perizonius (1651-1715) hoped to use the references to carmina convivalia to claim an oral tradition underpinning the late historical sources, de Beaufort and others like Adam Fergusson would see in this the admission of inevitably distorting kinds of evidence into history. Early Roman history had begun to be doubted (15).
(13)
A. Grandazzi, The Foundation of Rome: Myth and History, Cornell 1997. L. Beaufort, Dissertation sur l’incertitudes cinq premiers siecles de l’histoire romaine, Utrecht 1738. (15) H. J. Erasmus, The Origins of Rome in Historiography from Petrarch to Perizonius, Assen 1962; rev. A. Momigliano, Terzo contributo alla storia degli studi classici e del mondo antico, Rome 1966, II, 769-776. (14)
— 28 — 2.2. German scholarship rescues Early Rome
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
However, there was a reaction, and it came with arguably the first modern Roman historian, Niebuhr. A diplomat, Niebuhr thought long and hard about the ways in which the Romans may have constructed their history. He was profoundly aware of the problems, but his tendency was to try to see how they had arisen and how they might be resolved. This fresh approach led to his remarkable historical enterprise, which went some way to recovering the potential of early Roman history. Perhaps Niebuhr’s greatest claim was that the confusions we see in the sources are the product of the different traditions which they were using. In other words, one could at least begin to unravel the background to how the sources were operating, and where they might have been on more secure ground. It was an exercise in detection, and Niebuhr’s great work was one of the first to show how history could be conducted without simple credulity or total scepticism. He was explicit too in his fascinating lectures, which were translated into English: «Such falsifications accumulate, become interwoven with one another and in the end produce a strange confusion. We may collect the rich materials though they are widely scattered because party spirit prevented their being united and by the process of criticism we may discover the constitution and character of the Roman nation and in general outlines give their history down to the time at which we have the contemporary Records of the Greeks that is to the war with Pyrrhus and the first Punic war. Much will indeed remain obscure in our investigations but we can accurately distinguish where this must be so and where not» (16). Niebuhr was at least partly persuaded by Perizonius’ theory, and although he changed his mind over time, he clung to a belief that the Roman account of military conquest and political developments could be at least partially uncovered because of the existence of an oral tradition. This was fundamentally a work of source criticism, Quellenkritik. What was there in Livy, for instance, which might be thought to return to a quasi-poetic origin? The problem with this was well exposed by Momigliano. Not only are serious doubts to be entertained about these ballads, but they also congregate more in the Republic than in the regal period, and they betray the impact of Greek historiography, and the differentiation between what came from a ballad, and what came from another kind of source (or no source) but was made to sound like a ballad is for us impossible.
(16) B. G. Niebuhr, Lectures on the History of Rome, third edition, London 1852 I.13; A. Momigliano, Perizonius, Niebuhr and the character of early Roman tradition, JRS 47 (1957), 104-14; R. Bridenthal, Was There a Roman Homer? Niebuhr’s Thesis and Its Critics, History and Theory 11. 2 (1972), 193-213.
— 29 —
LT A
ZI O
N E
Niebuhr was surpassed in many respects by his compatriot Mommsen. It was Mommsen whose indefatigable research coincided with the professionalism of the discipline of ancient history in Germany, and it was Mommsen who garnered the respect and admiration of British scholars. He was silent about the carmina convivalia, and his silence was telling. Mommsen pursued an entirely different approach, a history rooted in institutions. For Mommsen, the study of institutions, and of Staatsrecht, held the key to early Rome. For Mommsen, one got to early Rome through looking at how the institutions of the Republic must have begun, if they were to have a logical constitutional development. That theory too of course is disputable. Mommsen smoothed out the messiness of constitutional development and may have over-emphasised the rationality of the Romans. However, with these two great examples, the study of early Roman history began to take shape between accounts rooted in the development of institutions and those which sought to reconstruct the sequence of events (17).
2.3. Early Rome between Italy and Britain in the 20th century
PE R
C
O
N
SU
Both sides had their champions in Italy and Britain. One of the greatest was de Sanctis, who followed to some extent Niebuhr’s line against Mommsen, and in a sense so did Pais. Pais was profoundly sceptical about early Roman history, and saw it largely as retrojected from subsequent periods. However, this approach, characterised as hypercritical and condemned also in part because of Pais’ political affiliations, was nonetheless rooted in the study of the sources as histories. In due course, the development of literary approaches to historians such as Livy have taken this source criticism into a slightly different place. In the first instance, we have come to appreciate the skill of Livy as a literary writer. Intertexts, poetic allusions, structural organisation, the deployment of a range of tools to imply Livy’s authority, even when expressing doubt, have all shown him to be properly part of the highly intelligent and committed generation of writers in the triumviral and early Augustan period. The downside perhaps is that the concentration on the contemporary resonances of Livy’s work suggests that Livy’s history is simply there to illustrate his
(17)
Some useful thoughts in H. Bruhns, J-M. David, W. Nippel (eds) Die späte Römische Republik = La fin de la République romaine: un débat franco-allemand d’histoire et d’historiographie, Ecole française de Rome 1997.
— 30 —
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
moral and political message. Finding the balance between Livy as a historian and Livy as an Augustan writer is difficult (18). Bonfante on the Italian side, and Last on the British, were closer to Mommsen. One a lawyer, the other a historian, both tended to follow the view that it was by studying institutions that one was most likely to recover key information about the early Roman period. Yet even Last did not influence the Oxford curriculum to consider early Roman history as anything more than a forerunner to the Republic (19). One of the few historians to be able to manage to combine both sides was, perhaps fittingly, an Italian who spent most of his academic career in England, Arnaldo Momigliano (20). Momigliano saw the necessity to combine the antiquarian knowledge which collected facts in a largely synchronic way, and was to a degree more suited to the institutional approach to history, and the ancient historian’s diachronic instincts (21). He saw that it was probably futile to try to hunt inside a text like Livy for different strands, because of the long process of flattening out the record, and Livy’s capacity, no doubt shared by his predecessors, to imitate and to vary styles so as to render his account more interesting. On the other hand, he was assiduous in looking for the other stray bits and pieces of evidence which hinted at other sources and alternative ideas. For a short while, early Roman history seemed to be gaining ground.
N
2.4. The Widening Gap
PE R
C
O
Paradoxically, the reason why the debate has re-emerged is because of a huge increase in the available knowledge thanks to archaeology. This has encouraged a much greater degree of attention on the period. Excavations in the Forum Boarium seemed to indicate the presence of a temple which might have been Servius Tullius’ temple to Fortune. The huge foundations of the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus told a story about a Rome of a
(18)
Good accounts of Livy include M. Jaeger, Livy’s Written Rome, Ann Arbor, 1997 and A. Feldherr, Spectacle and Society in Livy’s History, Berkeley 1998); see also J. D. Chaplin and C. S. Kraus (eds) Livy, Oxford 2009. For a broader account of Augustan treatments of origin myths see J. A. Rea, Legendary Rome: Myth, Monuments and Memory on the Palatine and Capitoline, Duckworth 2007. (19) C. Stray (ed.) Oxford Classics: Teaching and Learning 1800–2000, Duckworth 2007. (20) T. J. Cornell, Momigliano and the origins of Rome, in L. Polverini (ed.) Arnaldo Momigliano nella Storiografia del Novecento, Rome 2006, 181-98. (21) See his famous article, Ancient History and the Antiquarian, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Vol. 13, No. 3/4 (1950), 285-315, and recently P. N. Miller (ed.), Momigliano and Antiquarianism: Foundations of the Modern Cultural Sciences, Toronto 2007.
— 31 —
ZI O
N E
different degree of grandeur. Equally significant, the exploration of the territory near Rome appear to have showed signs of the growing expansion of Roman power, and this has been coupled with the growth in knowledge about Etruscan towns and especially their settlement. The 8th to 6th centuries BC are better known than ever before (22). This has not however prevented a continuing scepticism, and indeed the sound of that scepticism has become all the louder as archaeologists have sought to harness the historical record to their evidence. Early Rome has thus become one of the most interesting testing grounds for one of the most challenging of questions; precisely how may one combine archaeological and historical evidence? (23).
LT A
3. The contribution of archaeology 3.1. What can archaeology tell us? – Methodology
C
O
N
SU
Much has been written of course on the relationship between history and archaeology. For the most part, archaeologists have been keen to free themselves from the straitjacket of history, denying archaeology’s role as the ‘handmaiden of history’, a particularly unfortunate formulation we owe to Ivor Noel Hume in 1969. However, if the archaeologists prefer not to be seen as simply providing information for this historians, historians have to be careful not to grab archaeological evidence as simply proof of their hypotheses. «Archaeology is not history armed with a spade» (24).
PE R
(22) The fundamental starting point remains the exhibition catalogue La Grande Roma dei Tarquini, Rome 1990; see recently G.M. Della Fina (ed.) La grande Roma dei Tarquini (Atti del XVII Convegno Internazionale di Studi sulla Storia e l’Archeologia dell’Etruria, 2009). (23) For a persistently skeptical line, see J. Poucet, Recherches sur la legend sabine des origines de Rome, Louvain 1967; Les origines de Rome, Brussels 1985; Les rois de Rome. Tradition et histoire, Brussels 2000. The most thorough-going combination of historical and archaeological evidence has been made by A. Carandini, La nascita di Roma: dèi, lari, eroi e uomini all’alba di una civiltà, Rome 1997; (ed.) Roma: Romolo, Remo e la fondazione della città, Milan 2000; Remo e Romolo: dai rioni dei Quiriti alla città dei Romani, (775/750-700/675 a.C. circa), Turin 2006; Roma: Il primo giorno, Rome 2007. (24) E. W. Sauer (ed.) Archaeology and Ancient History: Breaking Down the Boundaries, London 2004, 17. The idea is far from new: Cf. C. Newton, On the Study of Archaeology, Arch. Jnl. 8 (1851), 1-26 at 25-6: ‘He who would master the manifold subject-matter of Archaeology, and appreciate its whole range and compass, must possess a mind in which the reflective and perceptive faculties are duly balanced; he must combine with the aesthetic culture of the Artist, and the trained judgement of the Historian, not a little of the learning of the Philologer; the plodding
— 32 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
We can quickly identify some methodological problems, and here my focus is very much on the prehistoric Italian context. First, the chronology of history and the chronology of archaeology are different. Archaeology constructs its chronologies by a combination of mechanisms, many of them, such as the pace of typological change, being highly subjective. We need to remember all the plus or minus numbers which precede chronological ranges. It is rare for archaeology to be able to find a very clear comparison between its evidence and a historical date (25). We should also remember thought that the historical dates are also suspect. How did the Romans know that Rome was founded on April 21 753 BC? The answer of course is that they did not know anything of the kind. First, the day is simply the day of a festival, the Parilia, associated – we know not when – with the foundation. Second, the date is a construction, based on entirely spurious grounds, to give a year not miles off the first Olympic Games and the beginning of datable Greek history. It is not irrelevant either to note that the Romans like all the ancients counted forwards not backwards. There was an assumption of the necessity of a year one, but no date in the regal period has any likelihood of being correct (even the fall of the monarchy is differently dated) (26). Finally, the ancients had no capacity whatsoever to match their dating onto the archaeological record. They did not look at pottery or terracotta decoration and suppose it to be sixth century in date. Any chronological connections can in that sense only be fortuitous, and all the more so the further back one goes. Second, literary historians were written by an elite for an elite. Archaeological evidence is sometimes also the trace of an elite, but one cannot assume that the conceptions of the elite in the historians were the same as those we see in the archaeological evidence. As a simple example, the literary evidence refers to kings, and the archaeological evidence shows very wealthy tombs, which are often called princely (‘tombe principesche’), but there is nothing in the sources really about this society, and how it operated, and as we have mentioned above, the Roman aristocracy is practically invisible under the kings. At the same time, archaeology also tells us about a range of activities undertaken by a range of agents. Again, this is beyond the reach of the his-
drudgery which gathers together his material must not blunt the critical acuteness required for their classification and interpretation’. (25) For recent debates about early Iron Age Italian chronology see J. Van Der Plicht, H. Bruins, A. Nijboer The Iron Age Around the Mediterranean: A High Chronology Perspective from the Groningen Radiocarbon Database, Radiocarbon 51, 2009 and subsequent responses in 2011. (26) See now D. Feeney, Caesar’s Calendar: Ancient Time and the Beginnings of History, Berkeley 2007.
— 33 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
torical sources. Livy has not the slightest conception of the characteristics or activities of the producers and users of early coarseware. Third, the ancient historians on the whole describe events. On the whole, archaeology is much better at revealing structures. With the imprecise dating of the material culture, coupled with the greater comparative capacity across several different sites (most leaving hardly any trace in the historical accounts), archaeology is much better at describing long term broad regional developments. Interestingly, archaeology also sometimes shows that the historical obsession with event may have been at odds with the truth. The evidence from Satricum (Suessa Pometia) for instance shows moments of destruction, but also shows a continuity which one might not have expected from the sources who emphasise captures and razing of cities, when in fact what happened may have been far more temporary and transient (27). Fourth, we have to take account of the fact that historical knowledge evolved over time. The accretion of stories and the determination to explain led to the expansion of the historical record. So when archaeologists take what is said in the first century BC as a description of a building in its eighth or seventh century phase, we must be cautious. This is particularly the case with topography. It does not seem to me reasonable to assume that the topographical account was fossilised. It must have evolved over time, as buildings and their used evolved. There is therefore a mismatch between topographical description and archaeological discovery. How serious that is will vary from case to case. Fifth and finally, there are the unknown unknowns. Even the Roman forum has not been thoroughly excavated, and the amount of information which has been lost for good, or has not yet been found, cannot be really quantified. One to one associations of literary and archaeological evidence are bedevilled by the fragmented nature of the evidence on both sides. Just as an example, the identification of the ‘hut of Romulus’ with post holes on the Palatine is tempting. However, the specific postholes were not seen by anyone in the late Republic because they were covered by the podium in front of the temples of Magna Mater and Victory. Nor could any hut have stood on that spot after that construction. So there must have been many huts around in the early period, and the tradition therefore of the hut of Romulus is a constructed fiction.
(27)
See this topic, M. Gnade, Satricum in the post-archaic period: a case study of the interpretation of archaeological remains as indicators of ethno-cultural identity, Leuven 2002.
— 34 — 3.2. The development of a modern archaeology of early Rome
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
It would be unfair to characterise the archaoelogical work of recent years as insignificant for the historical understanding of early Rome however. As Cifani’s synthesis of the evidence showed, the quantity of material we know have is substantial and we are able to draw conclusions about the significance of Rome as a political and militry player in central Italy (28). Moreover, alongside new discoveries we may also reflect on the importance of reconsidering the old finds. The work of, for example, Boni remains crucial to our understanding of the Roman forum, so it is vital to understand how he worked and what he actually found (29). This combination of new discoveries and revisited older ones gives a rich but often confusing picture, especially when combined with the literary evidence. There can be no question that Rome in the sixth century was a remarkable place; Pasquali’s old reference to La Grande Roma dei Tarquini sums up perfectly both the striking evidence of archaeology and the problematic relationship to the sources. Who were the Tarquins? Was Rome theirs and in what sense? How long did they rule at Rome? Where was everyone else? What was the nature of their power? None of this is evident from the archaeological evidence and it is unlikely that it ever could be. Yet it is a telling indication of the gap between historical and archaeological evidence. Nothing in the archaeology proves the existence of the Tarquins, and indeed the closest we come is an inscription on the François Tomb at Vulci referring to a Tarquin from Rome, who is engaged in a story which has no intelligible parallel in the literary sources (30).
3.3. The Regia
PE R
C
To give an example of the problems which emerge when archaeology and text meet, let us briefly consider the Regia. This building in the Forum was excavated by F. E. Brown, but never properly published. The site was the subject of topographical work by Coarelli as part of his volumes on the
(28) G. Cifani, Architettura romana arcaica: Edilizia e società tra Monarchia e Reppublica, Rome 2008; see also S. Stoddart, G. Cifani (eds) Landscape, Ethnicity, Identity in the Archaic Mediterranean Area, Oxford 2012. (29) A. Capodiferro, P. Fortini (eds) Gli scavi di Giacomo Boni al Foro Romano: documenti dall’archivio disegni della Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma, Rome 2003. (30) Cneve Tarcunies Rumac; see F. Buranelli (ed.) La tomba François di Vulci: mostra organizzata in occasione del centocinquantesimo anniversario della fondazione del Museo Gregoriano Etrusco (1837-1987), Città del Vaticano, Braccio di Carlo Magno, 20 marzo-17 maggio 1987, Rome 1987.
— 35 —
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
Forum. Recently, further excavations in the area have been undertaken in the Atrium of the Vestals nearby (31). The Regia as we usually think of it is a trapezoidal building. Its first phase was constructed following a flood, over huts, c. 625 BC. The third phase c 590-80 has produced the most striking material, with one of the earliest decorated roofs we know, with pediments, raking sima, revetment plaques, disk acroteria. There was a fourth phase c 530 BC, and around the end of the sixth century the building settled into the form it retained throughout the Republic (32). What do we know about kings and why do we associate them with this building? The sources are clear that kings existed at Rome, and this receives confirmation from the discovery of the word recei on the Lapis Niger inscription at Rome. This inscription, found in the comitium area, and marked by a black stone when the ground level rose to cover it over, looks to be an early political inscription, but it remains obscure (33). However, there is no mistaking the inscription on a piece of bucchero underneath the Regia itself with the word REX. This presumably marks the ownership of the pottery service (34). Other indications can be taken to demonstrate that this building must be – at least – connected with the Regia, notably Serv. Aen. 8.363 who places it in radicibus Palatii finisbuque Romani fori, and other sources who describe it as near the complex of Vesta (35). So far so good, but what happened at the Regia? And what did the Romans believe about the history of the building?
PE R
C
O
(31) F. M. Nichols, La Regia, RM 1 (1886) 94-8; H. Jordan, Gli edifice antichi fra il tempio di Faustina a l’atrio di Vesta, RM 1 (1886) 99-111; F. Coarelli, Il foro romano I: Periodo arcaico, Rome 1983, 57-79; T. J. Cornell, The Beginnings of Rome: Italy and Rome from the Bronze Age to the Punic Wars (c. 1000 -264 BC), London 1995, 239-41; N. Arvanitis, Il Santuario di Vesta: La Casa delle Vestali e il Tempio di Vesta VIII sec. a.C. – 64 d.C. Rapporto preliminare, Pisa 2010. Compare the rather different account R. T. Scott (ed) Excavations in the Area Sacra of Vesta (1987-1996), MAAR Suppl. 8, Michigan 2009; for comparisons see M. Torelli, Regiae d’Etruria e del Lazio e immaginario figurato del potere, in Russell T. Scott and Ann Reynolds Scott (eds) Eius virtutis studiosi: Classical and Postclassical Studies in Memory of Frank Edward Brown (1908-1988), Washington DC 1993, 85-121. (32) See Cifani (2008), 126-35 for a summary; cf. S. B. Downey, Architectural Terracottas from the Regia, (Papers and Monographs of the American Academy in Rome, 30, Michigan 1995); N. Winter Symbols of wealth and power: architectural terracotta decoration in Etruria and Central Italy, 640-510 B.C. (Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. Supplementary volume 9, Michigan 2009). (33) R. E. A. Palmer, The King and the Comitium, Wiesbaden 1969. (34) Conveniently at La Grande Roma dei Tarquini, Rome 1990, 22-5. (35) Note also the argument of R. D. Rees, Revisiting Evander at Aeneid 8.363, CQ 46 (1996): 583-586 that Aeneas and Evander use the Regia in the forum, not as many scholars used to suggest, Augustus’ house on the Palatine.
— 36 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
The Regia contained the Sacrarium Martis, where the blood collected from the horse sacrifice known as the Equus October was stored; it was the place where the shields of the Salian priests were hung, and it was the sanctuary of Ops Consiva (36). The Salian priests were supposed to have been created by Numa, and the shields made to conceal the identity of one shield which had fallen from heaven. Similarly, the Vestal Virgins were a college whose foundation was attributed to Numa. It is therefore extremely tempting to see considerable significance in the discovery of eighth century finds under the Atrium of the Vestals nearby, which include huts and burials, some of which have been thought to be of a ritual nature (37). The sources tend to place Romulus in the hut on the Palatine; it is Numa who builds his house in the Forum. Moreover it looks increasingly likely that the domestic elements of the Regia were indeed in the complex of the Vestals. We seem to have a large complex of buildings, which subsequently housed the pontifex maximus; suggestion that the rex had been usurped by the later kings, and reduced to a sacrificial role, which he maintained, although it was increasingly passed on to the pontifices. The Regia – or Brown’s Regia as it is sometimes called – looks more as if it served only as a repository of sacred activity. This coherent set of arguments are highly satisfying, but as we conclude our argument and look back at the methodological underpinnings we have discussed, we should be clear about what the archaeological discoveries do and do not prove. First, they do not prove the existence of king Numa. In fact, it is hard to see that the evidence has anything directly to do with Numa at all. Striking as the coincidence of date and place may seem to be for the early finds, continuity of ufnction between the earlier phase and the archaic 6th century material cannot be demonstrated. What we have is an old complex of buildings with clear connections in the historical period to the Vestals, the pontifex maximus and the rex sacrorum, a mysterious role which was maintained throughout the Republic and seems in some sense to have represented the remaining religious roles of the kings. At the point when the Romans started to represent Numa as the king who had initiated most of the religious customs of Rome, it was natural enough for them to place Numa in this part of the city. However, we cannot say whether the king emerged from an explanation of ceremony and topography, or whether the connection was historical, and even if it was historical, there would have to be some doubt as to whether it could have survived from the eighth (36) Equus October, Festus 190L, Plut. QR 97; ancilia of the Salii; sanctuary of Ops Consiva (Varro, LL 6.21); CIL I2 p214-5 = VI 2295 = Degrassi Fasti p. 502. (37) D. Filippi, Dalla Domus Regia al Foro: Depositi di Fondazione e di obliterazione nella prima età regia, Sc. Ant. 14.2 (2007-8), 617-38.
— 37 —
4. Conclusion
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
century. Numa’s dates are peculiarly contested, since although the Romans placed him in what we call the eighth century, as the successor of Romulus, that is a product of their chronological schema more than it is of any evidence, one suspects, and it is contradicted by the other claim that Numa was a disciple of Pythagoras, who lived a century or more later. What does seem clear is that the Romans regarded this area as of particular sanctity, and that they preserved that tradition, and indeed regarded this as in some sense of place of memory. After all, the tabula dealbata which we have suggested was the key mechanism whereby historical memory was passed down during the Republic, was posted at the house of the Pontifex Maximus, in the domus Publica by the sanctuary of the Vestals. Just as the sanctuary of Juno Moneta seems to have had a role in recordkeeping, and just as the sanctuary of Ceres Liber Liberaque was designated as the place where plebeian records were kept, so this area in the Forum was connected with the preservation of both Rome’s sacred hearth, and its annual records (38). What is striking is that it is institutions, the colleges of the Salii and the Vestals, the roles of rex sacrorum and pontifex maximus, which seem to have been most instrumental in preserving the sorts of memories and ideas which resonated in this part of the city. In a passage which may derive from Varro, a later Roman author Solinus gives an account of where the later Roman kings lived, and they all moved further and further from the Regia (39). It is the religious figures that maintain the memory, but it is also part of the nature of institutions to invent and develop their prehistory. If later phases of construction respected earlier phases, they may also gave invested them with new meaning, meaning which became tradition, and then became historicised.
Early Roman history has had an important role in the construction of methodologies in ancient history. The problematic nature of the sources to an extent forces methodological care, and it is therefore an excellent case study. The additional and hugely important contribution made by archaeology also makes early Roman history particularly interesting.
(38)
Ceres Liber Liberaque, Livy 3.55; Juno Moneta, see A. Meadows, J. Williams, Moneta and the Monumenta: Coinage and Politics in Republican Rome, JRS 91 (2001), 27-49. (39) Solinus 1.21.
— 38 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
This evidence needs to be handled with great care. The Regia for instance is a site which is both prehistoric and historic; its earliest phases belong to a period where there was very little writing, but it was caught up over time in the complex transformations of the understanding of the Roman forum. Brown’s Regia was rebuilt by Cn. Domitius Calvinus (a supporter of Julius Caesar) in 36 BC ex manubiis (40). Livy would certainly have known of the gleaming new building in Luna marble, overshadowed by the aedes Divi Julii. Julius Caesar had had his own residence here as Pontifex Maximus. The different phases need to be understood in the light of the specifically relevant information and reading across from one kind of evidence to the other is not straightforward. But equally it diminishes the richness of what we know if we rely solely on evidence as evidence for its own time, and the major question we continue to run up against is the nature and extent of continuity from prehistoric to historic times – if one prefers, the characteristics of ancient memory. The Regia too was part of a complex which itself generated and preserved history. To return to the beginning: we have to read the sources within their own context, and we have to look for the sites of contest, but we also have to understand those sources as commenting upon each other and as part of a highly sophisticated investigation. We may neither be as sceptical as Beaufort, or as certain as Niebuhr, but there is so much exciting work still to do. The study of early Roman history and archaeology is not simple, but it should remain a methodological testing ground, as it has been from the seventeenth century onwards.
(40)
Dio 48.42.4-6; see also Pliny NH 34.48; CIL VI 1301 = ILS 42; EphEp. III 265-7.
N E
Pilar León
ZI O
Departamento de Prehistoria y Arqueología – Universidad de Sevilla Doña María De Padilla, s/n – 41004 Sevilla, España; [email protected]
ARTISTIC PROJECTION OF ROME IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (*)
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
The Mediterranean is a well-suited geographical setting for interactions. An extensive and continuous southern shoreline, a northern coast divided into three large peninsulas, and numerous islands in between these, constitute a favourable context for navigation and controlled movements. These took place from the earliest times, thus explaining the contacts between the different coastal populations. However, despite the common Mediterranean denominator, the intensity of these contacts did not overcome the diversity of the cultural idiosyncrasies and political and economic interests. From these stemmed the conflicts and tensions which culminated in the NorthSouth confrontation between Rome and Carthage. The victory of Rome imposed a truly new order, which brought political, economic, administrative and cultural unity to the Mediterranean. Although the geographic scale allowed the existence of intrinsic peculiarities to be maintained, it is also true that for the first time these became diluted under the hegemony of Rome, which from the outset aimed to impose homogeneity on the conquered peoples and territories, the provinces. Art, artistic and monumental manifestations, were the visible face of this homogeneity, as well as serving other equally important purposes and functions. The approaches to the understanding of Roman provincial art have evolved considerably in recent times. Perhaps the most notable development is the acknowledgement of the provincial artistic phenomena as a source of knowledge for the Roman model. Thus provincial Roman art has emerged as the Art of Rome in the provinces, the quality of which is in some cases much greater than has previously been believed. This is the case in the Mediterranean provinces.
(*)
Translation by Ruth Taylor.
— 40 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
The artistic projection of Rome on the provinces was based on the spread of classical culture. The Greek cultural ideal was metabolized and directly assumed by Rome, while in the provinces, as satellites of Rome, it was received second-hand. For this reason, the projection of the image emitted by the Urbs always had the same intensity, while its reception in the provinces varied depending on the respective situations. The West developed a very strong mimesis of this model, while in the East its acceptation was limited by the weight of the local traditions, which guaranteed some degree of autonomy. Whatever the situation, it should be clear that the inhabitants of the provinces gave priority to the presence of the model, the message or the sign over the results obtained from their reproduction, thus originating the qualitative distance from the Roman model. Sculpture, and particularly portrait sculpture, is one of the most revealing fields in this regard. Paul Zanker has shown that from a single starting point, the Roman model advanced along different paths influenced by the local artistic traditions. Through this filter of local traditions, the results varied between contexts. Greece and Cyrene tended to beautify and simplify the image, following a taste for classicism and classical simplicity. Asia Minor followed the pathetic tradition, unbroken since the time of Alexander, and represented the local idea of monarchical power rather than the ideology characteristic of the Principality. The North of Africa turned to hieratism, the rigidity of the forms and the colossal format, to portray the powerful and superhuman face of man, by means of an impressive image based on the stereotypical formulas of the pathos. Obviously, the results depended on the artistic level of the workshop, the category of the model and the skill of the sculptor, as observed by Zanker (1). Yet despite the trends, tastes, training of the sculptor, nature of the commission, etc. the dependence on the Roman model is usually clear. One of the most interesting aspects in the analysis of the situation created in the Mediterranean area is the observation of the evolution throughout the Imperial period, starting in the Augustan age with the powerful projection of the Roman model on the provincial scene, that would later surpass this model, as pointed out by P. for the Severian Forum of Leptis Magna (2). Before reaching that point, provincial art had followed a long path of acceptance of and identification with the model, the result of which is that the
(1)
P. Zanker, Provinzielle Kaiserporträts. Zur Rezeption des Selbstdarstellung der Princeps, 1983, 5. 18. 30 ff. Pls. 5-6. 8,2. 9. 10,4. 11. (2) P. Gros, La ville comme symbole. Le modèle central et ses limites, in H. Inglebert (ed.), Histoire de la civilisation romaine, 2005, 209. To reach that point, the provincial art had come a long way of acceptance and identification of the model. The result is that the appearance of cities, public spaces, private houses, with varying intensity and quality is unified.
— 41 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
aspect of the cities, public spaces and private houses is unified, as observed by P. Zanker (3). Among the many phenomena that confirm this unity, it is worth mentioning one that is not often cited, but is equally convincing and clear: the large tower-shaped mounds and funerary monuments of equivalent characteristics, function and meaning in Gaul, Italy and the North of Africa (4). Or the situation of affinity described by P. Gros between cities and geographical areas as diverse as Arles, Caesarea of Mauritania and Corinth, that illustrates the homogeneity between vast areas of the Empire (5). question for the assessment of the extent of the projection or diffusion of the Roman model is the attitude of the inhabitants of the provinces. This was noted by when focusing on the theatres and observing that every aspect of their construction involved a number of similarities between important cities of Gaul, Spain and Italy (6). Pensabene rightly pointed out the value of the euergetic interventions and underlined the considerable weight that lay in private hands, whose contributions exceeded those of the Imperial commissioners and the civil communities. The local euergetists were rewarded by benefits in terms of power, prestige and proximity to the Imperial power. In all of the cases examined there appears to be a common denominator in terms of the models, the use of polychrome marbles, the presence of itinerant or regional-local workshops, the decorative programs and the social status of the commissioners. The similarity of attitudes, situations and reactions spreads throughout the entire provincial sphere, East and West, and is evidence of the competitive dynamic that explains the magnificence of the opera publica even in cities of lower rank, and the homogeneity of the urban image, with greater or lesser splendour in each case. If we analyse specific cases, we see that the same elements were not imitated over time and space. However, general trends can be clearly established, and differences can be observed between the first and second centuries. Forums and theatres were the most reproducible elements in the first century because of their symbolic value and function within the urban provincial centres that underwent remodelling and improvements during the
(3) P. Zanker, Un arte per l'Impero, 2002, 94 ff. Among the many tests that confirm it, it is worth remembering one used infrequently, but equally compelling and clear, it is the great mounds turriformes and comparable funeral monuments in Gaul. (4) P. Gros, L’ architecture romaine. 2. Maisons, palais, villas et tombeaux, 2001, 399 ff. figs. 470-479, 487-501. (5) Id., Un programme augustéen: le centre monumental de la colonie d’Arles, JdI 102, 1987, 362 ff. (6) P. Pensabene, Marmo ed evergetismo negli edifici teatrali d’Italia, Gallia e Hispania, Mainake XXIX, 2007, 7 ff. 50.
— 42 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
Julio-Claudian period, as demonstrated by G. Sauron (7). These were joined by the large tower mounds and funerary monuments in the creation of the new urban image. However, the most attractive, selected and imitated element, was marble, due to its function in the communication of prestige. In this respect, the criteria established by are essential in order to understand how the provinces associated this material to the artistic category of magnitude, colossalism and gigantism (8). As we have mentioned above, the provincial interest lay in the presence of the message or sign rather than in the results obtained from their reproduction, and in the aspect that we are discussing here we may add that dimension overruled quality. But even so we must acknowledge the huge effort made by the people of the provinces in order to reach a quite acceptable level of quality, as argued by Pensabene. Selected items, both architectural and sculptural, unified the vast territory of the Empire with the peculiarity of being adopted as something new in the West and overlying long-known formulas in the East. All these examples are clear and known, but perhaps the most decisive and most recently investigated is the emulation of the Forum of Augustus. Although the archaeological information is scarce and fragmentary, we now know that the imitation of the model involved the selection of its most representative elements. This selection was due to two main causes. Not only did the provinces not consider the complete and accurate reproduction due to the lack of space or funding, but rather it was unthinkable for them to equate themselves to that point with the model. Rome encouraged the imitation policy, but with limits that are apparent in the smaller scale, as seems to occur in Colonia Patricia (Córdoba) (9) or in the application of the pars pro toto principle, as is more often the case. For some time we have known from studies by P. Gros that the reproducible elements were exedrae, elogia, caryatids and clipei (10). More recently, the work of W. Trillmich has added to this list the Danaides of the homonymous porch, as appears to be suggested by the statues of Cartagena (Murcia), Syracuse and Paestum (11). The breadth of the series of selected elements or motifs clearly implies preferences, in relation to which F. has shown that the ideas and big themes (7) G. Sauron, Le forum et le théâtre: le décor du culte impérial d’Arles â Mérida, in T. Nogales, J. Gonzáelz (eds), Culto imperial: política y poder, 2007, 165 ff. (8) P. Pensabene, Mármoles y talleres en la Bética y otras áreas de la Hispania romana, in D. Vaquerizo, J.F. Murillo (eds), El concepto de lo provincial en el mundo antiguo. Homenaje a la profesora Pilar León Alonso I, 2006, 104. 107 ff. 113 ff. (9) C. Márquez, Baeticae templa, in Simulacra Romae, 2004, 109 ff. (10) P. Gros, Programme augustéen, cit. 357. (11) W. Trillmich, La peplophoros de Cartagena y su tipo estatuario, VI Reunión de Escultura Romana en Hispania. Preactas, 2008, 57.
— 43 —
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
started in Rome and circulated throughout the Empire (12). But cases such as those of Pozzuoli, the North of Africa or the Hispanic provinces could prove that these choices could be directed in one direction or another within the overall message. Indeed, Pozzuoli shows a direct connection with the Forum of Augustus, NorthAfrica tends towards the subtle and allegorical tone of the Ara Pacis, the East emphasizes the apotheosis, while the Hispanic provinces prefer the heroic mythological tone of the sculptures of the Forum of Augustus (13). Thus different options were possible and the provinces opted for different symbols, all of which were part of a single ideological message. Judging by the primacy given to the motifs, elements and themes represented by the Augusti Forum, it is clear that from the provincial standpoint this State monument par excellence was the main model (14). The current state of knowledge of the phenomenon of emulation of the Forum of Augustus allows us to specify that the reproduction of this model first took place near Rome, then expanded throughout Italy, and finally beyond Italy, yet all within a short period of time. C. Valeri and F. Zevi’s contributions on the Forum of Pozzuoli have shed significant light because this constitutes a paradigmatic case (15). The privileged situation in terms of geographical proximity and relationship with Rome strengthen the harmony and identification with the model, to the point that despite the interventions throughout the Julio-Claudian period, the stylistic consistency was always maintained. Although the number of examples that could be cited is considerable, we limit ourselves to that of Narona, whose Augusteum is an exceptional complex and a good observatory in which to identify the nexus existing with Rome and the interprovincial similarity (16). As in the Forum of Pozzuoli, modifications were carried out in Julio-Claudian times in the complex of Narona, but the harmony and identification with the model were in keeping with the stylistic consistency (17). The reception and reproduction
(12)
PE R
F. Baratte, “L’image impérial sur les reliefs de l’Afrique romaine” in M. Navarro, J-M. Roddaz (eds), La transmission de l’idéologie impériale dans l’Occident romain, 2006, 274 ff. 293. (13) A. Dardenay, Le rôle de l’image des Primordia Urbis dans l’expression du culte imperial, in Nogales, González (eds), cit. 155 ff. M. Spannagel, Exempalria principis: Untersuchungen zu Entstehung und Ausstattung des Augustusforums, 1999. (14) P. Zanker, Augustus und die Macht der Bilder, 1987, 196 ff. (15) F. Zevi, C. Valeri, Cariatidi e clipei: il foro di Pozzuoli, in E. La Rocca, P. León, C. Parisi-Pressisce (eds), Le due patrie acquisite. Studi di Archeologia dedicati a Walter Trillmich, 2008, 443 ff. C. Valeri, Il Rione Terra di Pozzuoli: cicli e programmi decorativi, in J.M. Abascal, R. Cebrián (eds), VI Reunión de Escultura Romana en Hispania. Homenaje a Eva Koppel, 2010, 419 ff. (16) E. Marin, I. Rodà (eds), Divo Augusto, 2004. (17) E. Marin, A. Claridge, M. Kolega, I. Rodà: Le due sculture inedite (nn. 3-4) dell'Augusteum di Narona, RendPonAcc. 79, 2006-2007, 177 ff. Id., Le cinque sculture inedite
— 44 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
of iconographic elements of the same or related programs in other provinces in the West, as in the North of Italy, Hispania or Gallia Narbonensis created similar situations, which extended in the 2nd century (18). While we may accept this scheme, we must also agree with Eugenio La Rocca that the role of the Forum of Augustus as a model for the forums of the western provinces has been overestimated (19). The relationship is acceptable with regard to the common figurative programs, but is not valid for the morphology in the opinion of Eugenio La Rocca; indeed, the simple comparison of the layout of the Forum of Augustus with the Forum Adiectum of Emerita Augusta, of Tarraco or of Leptis Magna, illustrates the differences (20). The morphological differences are beyond doubt but it should also be noted that the reproduction of the figurative elements is not only partial and selective, but is also subject to mutations that imply a change in the model, as was argued by Eugenio La Rocca. The parallel between the series of caryatids from the Forum of Augustus, Pozzuoli and Mérida illustrate the scale of these changes (21). In the dynamics of the relations between Rome and the provinces, illustrated in the imitations of the Forum of Augustus, one has the impression that the provinces were taking the initiative or putting the process in motion. The details offered by Eugenio La Rocca are crucial to reverse the situation logically. It was Augustus, that is the Roman model, which anticipated and included the presence or evocation of the provinces in the new imperial forum, in order to enhance the magnitude and consistency of the ecumenical programme of the Princeps, says Eugenio La Rocca. Consequently, the provinces merely responded to that attitude and the projection of the model was decisive and hierarchical in every aspect. The selective activity and the capacity of reception of the provinces remained without change in later stages, thus the picture is similar in Flavian times and throughout the second century. The systematic research by E. Rosso on the Flavians with influence over the provinces and the renewal of the knowledge of the Roman model under this dynasty have consolidated a more accurate and better articulated vision of many aspects of monumentalisation and building under the rule of the Flavian emperors (22). Among the examples of the attitude of the provincial world and its disposition to select and choose, the city of Munigua (nn. 5.9-12) dell’ Augusteum di Narona, RendPonAcc. 80, 2007-2008, 341 ff. (18) F. Slavazzi, Circulazione di tipi scultorei fra Roma e le province: su alcune copie di opere di età classica e sul loro monopolio, in T. Nogales, I. Rodà (eds.), Roma y las provincias: modelo y difusión, I, 2011, 559 ff. (19) E. La Rocca, “Il foro di Augusto e le province dell’Impero”, ibid. II, 993 ff. (20) Ibidem, figs. 4. 21-23. (21) Ibidem, 1004 ff. figs. 19. 24. (22) F. Coarelli (ed.), Divus Vespasianus. Il bimilenario dei Flavi, 2009. E. Rosso, Culte impérial et image dynastique: les divi et divae de la gens flavia, in Nogales, González (eds), cit.
— 45 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
(Villanueva del Rio y Minas, Seville) is of special interest (23). In the Flavian period it was decided that a sanctuary would be built on the model of the Latian sanctuary inspired by the sanctuary of Hercules at Tibur, to which ramps and a semicircular exedra of the kind found at the sanctuary of Fortune of Praeneste were added. It is a singular choice emanating from a deeply provincial environment, which after two centuries became reunited with significant exempla, as stated by P. Gros (24). The projection of the model and the imitation of representative motifs and elements continued throughout the second century, but entered a new dimension. The model was taken to the East, or rather the category of model became shared between Rome and the oriental metropolises. In this respect the role played by Emperor Hadrian and the impetus given to the configuration of a new cultural landscape inserted within a new political order were essential. Amphitheatres, public baths, temples of imperial cult became new references through which the aspirations of the provincial cities were channelled (25). The rich villae and their extraordinary mosaic floors deserve special mention. Indeed some provincial examples, particularly in North Africa, reached an exceptional originality and richness. The countless samples preserved in the Bardo Museum speak for themselves. And the same can be said of centres such as Antioquia, Zeugma or Shabba-Philippopolis in the East. Rich houses and villas of the provinces displayed floors of the highest artistic category and the fact that this appears to be a fairly widespread situation suggests that their owners had very similar tastes. Thus the paving of the noble rooms with the most colourful mosaics constituted a wide-spread fashion or trend throughout the Empire. Imitation and selection were criteria that acted in similar ways to those described above for sculpture and architecture, as is indicated by the import of emblemata and the activity of travelling workshops, not to mention that the choice of themes, designs, and rich polychromy, are factors subject to the taste and economic possibilities of the commissioners. All of this indicates that the provincial reproductions were getting closer to their models (26). The development of the provincial artistic potential explains that the projection of the Roman model underwent a major inflection in the third 125 ff. Ead., La diffusion de l’idéologie flavienne dans les provinces occidentales de l’Empire: le decor sculpté des monuments publics, in Navarro, Roddaz (eds), cit., 247 ff. (23) C. Márquez, El centro monumental. Foros, in P. León (ed.), Arte Romano de la Bética, I, Arquitectura y urbanismo, 2008, 109 ff. figs. 97-98. 101. (24) P. Gros, La ville comme symbole, cit. 204 ff. (25) W. Trillmich (ed.), Die Stadt als Grossbaustelle. Von der Antike bis zur Neuzeit, 2003. (26) G. López Monteagudo, Lo provincial y lo original en los mosaicos romanos. Provincial versus original, in Vaquerizo, Murillo (eds), cit., 271 ff.
— 46 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
century, as is evidenced by the Severian Forum of Leptis Magna, the greatest example that can be adduced for two reasons. The first reason is that the forum of Leptis reflects the will not only to evoke but to equal or even to exceed the model of Rome, in the words of P. Gros (27); this is, indeed, the most ambitious project designed for a provincial city. The second reason is that by starting a creative project of this magnitude in his hometown, Septimius Severus followed in the steps previously taken by Hadrian in Italica, the first provincial outpost to have been elevated to the rank of monumental city and cradle of a dynasty. Both reasons proclaim the overcoming of the supra-local model previously implanted in the provinces. Selective imitation did not cease after the Tetrarchy, but continued in the form of replacement or transposition of previous prestigious schemes. The Palatium Maximiani in Corduba (28), capital of the province Baetica, is a grandiose example of the official architecture developed in the provinces, as is Diocletian’s Palatium in Split. Once again the villae and their impressive floors are the expression of the power accumulated by powerful and influential commissioners, who had lived in the East and formed part of the court of Theodosius, thus explaining these samples of spectacular magnificence. This brief look at some of the situations arising in the process of projecting the image of Rome in the Mediterranean has shown the many and valuable contributions of Rome to the provinces, but we cannot conclude without considering the reverse situation: provincial art contribute to Roman Art and how. The answer is necessarily cautious, since this is an ongoing and evolving line of inquiry. From this premise, some significant and unique art forms can be considered as the provinces contribution to Roman Art. A typically provincial and peculiar manifestation is the reduplication of forum spaces, the best example of which is the colonial-provincial forum duplicity, observed in the provincial capitals. This formula was preceded by the equally singular forum adiectum, which constitutes a widespread urban solution in the provinces and appeared between the late Augustan and early Tiberian periods. The colonial-provincial forum duplicity is a peculiarity of the provincial capitals that arose with the flowering of provincial life during the Flavian period. Within this duplicity the truly new element is the provincial forum, which following P. Gros is a hybrid creation intended to exhibit together the signs of the official propaganda, the glories of the imperial house, and the flattery of the provincial elites. The formal scheme corresponds to the partial reproduction of the Forum of Augustus, already mentioned. Although (27)
P. Gros, La ville comme symbole, cit., 207, 218. R. Hidalgo, Espacio público y espacio privado en el conjunto palatino de Cercadilla: el aula central y las termas, 1996. (28)
— 47 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
they proliferate especially in the West, they are also found in the East and the most important aspect about them is that they are not a mechanical copy of the model but are reinvented and organic creations (29). P. Gros rightly emphasizes the importance of this aspect, the fact that each repetition is unique in its kind, thus the possibility of considering this provincial peculiarity as a novelty linked to the success and expansion of imperial cult, developed into and used as a vehicle of urban development and enhancement of the urban image in cities with the capacity to show off multiple official public spaces. Only the largest cities of the East implemented this kind of spatial formula or solution that did not actually exist in Rome, since the contiguity and sequence of the Imperial Forums responded to other criteria and ideology. In dealing with the provincial contributions we cannot fail to mention the relations with the imperial cult, a broad issue that has recently undergone profound debate and renewal (30). In this regard it is worth noting, in relation to the artistic manifestations, that while Rome and Italy reacted as close-range spectators of the ideological message and plastic language created to convey it, the provinces reacted from a distance, despite which they actively cooperated in the common goal, which was no other than to bolster the strength and consolidation of the Principality. An equally noteworthy contribution is the city-administrative cittá finta, known in the East and the West as an inheritance or derivation of the city-sanctuary established at old cult sites (31). These official civic centres were reserved for the administration, thus they did not fulfil city functions themselves; they developed depending on some special economic potentiality and were linked to the imperial finances, imperial power and members of the imperial family or friends of the emperor. These are the reasons for which they are common in Hispania, where the cases of Segobriga, Munigua and possibly Ercavica and Valeria are particularly clear and well defined. At this point, if from this perspective we ask what effect did the projection of the image of Rome have on the Mediterranean provinces, provincial Art responds in unison: to demonstrate the rapport and identification with the model and with its message. The provinces, indeed, played an active role, adjusting the model to the new municipal or colonial scene and intervening in the decision making. Those who played a decisive role were logically the local elites or power groups. It is not just a matter of appearance, but of substance, because in this respect the Mediterranean entered
(29) P. Gros, La ville comme symbole, cit., 194 ff. Id., Le modèle du forum d’Auguste et ses applications italiques ou provinciales. État de la question après les dernières découvertes, in Navarro, Roddaz (eds), cit. 115 ff. (30) T. Nogales, J. González (eds), Culto imperial: política y poder, 2007. (31) P. Gros, Le modèle, cit., 211. 216.
— 48 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
into a power game and became the platform that reflected the splendour of the image of Rome. From an artistic point of view, we must remember the extraordinary capacity that art has to capture and even to immortalize these aspirations, particularly through their monumentalisation. The projection of Rome is seen in the cohesiveness of life, in the sense of belonging to the same world, in the proximity to the paradigm. This did not impede that the diversity of peoples and situations led to peculiarities in the reproduction of the model. But we must keep in mind that it is an enriching and enlightening variety, that still makes sense today.
N E
Mounir Bouchenaki
ZI O
Special Advisor to the Director General – ICCROM: Int. Centre for the Study of the Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property – Via di San Michele, 13 00153 Rome, Italy; [email protected]
LT A
HERITAGE MONUMENTS OF THE ROMAN PERIOD IN ALGERIA
PE R
C
O
N
SU
There is no visitor in Algeria who is not impressed by the variety of vestiges and ruins, from prehistoric times to the medieval period scattered throughout the country, that constitute one of the richest archaeological heritage of the Mediterranean basin. Didn’t they often repeat that the archaeological richness of Algeria made it a true “open air museum”? Although the research interest is currently focused more on the ruins of the Islamic medieval period than on the ones dealing with Roman Antiquity, including excavations, research and publications of its most prestigious sites, it is nonetheless true that the ruins of ancient time, by their number and diversity, are also reflecting the importance of the Maghreb civilization, a region which has so largely contributed. One of the features of the Roman civilization in North Africa is no doubt what most researchers, who have addressed this period, noted, namely the extent of the urban phenomenon. The considerable development of cities during the Roman period, in the Maghreb region, raises, at the same time, many issues for historians who do not always have all the data to determine the number of their population but also to better know their legal, social, economic and administrative structures as well as their urban characteristics. A number of large urban centers dating from Antiquity were identified in Algeria during excavations that took place in the nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth century at the time of the French administration of Algeria. During these archaeological works, the concern often resided in seeking objects of art, mosaic floors or in identifying monuments to the “good level” without attention to other archaeological layers or later levels that covered them. This is what led one eminent contemporary archaeologist, my friend Professor A. Carandini, to state, when visiting mu-
— 50 —
* * *
ZI O
N E
seums and sites in Algeria: «it seems that the ancients were only carving statues, composing mosaics and painting the sides of vessels and walls». Visiting ancient archaeological sites in the country, we often hear repeated that the first cities were “Roman colonies” and that «in this barbarous country occupied by nomadic tribes, the first sedentary inhabitants were Roman soldiers released from service». In particular this is what J. Toutain used to say. This conception of archeology and ancient history, only highlighting the action of Rome in the process of Romanization and urbanization in Africa, should be and has been revised basing on the results of the latest research and critique of an evident colonial ideology.
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
It is worth mentioning here that the French archaeologists who worked in Algeria, even the most scientifically respectable, tended over a century of research to focus their efforts on the Roman colonization and on the Romanization in Africa to legitimize the French colonization. The introduction of a book, dated back more than a century ago and dedicated to the study of Roman cities, is quite instructive in this regard. Justification of French colonization in Algeria is not hidden: «we will know better the work done by the Romans in their African provinces, we can better direct our efforts, and faster in the success», proclaimed Jean Toutain at the end of the last century. However, in recent years, archaeological research has been adversely affected by the movement towards independence of the Maghreb countries, with a renewal of historical vision and use of new methods for more rigorous scientific approach. The old conception of the history of the Roman conquest is undermined by criticism that recall rightly, that the Roman civilization in Africa was not developed in a virgin land and was also dependent on Libyan and Punic Civilizations that we begin to know better now, thanks in particular to the research and works done by late Professor Sabatino Moscati and his fellows in Italy and in Maghreb. In recent publications and research works done by colleagues such as Marcel Benabou (La résistance africaine à la romanisation), Paul-Albert Fevrier (Urbanisation et Urbanisme de l’Afrique Romaine), Hervé Inglebert (Histoire de la Civilisation Romaine), Philippe Leveau (L’Afrique romaine: résistance et identité, histoire et mémoire), Yvon Thébert (Romanisation et déromanisation en Afrique: Histoire colonisée ou histoire inversée) and many others, the «Romanization» of North Africa appeared to be linked to the concept of an external vision of the history of that region opposed to a one appealing to Africans as agents of their own history.
— 51 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
Therefore it is under a new light and a new approach that then we must be presenting these ancient cities of the Maghreb, only some of which are generated from the Roman era, but whose origin is often prior to the Roman conquest. In this way, the pre-Roman archeology periods can still provide new and valid information and data, as we have noted with the excavation of the site Kerkouane in Tunisia or the ones in Tiddis and Siga in Algeria. It is in the same spirit that we must get rid of a number of prejudices or stereotypes in the touristic guides, in some publications, and even on the signs, which identifies virtually all ancient archaeological ruins always as Roman remains. This is because we have always considered the ancient cities of the Maghreb as the creation of the Roman conquerors, especially when it comes to the cities of central Maghreb, but it seems difficult today to ignore Carthage and its influence, or Cirta and its power. For example the international campaign launched by UNESCO at the request of the Tunisian Authorities in the seventies in the area of Carthage brought to light a very important part of the pre-roman history of the city. If certain canons of Roman architecture are found throughout the ancient cities in Algeria, however, many characteristics differentiate the cities of Roman period in Africa from those that we know in Gaul, in Italy and in the Iberian Peninsula. Few literary documents and old maps tell us about the history of cities and their economic and social structures. This is why the main source of study remains the archaeological excavations. It is by trying to use modern archaeological surveys and archaeological excavations, including the use of aerial and satellite photography, that archeology can serve history and, more specifically, the economic and social history of the ancient periods. Applied to the study of ancient cities, aerial photography has become, in recent years, a fundamental element of archaeological research. It is a «real means of discovery», and has incomparable advantages over shooting at ground level. In fact, the aerial view allows, according to R. Chevalier, «to reconstruct the recent geological history of a region (succession of marine shorelines, fluvial beds displacement, regression former marshes), and thus truly understand the adaptation of the habitat to the environment, the topographic environment, the outline of walls in relation to the natural defenses of the access, roads or aqueducts depending on the terrain and also the evolution of habitat: improved defense, extension or retraction by changes natural conditions». It is not without interest to recall, before examining briefly some of these aspects, that the number of cities in Africa during antiquity made that region one of the most urbanized in the Mediterranean basin. Thus, according to estimates of G. Ch. Picard, «there must have been more than 500 cities during Late Roman Empire in the ancient Maghreb». This high figure seems to us even more suggestive when one considers than in the Gaul,
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 52 —
Figure 1 – Tipasa.
PE R
C
O
N
over the same period, there was no more than a 100 cities. In addition to their relevance, these figures illustrate and explain the density and the frequency of archaeological discoveries in different parts of the roman territory. Entire cities may still appear in the pick of the diggers, as they are out of the ground now celebrated like the most famous ones, Tipasa, Djemila, Hippo Regius, Madaure, Lambèse or Timgad (fig. 1). In 46 B.C., Caesar won the battle of Thapsus and annexed part of Numidia up to a line Annaba Guelma (ancient Hippo Regius and Calama) (fig. 2). This new province that extended over part of the territory of Algeria and Tunisia took the name of Africa Nova added to the former possession of Carthage, which became Africa Vetus. The historian Sallustius was chosen by Caesar as the first governor of Africa Nova. Caesar then installs the veterans of his army on the land where he confiscated the cities that had resisted. For the rest of Numidia, whose king Juba I had just committed suicide instead of surrender to the Romans, Caesar took a vast territory extending from the border of the Africa Nova until the region of Djemila, and gave it to a Roman adventurer named Sittius who had greatly helped in the fight against the Numidians and Pompeius. We called this territory “Sittius kingdom” or “Confederation Cirtéenne”. Pomponius Mela tells us that «Cir-
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 53 —
Figure 2 – Guelma Ancient theatre.
PE R
C
O
N
ta, now inhabited by a colony of Sittianiens, was once the residence of the kings of the land». The region, as detached principality under the authority of Sittius, included three major cities around Cirta (Constantine) Chullu (Collo), Milev (Mila) and Rusicade (Skikda). For nearly three centuries this region also kept some originality on the administrative level inside of Numidia. To the west of the Ampsaga (Oued el Kebir), the country formed a still independent kingdom. It was only a nominal independence, as the successors of Caesar continue the policy of gradual occupation, revealing the attitude of Rome, which multiplied interferences in the affairs of protected kingdom, which was known as Mauretania. Thus, Augustus (B.C. 27 – A.D. 19) established six colonies along the coast of Mauritania, near ancient port: Igilgili (Jijel) Saldae (Bejaia) Rusazus (Azeffoun) Rusguniae (Bordj el-Bahri), Gunugu (Gouraya) Cartenae (Ténès), and three other settlements, such as Tubusuctu (Tiklat el Kseur), Aquae Calidae (Hammam Righa) and Zucchabar (Miliana). However, the establishment of settlements was not done in an empty country, but by successive encroachments on the territories of the African tribes, depriving them of their cropland and rangelands. Also the reaction
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 54 —
Figure 3 – Royal Mausoleum of Mauretania (le Tombeau de la Chrétienne).
PE R
C
O
N
of these tribes was quite strong, and the early attempts at penetration in Numidia and Mauretania by the Roman troops met fierce resistance of populations willing to live free, calling themselves “amazigh” in the Libyan language, and forcing the Romans to the shipment of troops continuously to African provinces. Emperor Tiberius Jiulius ( AD 14 – AD 37) sent his proconsul, assisted by King Juba II and his son Ptolemeus, and with the help of a legion transferred from the Danube region, succeeds in ending the African resistance after seven years of war. It is still necessary to add that a few years later, the problem rebounds after the annexation of the Kingdom of Mauretania and the creation of the provinces of Mauretania Caesariensis and Mauretania Tingitana. During a period of relative calm, Caesarea (Cherchell) is elevated to a rank of capital of the Roman province after having been capital of the kingdom of Mauretania. I want to show you a picture of what was called for decades “le Tombeau de la Chrétienne” (fig. 3). Based on an analysis of text from ancient geographers who described the North African Mediterranean sea side, I proposed to call this very prominent monument built on a hill between Icosium (present Algiers) and Cae-
— 55 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
sarea (present Cherchel), “Royal Mausoleum of Mauretania”, where was most probably buried the royal family of King Juba I and of King Juba II. At the end of the first century and throughout the second century, the peoples of Africa have seldom tasted the serenity of the “Roman peace” and it was said earlier. The army sent by the Romans was mainly represented by a legion named Third Augustan Legion (Legio Tertia Augusta) for the province of Numidia and by Auxiliaries for Mauretania Caesariensis and Tingitana. The Roman occupation has spread to about a third of the current Maghreb divided into four provinces where the African tribes insurrections remained constant. In the first three centuries of the Empire, these four provinces were: The Africa Proconsularis, or proconsular Africa, which encompassed the Vetus Africa and the Africa Nova at the time of Augustus. There was a province of Senatorial rank governed by a proconsul residing in Carthage. At the territorial level, the province included a part of Libya, Tunisia, and a strip of land now in Algerian territory from west of Hippo (Annaba), passing through Calama (Guelma) Thubursicu Numidarum (Khamissa) Thagaste (Souk Ahras) Madauros (Madaure) and Theveste (Tebessa). The proconsul appointed each year at the head of this province was of senatorial rank and had almost all the power. Revenues of the province, which he was responsible, were paid to the public treasury in Rome. At west of Africa Proconsularis was created a second province, for military reasons, at the beginning of the first century A.D. It was Numidia which had the river Ampsaga (Oued el Kebir), a series of valleys west of Cuicul / (Djemila), the region of Zara (Zraia), the plain of Hodna Chergui and Zahrez. «This province was a military march» governed by a Legate, commander of the legion which was the main force of the roman army in Africa. The legate, who was also having the title of praetor, was directly appointed by the Emperor and had very broad powers. His residence followed the location of the headquarters of the legion, having been successively in Ammaedara (Haidra – in current Tunisia), then Theveste (Tebessa – in South East Algeria) and then Lambèse (Tazoult). The other two roman territories were Mauritanian provinces. At the head of these two provinces, one of which was Caesarea (Cherchell) as its capital, and the other Tingi (Tangier), the emperor designated a procurator of equestrian rank, unlike the legate and proconsul who were of senatorial rank. After this very quick and succinct overview of the history of the roman extension in North African, let’s move to what is considered as one the major remains of this period in terms of physical heritage. Map of the Roman occupation highlights the differences in the density of urban setting, which can not find its explanation only on the basis of
— 56 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
military reasons. Indeed, the defense of the territories annexed to the Roman Empire remained one of the key concerns of power. It is responsible for the creation of military camps which were in some cases the beginning of major cities. The two most classic examples cited in most books on urban planning and urbanism during Antiquity are those of Lambèse and Timgad. Until the 50s A.D., the only institution of a military nature in North Africa is the camp of the Third Legion Augustus in Ammaedara (Haidra) in Tunisia. This legion was given the nickname of Augustus, probably because of the support it had given to Augustus for the establishment of the Principate. The latter was the Army of Africa that had its headquarters transfered from Haidra to Tébessa, and then to Lambèse perhaps through Thamugadi (Timgad). Residence of the Imperial Legate, Lambaesis became the capital of Numidia until the time of Emperor Constantinus (306 – 337 A.D.) who moved the capital to Cirta (Constantine). The site Lambèse (Tazoult today), a few kilometers south-east of Batna, was chosen for the importance of its strategic position along the Aures Mountains. This chain of mountains, one of the largest in the Maghreb, was considered as an island of resistance to the Roman penetration. This is what explains why the Romans began by concentrating forces on the north-eastern Aures to Lambèse, after establishing axis positions Theveste (Tebessa) Caesaris Aquae (Youks-lesBains) Vazaivi (Ain-Zoui) Mascula (Khenchela) Flavianae Aquae (Henchir el Hammam) Thamugadi (Timgad), Lambafundi (Henchir Tushina) and Verecunda (Marcouna). These inscriptions sites remind the permanence and severity of insurgencies that Roman troops have attempted to suppress over four centuries. They tell us that, in addition to III Legion Augustus, troops from other legions periodically came to Africa for operations of cantonment of tribes and for the establishment of a road network of strategic interest. Thus, a military road was opened through the Aures Mountains from Lambèse to go to Biskra (Antique Vescera) and various positions the South that constituted the boundary line called “limes”. An inscription carved into the rock at the parade of Tighanimine Rhoufi between Arris and recalls that a detachment of the Old Legion Ferrata road built during the reign of Emperor Antoninus Pius in 145 a.C. «Under the reign of the Emperor Caesar T. Aelius Hadrianus Antonius Augustus Pius, Father of the Fatherland, Consul for the fourth time, and Marcus Aurelius Caesar, consul for the 2nd time, by order of Prastina Messalinus, Imperial Legate and pro-praetor, the vexillatio of the Sixth Legio Ferrata built this way». Lambaesis camp comes in the form of an elongated rectangular plan with a central courtyard and many rooms identical and symmetric with respect to the court. Among the special buildings that rise inside the enclo-
— 57 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
sure, we should mention a workshop or manufacturing located in the northern part of the camp which was excavated during a three years Algerian – German archaeological mission (1975 -1977). About 65 meters long and 51 meters wide, the structure of the Lambèse camp was built in a U shape and contained a court. Careful study of this workshop, recently undertaken, will allow knowing better some basic economics of the camp, including the design and operation of the building for logistical supply of weapons, utensils, clothes, etc., for the troops. Archaeological campaigns of excavations took in Lambèse, following an agreement between Algeria and Germany and were conducted under the direction of Professor Friedrich Rakob, Member of the Istituto Archaeologico Germanico in Rome, with the participation of Professor Von Petrikovits, Professor Kolbe and Dr. Christoph Rüger, Director of the Rheinishes Landesmuseum Bonn. We find it in several camps scattered along the African “limes”, in the shape and layout of the Lambèse camp, but the state of conservation of the general area of the Third Legion Augustus Headquarters is an architectural complex quite exceptional among camps of the Roman Empire. Outside the camp Lambèse, the Third Legion Augustus had established a number of military posts along the depression which borders the northern part of the Aures Mountains. During the first century, among these creations, Timgad was probably a small observation center at the mouth of two natural pathways that form the wadi Wadi el Abdi and Abiod through the Aures mountain. In the year 100 of the Christian era, by order of the Emperor Trajan, the legate of the third legion, Augustus L. Munatius Gallus, was responsible for founding the city of Thamugadi. For this new foundation, the legate is going to apply a doctrine of urbanism following the Hellenistic and oriental influence. Timgad lies on a plateau slightly inclined from South to North, but the ground is not perfectly flat. A quadrangular enclosure, 358 meters to the longer sides, about 322 meters to the short sides, protects a town of about 11 hectares of land that could accommodate several hundreds of veterans of the Third Legion with their families. Just like a military camp, it was crisscrossed by streets intersecting at right angles. Divided into four regions by the cardo maximus and decumanus maximus, the city seen from above, on an aerial photograph that I am presenting thanks to the picture recently taken by Arthus Bertrand, presents a juxtaposition of equal squares of side approximately 20 meters (figg. 4, 5). This set appears as a network of parallel and perpendicular lines that divide the original rectangle into squares, each forming a unity between four streets, called insula or island. However, looking more closely, we realize that this rigidity of the plan was not total: there were six islets stored in the east of the cardo maximus and only five in the West. On the other hand, the
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 58 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
Figure 4 – Timgad.
Figure 5 – Ruins of Timgad.
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 59 —
SU
Figure 6 – The temple and the triumphal arch.
PE R
C
O
N
cardo stops north to meet with the decumanus. South, lies, in fact, a vast central space reserved for public buildings. The wall was pierced by four gates, but the most egregious of these was the part of the West and the end of the decumanus. This was also exactly in the axis of the main road leading from Lambèse to Tebessa through Timgad. The building, commonly called “Trajan Arch”, was the western end of decumanus. It had to be built by Emperor Septimius Severus, but during excavations that were undertaken, a large inscription of the time of Emperor Trajan was discovered and translated: «The emperor Nerva Trajan Augustus, the German, the son of Divus Nerva, Pontifex, dressed for the 4th time in the tribunian power, Consul for the 3rd time, Father of the Nation, founded Colonia Marciana Thamugadi by the Third Legion Augustus L. Munatius Legate Gallus being praetor» (fig. 6). * * *
During years of excavations Timgad revealed several churches, including the Cathedral of the Donatists, whose bishop Optatus was for some time
— 60 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
the principal chief. After the passage of the Vandals in the fifth century, the city seems to have been at least partially destroyed: while the Byzantines were regaining partly of North Africa, the soldiers of Solomon «transformed the city into a cave especially, to build a formidable fortress in the South». And over the centuries, Timgad will gradually loose the rigidity that had imposed a implementing geometric, military type, use to house at its origin two or three hundred families of veterans of the Roman legion. «But very quickly, stressed P. A. Février, the regular network of orthogonal streets was abandoned: the houses located in insulae initially were inadequate and the city has grown from the first half of the century even without complying with the lines drawn by the founders». However, thanks to the comprehensive nature of the excavations that were carried out, it remains a great city by the regularity of its original plan is still cited as an example or a prototype of a Roman colony. But it is just a very rare case, since most of the cities of the Roman era in North Africa that we know, are not colonial creations, imitating the plan of a Legion camp. In most cases, the sites on which monuments were raised in Roman period existed already at the Libyan-Punic time. Some pictures presented here on Cuicul (Djemila) and Castellum Tidditanorum (Tiddis) are showing that the orthogonal model was not used, probably because these cities were created before the predominance of the roman urban model. For the Libyan-Punic period, as well as for the Roman period, archaeologists consider as very important to understand the socio economic life of the country based on the knowledge we can get from the study of a town and its surroundings. But urban landscapes which are often mentioned as uniform of during Antiquity are actually seen as presenting a wide variety in their settings. In fact, many ancient cities, whose remains were bishops, there is none that is exactly like another. All studies on urban heritage should be subject to a critical view, taking into account the fact that the documentation is often only partial and fragmentary. In this sense, the appreciation of Mr. Mahdjoubi, former Director General of Institut National du Patrimoine Tunisia, on the “ancient cities of Tunisia” remains entirely valid also for Algeria. He wrote: «We must also take into account a factor often overlooked: the evolution of cities that gradually changes the original plan. Frequently, plans of the cities most famous give us a simplified picture of reality. Too often, the research has been disappearing vestiges of a past that has not interested the excavator, which left many traces of Late Antiquity and the Middle Age which were swept away by the rush to discover beautiful mosaics and inscriptions dating from the Early Roman Empire. It is then easy to speak of a total abandonment after the Roman period». The same methods, if not the same men were employed for more than a century to study Roman civilization in Algeria with ideological presup-
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 61 —
Figure 7 – Les Djedars.
PE R
C
O
N
positions conscious or unconscious. What we have pointed out, until recent years, is the very little interest about social phenomena inside these ancient cities, the understanding of times of crisis as well as periods of growth. And if one remains only sensitive to external decoration of wealthy homes or public buildings, without trying to understand the origin of the resources that helped to build, it is likely that a significant part of social history has been neglected. «The Romans benefactors of the conquered peoples outside Italy, to which they carry with peace, progress and civilization, this is a concept that has outlived its usefulness. It belongs to the colonial era and die with it», wrote Professor H. G. Pflaum. Thus, it is increasingly evident that different approaches and methodologies with additional field research could give a better knowledge of the complexity of the Roman period in North Africa. We should therefore focus on the part of originality, often insufficiently emphasized in the artistic creations or even the ancient African crafts. On the other hand, it should be noted that the convergence of interests appears between the dominant power and social class that runs the city, with everything that entails a phenomena of mimetic, especially in the field of urban planning and architecture (fig. 6).
— 62 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
Given the abundance and variety of treasures of art and architecture in Algeria, the evocation of ancient cities is both a testament to their belonging to the Mediterranean civilization and an invitation to their understanding. With several thousands of latin inscriptions and thousands of works of art still visible from the roman period, further research and development of our knowledge of this important layer of the history of Algeria is an opportunity for international cooperation, in particular between North and South of the Mediterranean basin.
N E
Stefano De Caro
ZI O
Director General of ICCROM: Int. Centre for the Study of the Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property – Via di San Michele, 13 00153 Rome, Italy; [email protected]
LT A
PREVENTIVE ARCHAEOLOGY
C
O
N
SU
It is a great honor to be here today in my capacity as Director General of ICCROM (*), and I was glad to accept the invitation to be involved in this course, all the more because it comes at a crucial moment for conservation of cultural heritage, given the political and economic situation affecting many countries in the Mediterranean Region. I want to take this opportunity to express my personal solidarity at a difficult time to countries as well to friends and colleagues that I learned to appreciate during my long career. The topic that I have chosen for my lecture today, “Preventive Archaeology” is, in my opinion, one of the most sensitive issues we are now facing, certainly shared among all Mediterranean countries, together with other issues, such as the management in the current economic juncture. I will outline the difficulties of archaeology not only as ICCROM Director General, but also as an archaeologist and former Director General for Archaeology in the Italian Ministry for the Cultural Heritage and Activities: I still remem-
PE R
(*) ICCROM is a very small intergovernmental body (less than forty people, ten professionals), serving a net of currently 132 States which address specific issues related to the conservation of cultural heritage. It was created by UNESCO in 1956, on the occasion of the General Conference held in New Delhi, to serve as an operational organization for studying and disseminating throughout the world the best practice for the restoration and conservation of cultural properties. The following decolonization and the adhesion of new Member States called for the establishment of new standards for enhancing capacities in this field. In 1959 Italy was chosen to host the headquarters of ICCROM, not only because of the richness and importance of Italian cultural heritage, but also for the reputation and quality of its quite new Istituto Centrale per il Restauro (ICR), created in 1939 by Giulio Carlo Argan and Cesare Brandi; the latter was already famous for his outstanding work on the “Theory of Restoration”, which still represents, still today, one of the basic texts on the principles of the restoration of cultural properties, translated into nearly all languages of the world.
— 64 —
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
ber, with much distress, when in my first days at the directorate General in Rome, I had to decide whether to close to the public the archaeological park of Paestum or that of the Roman Theater of Benevento, due to lack of funds to pay the electricity bills. Already in the 1980s, when I was still Superintendent for Archaeology in Naples, the Ministry recommended not planning any new museums and/or archaeological sites in the foreseeable future, due to the progressive cuts in the State budget for the maintenance of existing cultural sites. This determination, though fiscally justified, was nevertheless in open contradiction with an EU economic decision, also supported by the State, i.e. that in underdeveloped areas of Italy – mainly in the South – new funds should be allocated to establish new cultural sites, museums, archaeological parks and alike, to stimulate development based on tourism and cultural activities. This happened in Italy as well in other countries of the European Union, like Greece, targeted as “Objective 1” areas in Europe (1), according to the Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics developed by Eurostat. This open contradiction brought about a negotiation between the national government and the Campania region, to develop new management means to overcome the foreseeable problem of having “new engines without fuel”. Unfortunately, but maybe not unpredictably, these negotiations, after more than 10 years, are still ongoing. The result is that almost all the “cultural sites” (luoghi della cultura) established with these funds, are still closed to the public today and have produced no new jobs in the area.
N
* * *
PE R
C
O
Preventive archaeology is, in my opinion, the main current problem in archaeology and in some way an important part of the mission of ICCROM. In 2004 the Council of Europe together with the European Association of Archaeologists organized a meeting in Vilnius on “European Preventive Archaeology” (2). The contributions covered the institutional and legislative background, providing statistical data and information on each country’s peculiar strengths and greatest problems, comparing theory and practice and
(1) Objective 1 is “regionalised”, meaning that it applies to designated NUTS level II areas in the Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics developed by Eurostat. Of these geographical areas, only those with a per capita gross domestic product (GDP) lower than 75% of the Community average are eligible under Objective 1. (in: http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/ regional_policy/provisions_and_instruments/g24203_en.htm). (2) Ref. K. Bozoki-Ernyey, European Preventive Archaeology, papers of the EPAC Meeting in Vilnus 2004, National Office of Cultural Heritage, Hungary and Council of Europe, Directorate of Culture and Cultural and Natural Heritage, 2007 (available in: http://www.coe.int/t/dg4/ cultureheritage/heritage/archeologie/EPreventive Archwebversion.pdf).
— 65 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
exploring forms of international cooperation. This meeting was held before the current economic crisis, which makes a difference and urges a more thoughtful attention of this problem. In the fall of 2012, the Italian Minister of Economy presented an overall program for public works, amounting to 100 billion €, supposed to create 400.000 jobs in three years. There is no doubt that if public works are normally regarded as a suitable method to foster development, in times of deep economic crisis this approach is even more effective. There is a dangerous temptation to shortening and “simplify” laws, bylaws and procedures, etc. everything that could appear – rightly or wrongly – as a waste of time and money. In the current situation, we can predict that some European countries, as well as many of the developing regions of the world, and particularly those around the Mediterranean, will be confronted with large programs of public works, with an ever increasing danger for the archaeological heritage and pressure on the organizations involved in their protection. This will happen in spite of the fact that nowadays preventive archaeology in Italy and indeed everywhere is the major research activity producing most of the original and unexpected discoveries. Luckily, since many decades ago, awareness of this situation brought with the establishment of a theory and a concrete methodology. We have two Charters setting forth principles: the first one is the “ICOMOS Charter for the “Protection and Management of the Archaeological Heritage” (3); the second is the “Convention for the “Safeguard of the Archaeological Heritage”, released by the Council of Europe in La Valletta (Malta) in 1992, which replaced the older Convention with the same title published in London in 1969. Although addressing the topic of archaeological protection at a fairly general level, those Charters established the main principles of methodology, and although possibly they might require updating, in general they are still valid. Under Article 5 of the ICOMOS Charter the main principle of preventive archeology are clearly stated: «Excavation should be carried out on sites and monuments threatened by development, land-use change, looting, or natural deterioration». It continued by stating a procedure (that needs to be consolidated) dealing with unthreatened areas, i.e. that «in exceptional cases, unthreatened sites may be excavated to elucidate research problems or to interpret them more effectively for the purpose of presenting them to the public». It may be useful to keep this in mind when preventive excavations are being requested by the site developers for the sake of creating or expanding
(3)
Prepared by the International Committee for the Management of Archaeological Heritage (ICAHM) and approved by the 9th General Assembly, in Lausanne, in 1990.
— 66 —
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
tourism. In another passage of the text, the Charter states that «the overall objective of archaeological heritage management should be the preservation of monuments and sites in situ, including proper long-term conservation and care of all related records and collections etc. Any transfer of elements of the heritage to new locations represents a violation of the principle of preserving the heritage in its original context». Perhaps this statement was intended to condemn the practice of displacing ancient monuments, which was considered as a defeat of archaeologists vis-à-vis the construction companies of large public works, such as dams, which were very disputed also for environmental and social reasons. Perhaps this was expected to sound like a consequence of the construction of works and as a verdict in order to avoid, in the future, colonial-seeming actions, such as the displacement of the whole Pergamon Altar. Nevertheless in the current practice of preventive archaeology, especially in urban centers, given the shortage of space, the plurality of overlaying monumental layers and the strictness of the construction plans, displacement is often an unavoidable solution, surely preferable than mere destruction. I think it would be more appropriate to have some guidelines to help improving practical solutions dealing with these traumatic operations, in order to obtain a maximum amount of knowledge so as to offer the public correct information. A few years later, the “La Valletta Declaration” seems to have smoothed out this difficulty. In fact, Article 4, comma 2, states: “«Each Party undertakes to implement measures. I: for the physical protection of the archaeological heritage, making provision, as circumstances demand; II: for the conservation and maintenance of the archaeological heritage, preferably in situ». The following comma and article 5 are also very important for the role of preventive archaeology today. In fact comma 3 of article 4 asks the parties involved to provide for appropriate storage places for archaeological remains, which have been removed from their original location. The following article 5 faces the problem of joint planning, as follows: «Each Party undertakes:
PE R
I: to seek to reconcile and combine the respective requirements of archaeology and development plans by ensuring that archaeologists participate: a. in planning policies designed to ensure well-balanced strategies for the protection, conservation and enhancement of sites of archaeological interest; b. in the various stages of development schemes. II: to ensure that archaeologists, town and regional planners systematically consult one another in order to permit: a. the modification of development plans likely to have adverse effects on the archaeological heritage; b. the allocation of sufficient time and resources for an appropriate scientific study to be made of the site and for its findings to be published;
— 67 —
* * *
ZI O
N E
III: to ensure that environmental impact assessments and the resulting decisions involve full consideration of archaeological sites and their settings; IV: to make provision, when elements of the archaeological heritage have been found during development work, for their conservation in situ when feasible; V: to ensure that the opening of archaeological sites to the public, especially any structural arrangements necessary for the reception of large numbers of visitors, does not adversely affect the archaeological and scientific character of such sites and their surroundings».
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
This discussion on principles was fuelled by some contemporary concrete experiences that developed in the first important study cases. In France the first pioneering urban excavations started in 1967 at the Centre Bourse of Marseille, after the plan for an underground parking lot had opened a heated up debate in the public opinion. That experience led some years later, in 1973, to the creation of the AFAN (Association pour les Fouilles Archéologiques Nationales), which gave birth in 2002 to the INRAP (Institut National pour la Recherche Archéologique Preventive). The French experience was based on a special law for preventive archaeology and on the State’s will intention to keep this mission as a public service. Funded completely through a special tax and by the developers, INRAP is today a Public Research Institution (Établissement Public de Recherche) under the umbrella of the Ministries of Culture, Communication and Research, with an administrative council representing research institutions, developers and local communities. With 800 researchers as staff, approximately half of all archaeologists in France, INRAP is, without any doubt, the most structured example on the international scene. This may be a one-time experience in the current economic situation and also for France; but its field work standards and communication to society are a benchmark of great interest for every other country. In the United Kingdom a completely different legal framework exists for preventive archaeology. Developed on entirely private basis with the Registered Archaeological Organizations, associated with the Institute for Archaeologists Units, it is only partially related to public bodies. Among the most interesting experiences, this system has only been active for the past 15 years. The MOLA (Museum of London Archaeology) (4) is one of
(4)
http://www.museumoflondonarchaeology.org.uk/
— 68 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
the largest archaeological units in the UK. With experience related to over 5,000 development projects and a production of about 200 projects every year, the MOLA provides expert advice and historic environment services to help its property developer clients. The strength of this integrated service – ranging from initial risk assessments to pragmatic mitigation solutions and fieldwork – is that the archaeologists also provide advice to developers and their teams throughout the design, planning and construction, from small schemes to major infrastructures, in both rural landscapes and complex, in a deeply stratified urban stratigraphy. An offshoot of MOLA, the MetroMOLA Ltd. has also been developed and offers its services throughout the UK and internationally. Among the most interesting features of MOLA is the Museum of London’s Docklands. An archaeological lab archive and an extraordinary museum, the Docklands tells the story of the local communities of the East London riverside in eleven galleries. This aspect of public communication is a particularly crucial issue for all preventive archaeology schemes because a consensus in public opinion is essential in long lasting and expensive operations dealing with sensitive areas and the sphere of services of communities. Similarly, the social pride that developed in Greece was also important at the time of the Attikò Metro, the subway project in Athens. This is not only because of the large extension of the explored area (79,000 square meters in total), but also because of its communication activities. I recall having visited the construction site at the time I was involved in the Metro construction in Naples. I remember that all people I met in cafes as well as taxi drivers mentioned with pride the beauty of the stations and the wonderful exhibition at the Museum of Cycladic Art, «The city beneath the city/ I polis kato tis poleos». I would like also to add that as a model of social involvement, the unification of Athens’ Archaeological Sites was made possible in this atmosphere; an extraordinary and unequalled project integrating urban planning and archaeology. I hope that Attikò Metro will yield the same results in Thessoloniki, a huge project covering an area of 20,000 square meters of excavations. In any case, it would seem that an important result has been achieved in the coordinated planning of the new design for the project, which foresaw lowering of the tunnels underneath the archaeological layers to a depth ranging from 14 to 31 meters (the initial depth was from 7 up to 9 meters), in an effort to avoid any unpleasant entanglements. Surfing the internet makes it easy to find other current cases of preventive archaeology, for instance, a website collecting cases of archaeology and metros (5). One of the most interesting endeavors, partly because of the no-
(5)
http://mic-ro.com/metro/archaeology.html
— 69 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
toriety of the city involved, is the light railway in Jerusalem started in 1995 by the Israeli Antiquities Authority. This led to important and unexpected discoveries, such as the Roman camp of the legions that were stationed in Jerusalem from about year 70 A.D. until around about 638 A.D. just around the headquarters of the IAA. Additionally, around the Old City, a large number of monasteries of the Byzantine period; and north of the city, a village inhabited from the II until the 12th century was found. Another famous case, maybe the most famous of Today’s preventive archaeology, is the Yenikapi’s excavation on the south side of Istanbul’s historic peninsula. Excavation, covering an area the size of 10 city blocks (one of the biggest digs worldwide in recent years), revealed the oldest traces of settlement in the urban area, the earliest known city wall of Constantinople, and at least 22 shipwrecks, including the first Byzantine galley ever found. A famous north-European case occurred in Ireland where, in 2007, a four-lane highway was designed to go near the Hill of Tara, in central Ireland, traditionally the seat of the kings of Ireland, and often described as the equivalent of Stonehenge. The National Roads Association (NRA) planned a new road 60 kilometers long, running straight through the Gabhra Valley, between Tara and the nearby Hill of Skreen, to shorten travel time between Dublin and Navan. After the recent discovery of Lismullin, a ceremonial enclosure located on the edge of the valley, just 2 km away from Tara, archaeologists and historians claimed that the entire valley, not just the hill, contained historical monuments and artifacts and should therefore be protected. As a result, the NRA conducted very productive surveys – 38 sites were identified – to finally decide on the best highway route from a purely archaeological point of view. Beside roads and energy production plant, other fields requiring important construction works and, by default, preventive archaeology are: dams, pipelines, solar power plants. Concerning dams, the most invasive option, we should remember the case in Egypt in the Sixties of the Aswan High Dam Campaign led by UNESCO. This project brought about not only the displacement of the Abu Simbel temple but also the documentation of a thousand archaeological sites before flooding the area, nowadays called Lake Nasser. After this extraordinary first case many others followed. In northern Iraq in the 1980s, the Saddam Dam Salvage Project run by the British Archaeological Expedition brought about the documentation of the Assyrian sites. In the 1990s the Eski Mosul Dam Savage Project was undertaken in collaboration with the University of Warsaw. In the same period, the Tabqa Dam was built in Syria after Syrian-German excavations took place. The excavations of Zeugma/Seleucia in the ancient Kingdom of Commagene occurred in Turkey over the Euphrates River. On the Silk Road, after the design of the
— 70 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
Birecik Dam in 1996 important complexes were discovered by the Gaziantep Museum and the Nantes University. The Merowe Dam close to the Fourth Cataract of the Nile, in northern Sudan the largest contemporary hydropower project in Africa, gave birth in 2006 to the Merowe Dam Archaeological Salvage Project (MDASP), involving the University of Cologne, the Gdans Museum, the Polish Academy of Science, the Humboldt University of Berlin, the ISIAO in Italy, the University College of London and many others institutions around the world at the Metolong Dam Project in Lesotho. In China the Three Gorges Dam on the Yangtse River created an enormous reservoir 370 miles long in the 1990s. Currently, a project in Korea concerns the site of Ulsan rich in petroglyphs. The Usumacinta River Dam in Mexico affecting the Maya culture relics gave rise to the Cochiti Dam Salvage Project. As for the USA around 1770s to the 1990s saw the construction of the John Kerr Dam in the Halifax County in Virginia, the Union Village Dam in Vermont, the Merril Creek Reservoir, in New Jersey. Many more examples remain. The topic of dams is evidently among the most impressive and is often under academic scrutiny: it was studied in 2006 by Steven A. Brandt and Fekri Hassan in a postgraduate dissertation of the Nottingham Trent University, “Damming the Past: Dams and Cultural Heritage management” (6). This study was inspired by a conference organized by the World Archaeological Congress and the World Commission on Dams. At this moment, a new workshop has been announced on the website of Durham University and the University of Edinburgh, “How to Build a dam and save Cultural Heritage”, scheduled for the 6-7 July 2012, and conceived as «a practical discussion about minimizing damage to cultural heritage during and after the construction of dam projects» and aimed at «beginning a multi-year project, and set the foundation and framework for future international sessions. The ultimate aim is the production of a practical set of guidelines for cultural heritage management in dam construction aimed at developers, foreign contractors, and policy makers. We cannot save or even record everything before it is lost, but must consider how best to choose, and what advice can be given to those in a position to make such decisions». * * *
After this excursus about the International situation, let me now come back to the Italian experience. Established in the same period as in other
(6)
S. Brandt, F. Hassan (ed) Damming the past: cultural heritage management and dams in global perspective, Lexington 2006.
— 71 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
European countries, the Italian system sits in between the French and the British models. On one side the protection of archeological heritage in Italy is a State matter, governed through superintendence whose main responsibility is preventive archaeology. On the other side, the State has provide no special law for financing this enormous activity, largely exceeding the regular budget assigned to archaeology. Therefore, for a long time, preventive archaeology simply rested without any rules on the shoulders of individual developers, and, in turn, on project’s budgets. Given that it was not only a problem of funds but also of skilled staff, not available in the superintendencies, instead of setting up a special institution like INRAP, Italy decided to leave the option open for free-lance archaeologists, as individuals or grouped in small mutual companies, the so-called cooperatives, to be hired by the developers. A period of empirical experience followed (7). Compared to the losses recorded in the reconstruction and development phases after World War II, the results of this phase are quite respectable as to the acceptable quality of protection, as e.g. in the cases of the new metro lines in Milan, Naples, Rome, or in the high speed railways Naples-Rome or the Genoa Harbor. The system of mutual companies (co-operatives) offered jobs to a number of young unemployed archaeologists. Nevertheless the small size of those companies and the limited strength of the superintendencies when negotiating with developers, owing to the absence of a specific law, deprived those experiences of the final necessary phase involving a comprehensive study and publication of the excavations results. Finally, thanks to the pressure of the archaeologists, a few years ago, two laws were approved for preventive archaeology (Legislative Decrees n. 42/2004 and n. 163/2006) that indicate important restrictions, mandatory only for public works, and a very important rule at a time when private funding is a significant fraction of the budget of construction plans also for public infrastructures, like solar plants. In the latter cases, the only power remains in the hands of the superintendencies remains the power of suspending the works at the first finding to assess the value. Aside from the lack of funds, the delay caused by this a posteriori procedure, and the impossibility to modify the construction plan in an effective way, unavoidably establishes a climate of conflict. In the current economic crisis, this climate has turned the archaeologist into the enemy of workforce and of development in name of values, which are difficult to explain to public. The fragmentation of preventive archaeology into researches carried out by small private companies had made it impossible to merge different ter-
(7)
AA. VV., Archeologia. Rischio o valore aggiunto?, in «Bollettino di Archeologia», 5354, 1998 (but 2004).
— 72 —
ZI O
N E
ritorial researches results into the framework of a single GIS (Geographic information system). Nowadays this is unacceptable especially in view of surveys and researches duplication. For this reason, taking advantage of the opportunity offered by the latest law to issue a by-law aimed at providing «guidelines aimed to ensure speediness, efficacy and efficiency to the procedure of preventive archaeology» in the short time of my mandate at the Directorate General, I established a Committee involving many stakeholders (universities, experienced developers, ministries) to study general guidelines. The main points of the by-law are as follow:
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
- a clarification of the cases in which a procedure for preventive archaeology is requested; - the different scientific disciplines involved, not only the traditional ones of archaeology and built heritage, but also geo-archaeology and geo-matics, GIS, CAD, air photo rectification and sub-surface deposit modelling and so on; - a clarification of the responsibilities and timing; - a list of freelance individuals and institutions, at a European level, qualified for the different aspects of the preventive archaeology (necessary for the involvement of foreign scientific institutions invited to prefer this kind of excavation to the traditional ones); - a budget of the costs to be expected for the different operations; - a proposal to establish evaluation criteria to assess of the importance of the discoveries guiding the subsequent decisions for protection (similar points exist in the British law PPG16 of November 1990, annex 4) to include a monument or a site in the list of the monuments “of national interest” which have a legal status favorable to the physical conservation in situ or avoiding physical alteration of their material state; - an updated system of evaluation of the economic values of the findings, to be integrated into the National Patrimony Evaluation. - a coordinated GIS shared by the Ministry, the Universities and other institutions for the archaeological sites; - the different levels and ways of publishing the results, mostly in an electronic format. I established also a new electronic magazine, the “Bollettino di Archeologia online”, edited by the Directorate of the Ministry integrated by the FastiOnline (8) and the Fold&r (9) of the AIAC, the International As-
(8)
http://www.fastionline.org/ FOLD&R (Fasti On Line Documents & Research) is an on-line peer-reviewed journal containing reports, both preliminary and final, on excavations from 2000 onwards. In: http:// www.fastionline.org/folder.php?view=home (9)
— 73 —
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
sociation for Classical Archaeology. It is foreseen that the publication of the preliminary reports will fall under the immediate responsibility of the field archaeologist signing these legal and scientific documents. The conclusive reports must be published within a four year delay timeframe. The funds for studying and publishing must be set aside in a special budget allocated for the superintendence; - the need to divulgate scientific through such means as websites, and virtual exhibitions, respecting suitable International standards of historical truth (such as the ENAME Charter on the interpretation of archaeological sites); - the need of properly located premises for final storage of finds and documentation. Traditional museums generally are not fit for large amounts of documentation and, apart from unique and very special cases, it would not be desirable to have new museums created after every campaign of preventive archaeology. It would be more convenient to design a net of regional centres managed by consortia of local institutions, museums and universities, conceived as research laboratories or archaeological archives (like the one the MOLA in London); preserving, studying and evaluating, also in connection with foreign institutions allowed to receive long terms loans, the results not only of the big salvage programs but also of the current minor operations which are part of everyday is tasks of the superintendence.
N
* * *
PE R
C
O
To conclude, speeding up public works at the loss of the memory of history proved in the past to be a poor way to develop a country: preventive archaeology has developed as a methodology to contribute to a sustainable development. In the current situation, self-regulation and collaboration are the keywords not to affect but possibly to improve the quality of preventive archaeology under the pressure of new economic constraints. However, it is likewise necessary that governments understand that budget cuts should not be pushed to unbearable limits. As someone noticed in the meeting of the Council of Europe “Culture Watch Europe” a few months ago in Slovenia, «many governments are slashing cultural budgets in a symbolic gesture of austerity of no economic importance. We must stress clearly that the rejection of culture is like starting a search for a path out of a dark forest by blowing out the candle».
— 74 —
Selected Bibliography
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
K. Bozoki-Ernyey, European Preventive Archaeology, Papers of the EPAC Meeting, Vilnus 2004, published by National Office of Cultural Heritage, Hungary and the Council of Europe, Directorate of Culture and Cultural and Natural heritage, 2007 (available in: http://www.coe.int/t/dg4/cultureheritage/heritage/ archeologie/epreventive archwebversion.pdf). MOLA (Museum of London Archaeology), http://www.museumoflondonarchaeology.org.uk/ S. Brandt, F. Hassan (eds.), Damming the Past: Cultural Heritage Management and Dams in Global Perspective, Lanham 2006. AA. VV., Archeologia. Rischio o valore aggiunto? in «Bollettino di Archeologia», 1998 (2004), 53-54. FastiOnline, in: http://www.fastionline.org/index.php FOLD&R (Fasti On Line Documents & Research), in: http://www.fastionline.org/ folder.php?view=home
N E
Giorgio Croci
ZI O
Department of Engineers – Sapienza, University of Rome – Via Eudossiana, 18 00184 Rome, Italy; [email protected]
LT A
ARCHES, DOMES AND VAULTS IN THE HISTORY OF ARCHITECTURE
PE R
C
O
N
SU
The first real domes arise and develop with the Romans. The dome of the Octagonal Room in the Domus Aurea (I cent.), the first important example, inspired the Pantheon (II cent.), more than 40 meters in diameter, that has been considered the real paradigm of the large domes to be built in the Western world. The next huge dome of Hagia Sofia (VI cent.) was built after several centuries; thereafter we must wait for the dawn of the Renaissance to have a breakthrough in structural design, with the domes of Saint Mary of the Flower (XIV cent.) and of St. Peter, clearly inspired to the Gothic. After St. Peter, the momentum of building and the seamless integration between structure and architecture seems to vanish. In this paper I shall outline the fundamental importance of the basic structural and engineering requirements in affecting and somehow dictating the aesthetics of four famous cupolas, namely the Pantheon in Rome, Hagia Sophia in Istambul, Saint Mary of the Flower in Florence and San Pietro in Rome.
1. Introduction
The arch has probably been the most important innovation in the history of architecture, transforming, thanks to the curvature associated with the thrust at the springs, bending moments in compression forces, even if a certain bending strength is indispensable to maintain a stable shape. Beams, catenaries and arches were the basic mono-dimensional elements that marked the development of structures and architectures.
— 76 — A) Beams
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
The beam is the simplest element, but its simplicity is not combined with the most favourable structural behaviour. The bearing capacity of beams is provided mainly by bending moments, so that equilibrium is assured only if compression and tension stresses can be developed on the opposite parts of each section. This behaviour involves two main prerequisites: 1) the material must be resistant to both compression and tension stresses; 2) the span cannot be too long because the arm of the resistant bending moment is small, being only a fraction of the section’s thickness; therefore stress easily becomes incompatible with the strength of ancient materials. For a long time wood has been the material that best satisfied these requirements. However, its limited durability and frequent destruction by fire created serious problems. On the other hand, stone beams and lintels cannot be adopted for long spans, on account of their limited and fragile tensile resistance. Moreover there are also difficulties in quarrying large monolithic pieces. To reduce the load on the lintels, the overhanging structure is often organised so as to load most of the stress directly onto the springers, as in the Lion’s gate at Mycenae (fig. 1). It has been only in the last two centuries that the production of new materials (steels, reinforced and pre-stressed concrete, etc.) has allowed the creation of beams with exceptional span, transforming them into the main element of modern architecture. B) Catenaries
PE R
C
O
Catenaries are undoubtedly more rational structural elements: the horizontal reaction at the ends provides a supplementary force that allows the material to act with a single, uniform stress; the specific characteristics of each material are then exploited to their best advantage and the resulting bearing capacity, thanks to the increased arm (which is now represented by the sag), is much greater than that of beams. Unfortunately, the high deformability of cables and ropes can impair the stability of their shape, limiting their use. Here too, the development of special steels and modern techniques to overcome these difficulties has permitted the construction of large structures, the most outstanding examples being suspension bridges. C) Arches The arch is the element that combines the advantage of the beam (stiffness) and of the catenary (lower stresses, on account of the large arm pro-
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 77 —
SU
Figure 1 – The Lion’s gate at Mycenae.
PE R
C
O
N
vided by the thrust at the springers). Moreover, as the behaviour of the catenary is inverted (tensions become compression stresses), continuity is no longer required and it is sufficient to ensure contrast between independent elements: stone blocks, that contrast each other and are easy to quarry, are thus the chief material used in building an arche. Displacements of the springers, often due to soil settlement or deformation of pillars, reduce the efficiency of the thrust and are the most frequent problem with this kind of structure. To prevent this phenomenon, wood or steel chains are frequently used. It is interesting to observe that the arch behaviour is magnified by the curvature of the structure but that this behaviour can be realised also in a very flat arch, or even in a beam, if the support does not allow any relative movement. In this case, a horizontal force is produced (the thrust) which, composed with vertical loads, makes it possible the flow of the stresses along curved ideal lines (arch effect) produced inside the thickness of the beam. The architraves (made of brick) in the octagonal hall in the Domus Aurea are an exceptional example of the arch effect (fig. 2). The weakest points in the dry block arches are the joints, where the shear stresses (parallel to the joints) can’t exceed the friction strength. To avoid these
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 78 —
Figure 2 – The architrave of the Octagonal Hall in the Domus Aurea.
PE R
C
O
N
problems, the joints in Roman arches and vaults are placed perpendicular to the geometrical axis; which is close to the line of the resulting compression force. In the Khmer arches and galleries (as often occurs in the Asian architecture), the blocks are cut in a different way so that the joints are horizontal. The consequence is that the direction of the resulting compression force is inclined with respect to the joint with a possible risk of sliding, when the friction resistance is exceeded. To prevent this risk and to reduce the inclination of the forces, heavy loads are often applied with important architectural effects, as in the Bayon Gate in Angkor (fig. 3). D) Vaults, domes and towers
Spatial vaults (usually with a circular, square or polygonal bases) are a development of the arch concept. Their particularly satisfactory behaviour is due to the double curvature and mainly to the hoop effect of horizontal rings. The cooperation between the forces that flow through the meridians and the parallels allows to achieve exceptional resistance. This gives the possibility to choose different architectural shapes even when these are not the
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 79 —
Figure 3 – The South Gate in Angkor Thom.
PE R
C
O
N
most rational and efficient ones from a structural point of view, as in the case of the Bulbous domes in Islamic countries. Similar to the arches, in dry stone structures the position of the joints influences the shape. In Asian architecture, where the joints are usually horizontal, domes are transformed in a kind of tower due to the necessity of increasing the vertical forces in order to reduce the shear forces and therefore the risk of sliding between joints.
2. The Pantheon (1)
The Pantheon (built under the Emperor Adriano in the 2nd century after Christ, fig. 4) is apparently a very simple structure made of a cylinder (the Rotunda) and a hemispheric dome of the same diameter (around 43 m). However, if we look at it in detail, it is much more complex, full of intuitions and innovations. (1)
G. Belardi, G. Croci, G. Carbonara, Il Pantheon: Storia, Tecnica e Restauro, Beta Gamma.
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 80 —
Figure 4 – The Pantheon in Rome.
PE R
C
The relationship between the cylinder and the dome appears very different if appreciated from outside or from inside. From the inside, the dome is clearly an hemisphere where the meridians spring vertically from the cylinder itself. From the outside, the cylinder appears higher than from inside and the dome emerges from the cornice with a flatter shape (fig. 5). It is interesting to note that the “steps” visible on the extrados of the dome are not an architectural choice but the consequence of the technique of pouring the concrete in successive rings. From the outside, the cylinder appears as a big brick wall, containing within its thickness a series of arches which inside correspond to niches and empty spaces. Probably the builders of the Pantheon were influenced by the Coliseum which although may appear completely different in structure, in reality is much more similar to the Rotunda than one may guess. The photomontage depicted in fig. 6 illustrates the analogy between these two apparently different monuments.
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 81 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
Figure 5 – Sketch of the internal view of the Pantheon.
Figure 6 – Photomontage of a section of the Pantheon and the Coliseum.
— 82 —
3. Hagia Sophia (2)
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
Hagia Sophia (built in the present shape under the Emperor Giustiniano in the 6th century, fig. 7) chronologically is the second biggest dome in the history of architecture and the overall plan was inspired by Pantheon. However, Hagia Sophia features some important differences related to the fact that the dome is supported by four huge pillars placed at the corners of an ideal square base (32 meters). Two problems arise: 1) how to resist the circumferential forces at the border of the dome; 2) how to transfer the vertical forces from the meridians to the pillars. The solution to the first problem was the introduction of hemidomes and abutments to balance the thrusts; while “pendentives” on the four corners, associated with arches, solved the second problem, allowing the forces to flow from the top to the ground (fig. 8). These innovations proved very important, and most of the following domes are inspired by these principles. Hagia Sophia suffered damages because of several earthquakes. The first one, which occurred just after the construction was completed, produced large collapses. The cupola was immediately rebuilt. The second major collapse in the 10th century involved the western portion of the building with damage to the arch and a quadrant of about 140° of the dome; this part was rebuilt in the following years. The third collapse occurred in the 14th century and produced a collapse, similar to the former one, in the opposite side. At present, the dome shows four lines of discontinuity following the meridians, large deformations on the ribs, marking the connections between original and rebuilt portions. Different analyses would show that critical situations arise when the earthquake acts in the direction of the abutments: concentration of stresses is produced on the pendentives and the supporting arch of the dome. Mathematical models show the deformation of the key of the arch, in agreement with what the actual experienced behaviour.
(2)
G. Croci, Seismic behaviour of masonry domes and vaults: Hagia Sophia in Istanbul and St. Francis of Assisi, First European Conference on earthquake, engineering and seismology Geneva, Switzerland, 3-8 September 2006.
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 83 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
Figure 7 – Hagia Sophia in Istanbul.
Figure 8 – Dome, arches and pendentives in Hagia Sophia.
— 84 —
4. The Temples of Angkor (3)
Figure 9 – The Temple of Angkor Wat.
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
Angkor is an extraordinary site where several ancient temples (built between the 9th and 13th century A.D.) emerge from the tropical forest, that over the centuries has gradually overrun. Angkor Wat, built in the 12th century, is the masterpiece of Khmer art (fig. 9).
It is a three-tiered mountain temple and is a physical representation of the Hindu cosmology. Five central towers represent the peaks of Mount Meru, the Olympus of Hindu gods and the centre of the universe. The outer walls represent the mountains at the edge of the world, and the moat of the oceans beyond. The temples have a tower shape that is a typical feature of the Khmer architecture but also (and perhaps mainly) a consequence of the need to sta-
(3)
G. Croci, The Temples of Angkor, Unesco 1998.
— 85 —
ZI O
N E
bilize the structure, built with sandstone blocks and horizontal joints (as already mentioned in paragraph 1). The main causes of damage and decay are related to stone deterioration and the effect of trees (in some cases the roots, penetrating into the joints, have progressively enlarged the joints, displacing the blocks, till the collapse). Soil settlement related to the change in the underground water table, is another important factor: the site of Angkor was totally abandoned from the 12th to the 19th century, when the Khmer Kingdom was defeated by the Siams.
5. The Basilica of St. Francis of Assisi (4)
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
The Basilica of St. Francis of Assisi (fig. 10) was built in the 13th century. It suffered several earthquakes, but none produced a damage as great as that which hit the Basilica on September 26, 1997 producing the collapse of two vaults, large cracks everywhere and the collapse of the tympanum of one transept. Urgent measures, to prevent largest collapses, were required on the vaults. After having installed a provisional “flying bridge” suspended to the roof, some synthetic fibre strips where applied on the vaults over the cracks and a system of wires and springs to suspend the vaults to the roof was put in place. The springs were inserted to maintain the force at the design value, independent from thermal effects, also cutting the transmission of the vibrations. Different mathematical models were elaborated to study the structural behaviour under the effect of seismic forces. These showed that the earthquake produces on the vaults large tensions on the ribs; coherently with the collapse mechanism, the hinge created in the middle of the rib at the moment of the collapse is clearly visible (fig. 11). The first repair work involved the reconstruction of the collapsed vaults by using as much as possible the original salvaged bricks. To consolidate the large cracks and the permanent deformations, that generally affected all the vaults, it was decided to build, over the extrados, a net of ribs made of timber strips covered with a fabric of aramidic fibres and epoxy resin (fig. 12). These elements were previously tested in a specialised testing laboratory. To reduce deformability, system of tie bars and springs connecting the vaults and the roof was also built in.
(4)
G. Croci, The Basilica of Assisi, IABSE 1999.
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 86 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
Figure 10 – Interior view of the Basilica of St. Francis of Assisi.
Figure 11 – The instant when the collapse begun (it is visible the broken rib).
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 87 —
SU
Figure 12 – The ribs on the extrados of the vaults.
N
6. Saint Mary of the Flower (5)
PE R
C
O
The dome of the Church of St. Mary of the Flower (Brunelleschi, 15th century, fig. 13) is the first example of a big dome with a double shell on an octagonal plan. Having a diameter 43 m similar to the Pantheon, the design received inspiration from the Gothic vaults. In order to reduce the thrust, the shape is ogival; and to reduce the weight, the main bearing structure is made of 8 principal ribs (or spurs) in the corners and 16 supplementary ribs in the middle of the webs (or segments of the shells). The circumferential connection is ensured by 4 stone ribs (a kind of “chains of stone” reinforced with steel clamps) and a wooden chain; in addition, small horizontal arches improve the connection between the corner ribs and the adjacent ribs on the webs. One of the main issues that Brunelleschi had to solve was how to build such a huge dome without scaffolding, which would have been too big and too heavy. To tackle this problem, Brunelleschi was most likely guided by (5)
G. Croci, M. Cerone, Le Grandi Cupole del Passato, in «Recupero e Conservazione» n. 71, 2006 (Casa Editrice “de LETTERA”).
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 88 —
Figure 13 – The Church of St. Mary of the Flower, in Florence.
PE R
C
O
N
the Pantheon and the Domus Aurea; the “oculus” had shown that the equilibrium was possible without extending the structure up to the top. In addition, Brunelleschi may have been inspired by vaults and domes constructed in Persia (that possibly he visited at the time) where, following an old tradition, stability during construction was ensured by a precise study of the layout shape and by nesting of the bricks (herringbone etc.) that may sustain the development of an horizontal “arch effect”. The octagonal shape extending to the drum and the plan of the church underneath, possibly allows to imagine the seismic behaviour of the dome with the “stone chains” or supplementary steel chains providing tensile strength, as already remarked. Some small cracks visible on shells, in the areas over the windows, appear to be attributed to the phase of construction more than to seismic effects (which, incidentally, are very mild in Florence). The octagonal base of the dome is made of four huge pillars on the four sides, and four arches in between, such that the supporting structure is stiff; and stiffness was enhanced by the connection with small hemidomes, probably inspired by Hagia Sophia. On the top of the dome there is a lantern; this implies that differently from the Pantheon, the meridians arrive at the edge-ring of the oculus with a smaller inclination with respect to the vertical line, necessary to support the weight of the lantern.
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 89 —
Figure 14 – The dome of St. Peter in Rome.
O
N
7. St. Peter (6)
PE R
C
The dome of St. Peter (Michelangelo 16th century, fig. 14) has a diameter similar to the Pantheon and to S. Maria del Fiore (43 m); and as the latter, has been deeply influenced by the Gothic conception. Nevertheless, a general harmony and classical inspiration is evident. The project of St. Peter’s dome has had several vicissitudes before arriving at the final design of Michelangelo. A significant difference between the domes planned by Brunelleschi and by Michelangelo is in the shape of the drum, that here is circular, even if the dome is made with 16 ribs. The circumferential stone chains of S. Maria del Fiore, in St. Peter are replaced by steel chains. From the seismic viewpoint, there are certain analogies between the structural scheme of Hagia Sophia and S. Peter, since in both cases the forces are obliged to flow from the circular plane of the dome to the four (6)
G. Croci, M. Cerone, Le grandi cupole del passato – San Pietro, in «Recupero e Conservazione» n. 72, 2006 (Casa Editrice “de LETTERA”).
— 90 —
ZI O
N E
columns placed at the corners of an ideal square, through four arches and relative pendentives. The substantial difference, however, is that in St. Peter there is a strong drum whilst in Hagia Sophia, as we have seen, not only the drum is absent but the base of the dome is weakened by a series of windows. Even if St. Peter appears to be resistant enough against earthquakes, it is likely, however, that the earthquake that hit Rome in 1703, acting on a structure that had suffered (a) from shrinkage and viscous phenomena (due to a rush in completing the construction) and probably (b) from some differential settlements (because of non homogeneous ancient underground structures), contributed to the cracks that in the middle of the eighteen century caused to Pope Benedetto XIV such a considerable alarm that he ordered the dome to be reinforced with circular steel chains.
LT A
8. Arches and domes after St. Peter
PE R
C
O
N
SU
St. Peter represents the last exceptional dome ever built, having a diameter of around 42 mt., similar to the Pantheon, Hagia Sophia and St. Mary of the Flowers, as already remarked. In the following centuries such endeavours have not been attempted again. The dome of St. Paul in London (17th century) and that of the Pantheon in Paris (18th century), both built with three vaults (diameter around 34 mt.), represent interesting solutions. However, the strong linkage between structure and architecture that has characterised the more ancient domes, appears to be lost: in both cases only the intermediate shell was built to provide the structural bearing capacity, while the inner and external vaults have mainly a decorative purpose. The development of new techniques and technologies has transformed the static conception of the vaults and steel begins to be preferred to masonry, even if these steel structures are often hidden under a masonry casing; this is the case for the dome of the Capitol in Washington D.C. built in the 19th century, where a steel reticulated dome is covered with blocks of stones. The reconstruction at the end of the 20th century of the dome of the Reichstadt in Berlin, destroyed during the second world war, is an interesting example of the use of steel that doesn’t need to be hidden, but on the contrary, is visible to demonstrate all its exceptional static and architectonic potentialities. Last but not the least, we would like to mention the Millennium Dome in London built to celebrate the transition between the 20th and the 21st century, so huge that even today no one knows exactly how to utilise this structure. Probably it will be dismantled.
N E
Paola Moscati
ZI O
Istituto di Studi sul Mediterraneo Antico, Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche – Via Salaria Km 29,300 c.p. 10 00015 Monterotondo Stazione (RM), Italy; [email protected]
LT A
ARCHAEOLOGY AND COMPUTERS: PERSPECTIVES OF THE 21ST CENTURY
This seminar will focus on some issues of particular relevance for the evolution of computer applications to archaeology (1) and will be subdivided into four main parts: A brief history of archaeological computing; Innovative perspectives of computer applications: future challenges in archaeological methods and theory; - Some case studies from the research sector, related to the Mediterranean area; - Some documents and tools that are useful for educational purposes.
N
SU
-
PE R
C
O
But before dealing with the first issue, it is important to focus on the scientific definition of the science that henceforth will be referred to as “archaeological computing”: Archaeological computing is a new and evolving discipline, which promotes the development of formalised procedures and enables archaeologists to collect, represent, process and communicate data, introducing alternative paths of scientific inquiry and causing a profound impact on traditional archaeological research methods (2).
(1) The literature on computer applications in archaeology has now acquired considerable proportions. Therefore, except for specific quotations relative to the history of archaeological computing, we will refer to documents available online, and in particular to the articles published in the Journal «Archeologia e Calcolatori» (http://soi.cnr.it/archcalc/), which are freely downloadable. (2) P. Moscati, Archeologia e società dell’informazione, in XXI Secolo, vol. I, Norme e idee, Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, Roma 2009 (http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/archeologia-e-societa-dell-informazione_%28XXI-Secolo%29/).
— 92 —
ZI O
N E
This definition was formulated within the context of the research group led by Tito Orlandi and devoted to Humanities Computing (3). Emphasis is placed on two main aspects: the formalisation of the procedures and the improvements that computer science brought to traditional archaeological methods. In this context, the archaeologist plays a pivotal role in data collection and interpretation; at the same time computer techniques are not considered just a tool supporting the investigation, but rather a methodology affecting the entire cycle of archaeological research as a source of information and a means of communication.
1. A brief history of archaeological computing
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
Archaeological computing has its roots in the 1950s, when the first attempts to automate archaeological data processing were reported. In this period two main lines of investigation emerged: the pioneering work by JeanClaude Gardin in France and the rising movement of the New Archaeology in the United States. Gardin was a French archaeologist specialised in oriental studies and the promoter of many important research projects in Central Asia. Drawing on a heterogeneous background of studies, Gardin was always deeply involved in the formalisation of scientific languages and the modelling of archaeological constructs (4). Since the mid-1950s, after his experience as member of the French archaeological delegation in Afghanistan and of the “Mission de documentation mécanographique”, Gardin established and led the “Centre d’Analyse Documentaire pour l’Archéologie” in Paris. Gardin’s research group promoted the creation of “codes” for the description of archaeological artefacts (Bronze Age metal weapons and tools, oriental cylinder seals, coins, pottery, etc.), through the application of mechanical registration procedures and the use of punched cards. Important documents relative to Gardin’s research activity are now housed at the Maison René-Ginouvès, Archéologie et Ethnologie, in Nanterre in the archival collection “Équipe Archéologie de l’Asie centrale et Jean-Claude Gardin”. A joint effort for the digitisation and online dissemination of the most ancient documents is currently in progress.
(3)
T. Orlandi, Informatica umanistica, Roma 1990. J.-C. Gardin, Une archéologie théorique, Paris 1979; Id., Archaeological Constructs. An Aspect of Theoretical Archaeology, Cambridge 1980. (4)
— 93 —
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
With his logistic approach, Gardin sought to build a bridge between observations and hypotheses, laying the foundations for a theory of archaeological knowledge representation, which has yet to be improved upon by the most modern solutions offered by the Semantic Web. The cultural movement of New Archaeology, also known as Processual Archaeology, was developed in the 1960s. Its promoters, in particular Lewis R. Binford (5), claimed that computers, as in other exact sciences, should become an indispensable tool for the automatic treatment of data in archaeology and anthropology. The “quantitative” analysis of archaeological artefacts, mainly those relevant to prehistory, envisaged the pioneering application of mathematical and statistical techniques, in particular sampling and significance testing, in order to investigate social and economic characteristics of ancient societies. Methods were often borrowed from other research areas, such as natural sciences, geography, ecology and psychology, and then improved to respond to the specific needs of archaeology. A similar approach was also used in Britain – as exemplified by the work of David L. Clarke (6) who promoted the use of computer-based analytical methods – and gave rise to more specialised sectors, such as social and spatial archaeology. Among the experts who applied statistical techniques for the analysis and classification of archaeological artefacts, I would like to mention an Italian scholar, Amilcare Bietti, who illustrated the results of his research during a cycle of Conferences held here, at the Centro Linceo Interdisciplinare (7). It was only during the 1970s, with the introduction of databases, that computer science was employed in archaeology, to manage the “explosion documentaire”, as René Ginouvès defined it, causing the distinction between quantitative methods and documentary analysis (8). But it was not un-
PE R
(5) L.R. Binford, Archaeology as Anthropology, «American Antiquity», 28, 1962, 217-225; S.R. Binford, L.R. Binford, New Perspectives in Archaeology, Chicago 1968. (6) D.L. Clarke, Analytical Archaeology, London 1968; Id., Models in Archaeology, London 1972. (7) A. Bietti, Metodi matematici e statistici applicati all’Archeologia e alla Paletnologia, Contributi del Centro Linceo Interdisciplinare di Scienze Matematiche e loro Applicazioni, n. 47, Roma 1979; Id., Tecniche matematiche nell’analisi dei dati archeologici, ibid., n. 61, Roma 1982. (8) J.-C. Gardin (ed.), Archéologie et calculateurs: problèmes sémiologiques et mathématiques, Actes du Colloque international (Marseille 1969), Paris 1970; F.R. Hodson, D.G. Kendall P. Tautu (eds), Mathematics in the Archaeological and Historical Sciences, Proceedings of the Anglo-Romanian Conference (Mamaia 1970), Edinburgh 1971; M. Borillo, J.-C. Gardin (eds), Les banques de données archéologiques, Actes du Colloque international (Marseille 1972), Paris 1974; J.E. Doran, F.R. Hodson, Mathematics and Computers in Archaeology, Edinburgh 1975; R. Ginouvès, A.-M. Guimier-Sorbets, La constitution des données en archéologie classique, Paris 1978.
— 94 — til the 1980s that a more comprehensive view of the archaeological research sectors involved in data digitisation was outlined (9). Among the main sectors it is worth mentioning:
whereas the most widespread computer applications were:
N E
- Cultural Resource Management; classification of archaeological findings; surveys and excavations; data diffusion and education;
ZI O
- Statistical techniques; databases; computer graphics; expert systems.
2. Innovative perspectives of computer applications:
LT A
future challenges in archaeological methods and theory
O
N
SU
While the 1980s were the euphoric years of technological development, mostly related to the introduction of PCs on the desk of Humanities researchers, the 1990s were the years of methodological consolidation, and the appearance of some important innovations. First of all, the impact of the Internet, with its new communication philosophy based on the principle of shared knowledge (10). Secondly, the development of Geographical Information Systems, as a new computer platform for hosting and processing archaeological spatial data (11). And lastly, the introduction of Virtual Reality techniques, as a vehicle towards a cultural communication increasingly based on visualisation (12). The 1990s also show a new approach to the study of the past, as archaeology changed and expanded the nature, purpose and horizons of its methods. The
PE R
C
(9) C. Orton, Mathematics in Archaeology, Cambridge 1980; S.W. Gaines (ed.), Data Bank Applications in Archaeology, Tucson 1981; P. Moscati, Archeologia e Calcolatori, Firenze 1987; S. Shennan, Quantifying Archaeology, Edinburgh 1988; A.-M. Guimier-Sorbets, Les bases des données en archéologie. Conception et mise en œuvre, Paris 1990; F. Djindjian, Méthodes pour l’archéologie, Paris 1991; S. Ross, J. Moffett, J. Henderson (eds), Computing for Archaeologists, Oxford University Committee for Archaeology, Oxford 1991. See also the Proceedings of the annual Conferences “Computer Applications and Quantitative Methods in Archaeology”, which starting in 1987 were published in the British Archaeological Reports International Series (http:// caaconference.org/proceedings/published/). (10) P. Reilly, S. Rahtz (eds), Archaeology and the Information Age, London 1992. (11) K.M.S. Allen, S.W. Green, E.B.W. Zubrow (eds), Interpreting Space: GIS and Archaeology, London 1990; G. Lock, Z. Stančič (eds), Archaeology and Geographical Information Systems: A European Perspective, London 1995. (12) P. Reilly, Towards a Virtual Archaeology, in K. Lockyear, S.P.Q. Rahtz (eds), Computer Applications and Quantitative Methods in Archaeology 1990, BAR International Series 565, Oxford 1991, 133-139; J.A. Barceló, M. Forte, D.H. Sanders (eds), Virtual Reality in Archaeology, BAR International Series 843, Oxford 2000.
— 95 —
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
result was a “global archaeology”, oriented towards a comprehensive study of the material evidence of the past (13). Some of the research practices produced by global archaeology are strictly related to the achievements of archaeological computing, as is the case for environmental and landscape archaeology, spatial archaeology (or archaeogeography), and archaeology of architecture. Environmental and landscape archaeology studies the interaction between man and nature and makes extensive use of non-invasive diagnostic techniques, particularly in the fields of geophysics and remote sensing, as well as statistical sampling techniques (14). The study promoted by the English Heritage in 2001 at the Stonehenge site represents one of the earliest systematic LiDAR surveys (15). Spatial archaeology, in turn, studies the human organisation of the ancient space, through statistical analyses of archaeological evidence distribution phenomena. Spatial analysis in archaeology was already developed in the 1970s (16), but the spread of GIS has offered new opportunities for the examination of spatial patterns and has raised new questions on how ancient people used and perceived the space around them (17). Two examples, among many, can be mentioned: the distribution of settlements in the surroundings of the Celtiberian town of Segeda (18) and the Iron Age settlement system in pre-Roman Daunia, Southern Italy (19). Archaeology of architecture, which by definition embraces both archaeology and architecture, envisages the stratigraphic study of the walls and the analysis of building techniques, documenting them through 2D and 3D digital representation techniques, also for conservation and restoration purposes. By way of illustration, two recent examples, again from the Mediterranean
(13)
T. Mannoni, Venticinque anni di archeologia globale, Genova 1994. H. Chapman, Landscape Archaeology and GIS, Stroud 2006; see now R. Lasaponara, N. Masini (eds), Satellite Remote Sensing. A New Tool for Archaeology, Dordrecht 2012. (15) http://www.english-heritage.org.uk/professional/research/landscapes-and-areas/nationalmapping-programme/stonehenge-whs-nmp/stonehenge-world-heritage-site-lidar. (16) I. Hodder, C. Orton, Spatial Analysis in Archaeology, Cambridge 1976; D.L. Clarke (ed.), Spatial Archaeology, London 1978. (17) G. Lock (ed.), Beyond the Map: Archaeology and Spatial Technologies, Amsterdam 2000, 65-84; D. Wheatley, M. Gillings, Spatial Technology and Archaeology. The Archaeological Applications of GIS, London 2002. (18) F. Burillo Mozota, S. Escolano Utrilla, E. Ruíz Budría, “Segeda Project”: the I.T. management of the territory of a Celtiberian city-state, «Archeologia e Calcolatori», 15, 2004, 409-420 (http://soi.cnr.it/archcalc/indice/PDF15/24_Burillo.pdf). (19) B. Pecere, Viewshed e Cost Surface Analyses per uno studio dei sistemi insediativi antichi: il caso della Daunia tra X e VI sec. a.C., «Archeologia e Calcolatori», 17, 2006, 177-213 (http://soi.cnr.it/archcalc/indice/PDF17/11_Pecere.pdf).
PE R
(14)
— 96 — area, can be reported: the Provincial Forum of Tarraco (Spain) (20), and the so-called “Terme di Elagabalo” (Rome, Palatine Hill) (21). Consequently, in the new Millennium, the consolidated application of computers to archaeology opens up more complex theoretical perspectives that can be summarised in the following areas of investigation (22):
N E
- Data encoding and formalisation; languages, standards and metadata; the representation of spatial data; the shift from reality to virtuality; the communication of archaeology through the web.
ZI O
But the real impact of archaeological computing can be found in the following main approaches: - Integration, multimedia, and open science.
C
O
N
SU
LT A
In particular, the integration of tools and techniques throughout the entire cycle of archaeological research, from data capture, to data processing, representation and dissemination is now a consolidated approach. For example, for the acquisition and location of data, one sees the increasingly frequent integration of sophisticated tools and techniques, such as GPR, LiDAR, GPS, photogrammetry, and laser scanner. For data processing and integration of spatial data with documentary information, we have witnessed the spread of Geographical Information Systems. The remarkable and well-known Forma Italiae project can be taken as an example at a national level (23). Its purpose is the establishment of an archaeological land register, which is useful for historical research and fundamental for the protection of the archaeological heritage. At a more local level, the SITAR System (24) is a recent and very powerful GIS designed to collect and visualise information on ancient Rome in relation to the modern urban layout. For data representation, 3D modelling and Virtual Reality techniques are used for the purpose of disseminating and communicating information to a larg-
PE R
(20) M.S. Vinci, La documentazione dell’edilizia storica in ambito urbano: applicazioni del raddrizzamento fotografico al caso del “Foro Provinciale” di Tarragona, «Archeologia e Calcolatori», 23, 2012, 101-120 (http://soi.cnr.it/archcalc/indice/PDF23/06_Vinci.pdf). (21) C. Panella, R. Gabrielli, C. Giorgi, Le “Terme di Elagabalo” sul Palatino: sperimentazione di un metodo fotogrammetrico 3D applicato allo scavo archeologico, «Archeologia e Calcolatori», 22, 2011, 243-260 (http://soi.cnr.it/archcalc/indice/PDF22/AC_22_Panella_et_al.pdf). (22) P. Moscati (ed.), New Frontiers of Archaeological Research. Languages, Communication, Information Technology, «Archeologia e Calcolatori», 15, 2004 (http://soi.cnr.it/archcalc/ indice/PDF15/00b_Intro.pdf). (23) http://www.formitaliae.it/index.html. (24) M. Serlorenzi et al., Il Sistema Informativo Territoriale Archeologico di Roma: SITAR, «Archeologia e Calcolatori», 23, 2012, 31-50, (http://soi.cnr.it/archcalc/indice/PDF23/02_Serlorenzi_et_al.pdf).
— 97 —
ZI O
N E
er audience, as in the recent cases of the Virtual Museum of Iraq (25) or the Museum of the Flaminia consular road (26). The integration of numerous ICT tools for data sharing and transmission envisages the use of webmapping and webGIS technologies, within the framework of “telearchaeology”, which is meant to unify the procedures that research practice had previously kept separate: investigations in the field and data processing in the laboratory. Two well-known case-studies, based on webmapping technologies, are the Fasti Online (27), a database of archaeological excavations since the year 2000 throughout the area of the Roman Empire, and the interactive Atlas of Hierapolis (28), a project carried out by the Italian Archaeological Mission at Hierapolis in Phrygia (Turkey). 3. Some case studies from the research sector
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
To better appreciate the aims and the results that can be achieved through the application of computer-based methods, we can cite some examples from research projects carried out by our CNR Institute, involving ancient Italic civilisations. More efficiently than any general, and therefore generic, discussion, they can help to reconstruct past experiences and shed light on future perspectives. Let us focus on the “Caere Project” (29). The ancient Etruscan town of Caere, today Cerveteri, which is famous for its Etruscan necropolis, is located about twenty-five miles north of Rome on an isolated tufa plateau about 150 hectares in size. During the 1980s surveys and excavations began on the urban plateau, under the scientific direction of Mauro Cristofani. In particular, in the central part of the ancient town, several archaeological phases were identified, beginning in the Villanovan period and continuing until the Roman period. The archaeological situation immediately showed an extensive stratification, which was difficult to interpret, because of a long archaeological sedimentation, frequent ploughing and illegal excavations that had altered the archaeological stratigraphy. As Mauro Cristofani wrote, it was like reading a manuscript from which important pages had been torn out. Different types of fine and coarse-ware pottery and terracotta architectural fragments, related to the decoration of an aristocratic residence and a temple, were found. Some of them are now exhibited in the Villa Giulia National Etruscan Museum in Rome.
(25) (26) (27) (28) (29)
http://www.virtualmuseumiraq.cnr.it/. http://www.vhlab.itabc.cnr.it/flaminia/. http://www.fastionline.org/. http://antares.ibam.cnr.it:8080/atlante/. http://www.progettocaere.rm.cnr.it/.
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 98 —
SU
Figure 1 – The home page of the “Caere Project” website.
PE R
C
O
N
Caere soon became a fertile ground on which to experiment computer applications, and at the end of the 1990s the “Caere Project” was approved as part of the CNR Cultural Heritage Special Project (Fig. 1). The development of the “Caere Project” has made it possible to establish a unique and comprehensive model for the digitisation of excavation data within a GIS platform (30). Data produced from the integration of other disciplines, such as geophysics and archaeoastronomy, play a meaningful role within this platform. Following the evolution of numerous computer applications, the “Caere Project” allows experts to trace the development of archaeological computing from the 1980s to the new Millennium: -
From the first relational database, which was created for the cataloguing of artefacts, to the interactive web-based interrogation of data.
(30) P. Moscati, From an Etruscan town to modern technologies: new advancements in the “Caere Project”, in F. Djindjian, P. Moscati (eds.), XIV Congress of the UISPP, Commission IV Data Management and Mathematical Methods in Archaeology (Liège 2001), «Archeologia e Calcolatori», 13, 2002, 135-149 (http://soi.cnr.it/archcalc/indice/PDF13/08Moscati.pdf).
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 99 —
SU
Figure 2 – The opening image of the video dedicated to the “Caere Project”.
From the traditional paper-based cartography to digital cartography, which – as Paolo Sommella taught us all (31) – resulted in the overcoming of the traditional scale factor, with a scientific perspective available for the requirements of different user environments.
-
From the first attempts to visualise a 3D representation of the terrain to the use of Digital Terrain Models for the application of Spatial Analysis techniques, giving rise to interesting results for the intervisibility analysis between the two tufa plateaus: the urban plateau and the one where the Banditaccia necropolis is located.
C
O
N
-
PE R
- From the excavation diaries to their consultation via the web, after the electronic transcription of the texts and their encoding through the use of the XML markup language and the TEI-Lite, a standard for the representation of texts in digital form developed by the Text Encoding Initiative Consortium (32).
(31)
P. Sommella, Esperienze documentali sul territorio dagli anni ’80 ad oggi. Alcune considerazioni, in P. Moscati (ed.), La nascita dell’informatica archeologica, Atti del Convegno Internazionale (Roma 2008), «Archeologia e Calcolatori», 20, 2009, 47-59 (http://soi.cnr.it/archcalc/indice/PDF20/5_Sommella.pdf). (32) P. Moscati, Linguaggi di marcatura per la conservazione e la valorizzazione dell’informazione archeologica, in Atti del Convegno internazionale Archivi informatici per il
ZI O
N E
— 100 —
LT A
Figure 3 – The home page of the website dedicated to the Etruscan necropolises of Cerveteri and Tarquinia.
PE R
C
O
N
SU
Communication has always been one of the aims of the project, as was effectively demonstrated in 2005 in Brussels during the Conference “Communicating European Research”, when an insightful video on the history of the “Caere Project” was shown (Fig. 2). In the last couple of years, the results obtained gave us the opportunity to move from a more traditional approach to a new multimedia solution, making use of the Museo&Web Open Source Content Management System, which was promoted by the Italian Ministry of Cultural Heritage within the European Minerva Project. Within the Museo&Web initiative, the CNR Institute participated in the planning of the first sample of a website dedicated to a site pertaining to the UNESCO World Heritage List: the Etruscan necropolises of Cerveteri and Tarquinia, with particular emphasis on the Etruscan town of Caere. The new website (Fig. 3) can now be accessed from the Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici dell’Etruria Meridionale website (33). As part of this website, it is our intention to release the first results achieved through the planning of an interactive itinerary, which starts from the Villa Giulia Etruscan National Museum with a visit to the exhibition rooms dedicated to Caere (Fig. 4). Then, following a specially designed path along the Via Aurelia, the itinerary reaches Cerveteri, where visitors may enjoy panoramic tours both inside the archaeological museum and in the Banditaccia necropolis (Fig. 5).
patrimonio culturale (Roma 2003), Contributi del Centro Interdisciplinare Linceo “Beniamino Segre”, n. 114, Roma 2006, 77-94. (33) http://www.etruriameridionale.beniculturali.it/.
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 101 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
Figure 4 – The panoramic tour inside the exhibition rooms dedicated to Caere, Villa Giulia National Etruscan Museum.
Figure 5 – The panoramic tour in the Banditaccia, necropolis, Cerveteri.
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 102 —
SU
Figure 6 – The home page of the website dedicated to the Sabine necropolis of Colle del Forno.
PE R
C
O
N
The achievements and improvements of interactive multimedia techniques, not only for research purposes but also for conservation, restoration and data dissemination, are effectively illustrated in another research project carried out by our Institute. In 2006, on the occasion of the inauguration of the renewed rooms of the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek in Copenhagen, a multimedia research project was promoted. It focused on the virtual reconstruction of the grave goods relevant to a tomb found in the Sabine necropolis of Colle del Forno, lying on the Via Salaria, 30 km north of Rome (34). A dedicated website (35) (Fig. 6) allows users to follow four main paths: the first three are dedicated to the necropolis of Colle del Forno and the discovery of the tomb, while the fourth focuses on the virtual 3D reconstruction of the cart found inside it. The tomb, excavated in 1972 and unfortunately already looted, held a princely burial. The grave goods are now kept both in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek in Copenhagen and in the Archaeological Museum of Fara in Sabina.
(34) A. Emiliozzi, P. Moscati, P. Santoro, The Princely Cart from Eretum, in P. Moscati (ed.), Virtual Museums and Archaeology. The Contribution of the Italian National Research Council, «Archeologia e Calcolatori», Suppl. 1, 2007, 143-162 (http://soi.cnr.it/archcalc/indice/ Suppl_1/10_Emiliozzi.pdf). (35) http://www.principisabini.it/.
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 103 —
SU
Figure 7 – The virtual reconstruction of the princely cart.
PE R
C
O
N
In order to recontextualise both the tomb and its grave goods from an archaeological viewpoint, a virtual restitution of the chamber and the princely cart was carried out. As we said before, a website with an interactive multimedia application completed the project, allowing users to immerse themselves in the ancient customs of an Italic people, located in the Tiber Valley. The reconstruction of the cart, which dates to the last quarter of the seventh century B.C., implied working within a virtual laboratory as an ancient craftsman. By cutting, indenting and making holes in each element, just as if they were real, it was possible to simulate the construction of the structural elements of the vehicle and its movement mechanisms. The bronze sheets, a unicum among archaeological artefacts in ancient Italy, were recontextualised, finding their place in the new 3D image of the cart. At the end of the virtual process, an artefact that originally was in a fragmented state had been transformed into a meaningful and dynamic object (Fig. 7).
4. Some documents and tools
At the end of this long journey along the evolution of archaeological computing and within the context of an open approach towards the scientif-
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 104 —
SU
Figure 8 – The home page of «Archeologia e Calcolatori» website.
PE R
C
O
N
ic dissemination of archaeological results, the editorial improvements of our scholarly Journal «Archeologia e Calcolatori» (36) become particularly relevant. The Journal was established in 1990 for the purpose of increasingly involving Mediterranean countries in the international debate on the development of computer applications, primarily in classical and post-classical archaeology (37). Since 1990 «Archeologia e Calcolatori» (Fig. 8) has been an international observatory of theoretical and methodological aspects of archaeological computing. Some specific features characterise the journal on an international arena: multilingualism, the dialogue between theory and experimentation, the continuous bibliographical updating, and the evaluation of computer applications through tangible archaeological results. Periodical publication of special thematic issues and of conference proceedings allows readers to appreciate the ongoing evolution of the archaeologist’s approach to the generation and spreading of digital information for (36)
http://soi.cnr.it/archcalc/. P. Moscati, «Archeologia e Calcolatori»: le ragioni di una scelta, in P. Moscati (ed.), La nascita dell’informatica archeologica, cit., 145-154 (http://soi.cnr.it/archcalc/indice/ PDF20/12_Moscati.pdf); Ead., Venti anni di «Archeologia e Calcolatori». Aspetti e momenti, in L. Perilli, D. Fiormonte (eds), La macchina nel tempo. Studi di informatica umanistica in onore di Tito Orlandi, Firenze 2011, 259-280. (37)
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 105 —
SU
Figure 9 – The “Index by year” webpage, giving access to the table of contents.
PE R
C
O
N
the reconstruction of the past. From 2004 to 2008, «Archeologia e Calcolatori» was also responsible for the biannual publication of the «Archaeological Computing Newsletter», established in 1985 and originally published by the Institute of Archaeology of Oxford University, up to the inauguration of a new series of Supplements, as an important addition to the regular annual publication. In 2005 «Archeologia e Calcolatori» was one of the earliest archaeological journals to join the Open Archives Initiative, thus adding a direct experimental effort in the online dissemination of scientific information to its institutional role of editorial point of reference for archaeological computing. In accordance with the spirit of the Berlin Declaration on Open Access to knowledge in Sciences and Humanities (October 2003), this initiative has its roots in a stable and consistent editorial policy, based on a research approach favouring a free intellectual path towards knowledge. In 2005 a research project for the online consultation of articles was initiated, through the creation of a digital repository. Documents are described through Dublin Core metadata to conform to the Open Archives InitiativeProtocol for Metadata Harvesting. The repository of published articles was the first direct implementation of an institutional Static Repository to appear in Open Archives as a data provider.
— 106 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
The web-based consultation of the articles allows readers to proceed from one layer of information to another, that is from the table of contents of each issue (Fig. 9) to the content of the repository and eventually to the free downloading of each article. From the web point of view, each electronic resource entered in the repository can be searched according to three different routes: OAI, Google and the journal’s website. The articles are also stored in the CNR SOLAR (Open-Access Scientific Literature Archive and Repository) database of scientific publications. Given the venue in which we are gathering, I would like to conclude by mentioning an in fieri project dedicated to the Virtual Museum of Archaeological Computing. The Museum is part of a broader research project entitled “The History of Archaeological Computing”, which is currently in progress at the Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. The Centro Linceo Interdisciplinare “Beniamino Segre” and the Italian CNR are involved in this international initiative, in cooperation with the Ministry for Education, University and Research and the Ministry of Cultural Heritage. The scientific organising Committee is composed of T. Orlandi, P. Sommella, E. Vesentini and myself. Among the foreign institutions that collaborate in the project, I would like to mention: the CNRS, the French Universities of Paris I Panthéon-Sorbonne and Paris Ouest Nanterre La Défense, the Maison René Ginouvès, Archéologie et Ethnologie, the English Universities of Cambridge, Essex, Oxford and York, and the Commission IV de l’Union Internationale des Sciences Préhistoriques et Protohistoriques (UISPP). The project is the result of a previous long-standing research activity carried out in the sphere of computer science applied to the Humanities and in particular to archaeology. The idea for this project took shape during the international Symposium on “The Birth of Archaeological Computing”, held in Rome at the Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei in 2008 (38). It was on that occasion that scholars felt the need to reflect on the history of archaeological computing, going back to the earliest applications and reassessing their theoretical basis, which had been overshadowed by the exponential growth of technology. In the workshop section of the Symposium, the prototype of a “Virtual Museum of Archaeological Computing” was presented, with particular reference to the rooms dedicated to the Protagonists and the Methodologies. The life and the works of some scholars, who had operated since the 1950s in the field of computer applications in archaeology, were illustrated together with their academic careers. Six multimedia workstations were dedicated
(38)
P. Moscati (ed.), La nascita dell’informatica archeologica, cit.
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 107 —
Figure 10 – The prototype of the home page of the website dedicated to the History of archaeological computing.
PE R
C
O
N
SU
to major topics and exemplified by case studies developed from the 1980s onwards: inventory systems, databases, GIS and digital cartography, multimedia systems, Internet applications, and museum documentation systems. A new website is now under implementation, and will be made available online at the end of the year. In the home page (Fig. 10), the female figure of Penelope oversees and accompanies visitors through the museum, as she did in the presentation brochure of the “Centre d’analyse documentaire pour l’archéologie”, edited by J.-C. Gardin at the end of the 1950s. The banner presents the following links: History, Protagonists, Institutions, Projects, Events, Methods, Techniques, and Documents. History is subdivided into decades, while Protagonists include Precursors (until 1960), Pioneers (1960-1970), and Promoters (1970-1990). Institutions, Projects and Events will document the main evolutionary phases of computer applications in archaeology, through specific case studies, characterised by their duration in time and continuity in scientific endeavours. A particularly representative example is the Beazley Archive Computer Project, which began in 1979 to promote the computerisation of the original archive of Sir John Beazley. The Athenian pottery database now contains more than 130,000 records, 150,000 images and has more than 20,000 registered users. Since the year 2000 the Beazley Archive participates in the CLAROS project, a virtual art collection that links together the online galleries of six European museums from four different countries.
— 108 —
ZI O
N E
Moreover, the database of the “Bibliography of Archaeological Computing”, regularly implemented during the first ten years of publication of the Journal «Archeologia e Calcolatori», is being revised and made available online, with particular reference to the 1990s, which by now features more than 2,500 titles. In conclusion, our intent is to turn the Museum into a virtual environment in which different generations of scholars and students will interact. They will explore recurrent issues, deal with prevailing challenges, discuss results and achievements for archaeological computing as applied in the modern information society, in which all geographical boundaries are overcome.
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
Acknowledgments – I would like to thank the Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei and the scientific organising Committee for giving me the opportunity to participate in this advanced training course and share my research experience in the field of computer applications to archaeology. I am even more thankful because exactly thirty years ago I had the privilege of receiving a scholarship from the Centro Linceo Interdisciplinare of the Academy on this very field of study, and this has marked the subsequent course of my research activity.
N E
Eugenio La Rocca
ZI O
Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Antichità – Sapienza Università di Roma Piazzale Aldo Moro, 5 – 00185 Rome, Italy; [email protected]
LT A
NERO, HIS IMAGE AND HIS GOLDEN HOUSE
PE R
C
O
N
SU
The year 68 A.D. Nero was fleeing from Rome and the troops of Galba were following in hot pursuit, when – on June 11th – the emperor took his life at the age of 30 years and 9 months, declaiming his famous last words: «Qualis artifex pereo». This sentence has since become a slogan, used over and over again to identify him best; indeed to the point where all novels and films devoted to Nero make in some way reference to this sentence in their descriptions of him: an odd youth, somewhat mad, altogether incapable of grasping politics, a matricide, an uxoricide, an arsonist, but nonetheless an artist. Actually, it has been demonstrated that the meaning of his final words has been misunderstood. Nero did not intend to say «What an artist dies in me?» but rather «I have been condemned to die like a plain artisan» while referring to the plebeian surroundings in which his suicide was about to take place, at the farm of his freedman Phaon. The setting was poles apart from the luxurious spaces in which he had lived; but what was even more tragic for him, was the absence of a theater audience to witness his passing away while disguised as a poor man against the backdrop of an earthquake and lightning – as a prelude to his death – while brambles and reeds prevented him from reaching Phaon’s house forcing him to spend his last hours in a cave where he was to «eat bread he had never eaten and drink water he had never drunk». What is certain, however, is that Nero considered himself a great artist, an unequalled citharist, an excellent singer and a tragic actor. Apparently, audiences praised him, especially when he played parts dealing with incest, matricides and bloodshed among relations, whether out of naiveté, cunning, or a sense of guilt. After all, among the many accusations laid at his feet, Nero was also accused of incest with his mother. According to slanderers, Nero’s mother hoped that in this way she would be able to keep control
— 110 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
of the political power she had obtained after Claudius’s death, leading to depictions of her bestowing the crown upon Nero. Ultimately, this power slipped from her hands as her son’s actions proved impossible to control, and eventually lost her own life. It is less important here whether Nero was ever actually an artist. Instead, his belief that he was, together with fact that he behaved as an actor on every possible occasion, is of outmost interest, putting up a magnificent scenery and building a “golden” residence in which he appeared like a God distributing goods and riches to his beloved people. Only seldom do the historical accounts speak favorably of him. Still, they do reveal something of his character: his untamed passion for the theater and chariot races, which ranked far and above his – apparently limited – interest in politics and good government. All the same, Nero did not lose sight of the people with whom he cultivated a long lasting relationship. According to Suetonius, he was obsessed with popularity, wishing to emulate anyone who in one way or another captivated the public eye. Nero may be considered an ante litteram populist, and in certain respects an anarchist, owing to his disdain for the institutions. But again, he was always attentive to the commoner’s basic needs. Nero would use any possible excuse to have the main events of the time committed to theatrical performance, including the most tragic of events. One of many examples was the thorn in the Roman’s side: their conflictual relationship with the Parthian Kingdom, which controlled an equally vast territory, with present-day Iran as its ideal center. One of the buffer States between the Romans and the Parthians was Armenia, which attempted to cope by being alternatively allied with one or the other side. In the 60’s of the first century, the Armenians had become a vassal state under to the Parthians, much to the displeasure of the Romans. Shortly before 66 A.D., after several decisive victories led by Corbulo in Armenia had redeemed a previous string of disastrous defeats, an agreement was reached by the Parthian King Vologases, King Tiridates of Armenia (the former’s brother), and the Romans. Tiridates, in accord with Vologases, agreed to temporarily lay down his royal crown, his mithra, at the feet of Nero’s image, provided it would be subsequently given back to him from the hands of the emperor himself. This compromise in no way negated the current state of affairs, but rather definitively marked the Parthians control over the Armenian throne. Nonetheless, Tiridates’s acceptance was based on the rigid terms of the bilateral agreement, which would exchange his becoming a vassal of Rome for his being crowned by Nero himself. The sovereign arrived in the City in 66 with 3000 Parthian horsemen, his wife, who is said to have ridden horseback at his side wearing a golden helmet on her head instead of the traditional veil, and his children. The display that was put up there would
— 111 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
be remembered for a long time. Nero and Tiridates’s joint entrance into the Roman Forum had been timed for the dawn, that the morning rays might wash over the white togas of the Romans, deployed in their customary fashion as at the theater according to their rank and clad in pure garments; along with the multitude of soldiers whose armor would glint in the piazza. Nero appeared from the East with the rising sun behind and donned in triumphal attire, followed by Tiridates. Nero then took his seat on the rostrum in such a way as to ensure the light of the sun would reflect off his face and luxurious garments when Tiridates quickly approached him. The Armenian prince turned to Nero saying, «I have come to you, as you are my God, and I adore you as I adore Mithras». The king sat on a bench on the rostrum at the feet of Nero’s mount, who then raised Tiridates with his right hand. Nero proceeded to kiss the prince, remove his tiara, the symbol of royal Oriental power, and placed a crown, the traditional symbol of Western power, on his head declaring him King of Armenia. What is most interesting about the story is that for the Parthians, followers of the Zoroastrian religion, the sun is the eye of Mithras, and Mithras was associated, if not identified, with the sun. Therefore, Tiridates rhetorically identified Nero with the sun. This is how the ceremony was to be interpreted by the Romans, particularly because the second part of the show took place in the Pompey Theatre, which was completely decorated in gold for the occasion and boasted a crimson depiction of Nero on a cart, like the sun amidst the shining golden stars. This singular performance culminated with the placing of a laurel wreath on the lap of the statue of Giove Capitolino and a rich banquet, all of which was organized by Nero himself who interpreted the event as an authentic victory celebration; the emperor was in triumphal dress and brought the laurel wreath to the Capitol. Like a few years before for the celebration of one of Corbulo’s victories, a triumphal arch, as pictured on contemporary coins (fig. 1a), was erected on the Capitoline Hill. The arch was elaborately decorated with images. From the fragments of the monument, we know the façade was composed of columns decorated with winged Victories declaring the triumph of Rome and ran alongside a portico street, possibly the Porticus Triumphi. One magnificent fragment displays the head of a Parthian man dramatically looking upwards, foreshadowing the large image of the defeated Dacians of Trajan later recycled to decorate the Arch of Constantine. The turning point in Nero’s reign was in 64 when he celebrated both a decade of his reign and the victories of Corbulo in Armenia. In 64, the emperor pushed Roman institutional and religious limits vis-à-vis the assimilation of himself to Apollo and the Sun. The identification of the emperor with Apollo was not a novelty. Augustus had done so to the point
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 112 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
Figure 1a – Nero’s sestertius of 64 A.D. Detail of reverse with the Arch of Nero.
Figure 1b – Rome, Capitoline Museums. Column plinth with female figures and Victories, probably from the arch of Nero on the Capitoline hill.
that many believed the statue of Apollo with lyre on the Palatine Hill had been fashioned according to his likeness. Nero, who at the beginning of his reign had said he wished to adopt the policies of Augustus, followed in his footsteps. Seneca had already described the young prince as equal to Apollo and the Sun in his satirical pamphlet, Apocolokyntosis, written shortly after the death of Claudius. In the words of Apollo, “Like me in face and lovely
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 113 —
O
N
Figure 2 – Rome, Vatican Museums. A cuirassed statue of Nero, from Caere: detail of the breastplate with Nero/Sol leading a chariot on the waves of the sea; below two griffins drinking from two Arimaspians.
PE R
C
grace, like me in voice and song … As the bright sun looks on the world, and speeds along its way His rising car from morning’s gates: so Caesar doth arise, so Nero shows his face to Rome before the people’s eyes, his bright and shining countenance illumines all the air, while down upon his graceful neck fall rippling waves of hair”. Depicted on the armour of a statue of Nero from Cerveteri, dating precisely to the year 64, the Sun, resembling the prince with rays over his head, is emerging from the waves of the sea on a cart (fig. 2). Below, dressed in traditional Persian garb, two Arimaspians – symbols of the Parthians – are depicted kneeling in servitude while offering drink to two griffins, symbols of Apollo. The legendary animals jealously guarded the gold mines of the god. On a private altar dedicated to the Sun by Eumolpos and Claudia Pallas, Nero-like facial features provide another indication of how the ambiguity of the figurative system played in favour of this assimilation.
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 114 —
Figure 3 – Rome, Fondazione Sorgente Group. Carnelian gem with a portrait of Nero set in a golden ring.
PE R
C
O
N
Also in 64, Nero made public appearances boasting a new look, instigating another portrait type (fig. 3). He sported a more flowing beard that framed his plump but not unattractive face. His chin was receding and his hairstyle, with bangs covering his forehead, took after the third portraiture type, albeit more refined and theatrical. Beginning in the same year, the emperor was depicted on coins with rays of light encircling his head. These were the symbols of his assimilation with the sun, his charity, and his ability to distribute wealth amongst the people. The closing of the Temple of Janus, after the victory over the Parthians, signified a return to peace and a new golden age. However, the novelty was not merely the use of a radiating crown, but rather its appearance on the head of a living emperor – unprecedented in Rome; Augustus appeared crowned with rays of light only on coins minted after his death and deification. Thus, the phenomenon of a gradual identification of the living sovereign with the major gods of Olympus, which the Romans had once thought institutionally unthinkable, was now making further headway. In the fateful year of 64, a tragic event took place – whether by accident or at the hands of Nero is uncertain – that was to transform the face of
— 115 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
Rome. On July 19, fourteen days before the Kalends of August, a major portion of the city centre was destroyed by the a fire. The blaze broke out near the area of Circus Maximus close to both the Palatine and Caelian Hills. The fire destroyed the Palatine Hill and turned towards the Oppian and Esquiline Hills. Two thirds of the urban centre was devastated by the flames. At the feet of the Palatine Hill towards the Velian Hill, the temple of Jupiter Stator, the Regia of Numa Pompilius and the Sanctuary of Vesta burned. Historical sources do not agree as to whether the blame for the catastrophe should fall on Nero. Given that Nero had in mind to re-shape the city centre so as to include within its urban fabric an enormous imperial residence, he more than likely was the culprit. Upon his arrival from Antium, the emperor stopped at the imperial gardens of Maecenas on the Esquiline Hill, where he vented his theatrical temperament by singing the defeat of Troy atop a tower, which permitted him to watch in safety as the burning city. Even in this case, his mania for transforming the most important of dramatic events into a theatrical performance got the best of him: what other occasion could possibly have been better for performing the destruction of Troy than this very one? This is how Nero was able to build his luxurious palace on the ashes of the Palatine hill, the Roman Forum and the Oppian Hill as far as the imperial gardens of the Esquiline, which likely remained untouched by the blaze (figg. 4, 5). In the words of Tacitus: «Nero meanwhile availed himself of his country’s desolation, and erected a mansion in which the jewels and gold, long familiar objects, quite vulgarised by our extravagance, were not so marvellous as the fields and lakes, with woods on one side to resemble a wilderness, and, on the other, open spaces and extensive views. The directors and contrivers of the work were Severus and Celer, who had the genius and the audacity to attempt by art even what nature had refused, and to fool away an emperor’s resources». Suetonius provides some further details: «He made a palace extending all the way from the Palatine to the Esquiline, which at first he called the House of Passage, but when it was burned shortly after its completion and rebuilt, the Golden House. Its size and splendour will be sufficiently indicated by the following details. Its vestibule was large enough to contain a colossal statue of the emperor a hundred and twenty feet high; and it was so extensive that it had a triple colonnade a mile long. There was a pond too, like a sea, surrounded with buildings to represent cities, besides tracts of country, varied by tilled fields, vineyards, pastures and woods, with great numbers of wild and domestic animals. In the rest of the house all parts were overlaid with gold and adorned with gems and motherof-pearl nacre. There were dining-rooms with fretted ceils of ivory, whose panels could turn and shower down flowers and were fitted with pipes for
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 116 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
Figure 4 – Plan of the Golden House (in orange) superimposed on a plan of the valley of the Coliseum and surrounding areas: 1. The main entrance to the Domus Aurea from the Forum Romanum; 2. The hall of the Colossus; 3. The lake; 4. Neronian buildings on the Palatine; 5. The pavilion of the Colle Oppio; 6. The temple of Claudius with gardens on the Caelian hill; 7. Neronian or Flavian buildings under the north-west corner of the Trajan’s thermae.
Figure 5 – Virtual reconstruction of the Domus Aurea seen from the south (Katalexilux Project 2011): 1. The main entrance to the Domus Aurea from the Forum Romanum; 2. The hall of the Colossus; 3. The lake; 4. Neronian buildings on the Palatine; 5. The pavilion of the Colle Oppio; 6. The temple of Claudius with gardens on the Caelian hill; 7. Neronian or Flavian buildings under the north-west corner of the Trajan’s thermae.
— 117 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
sprinkling the guests with perfumes. The main banquet hall was circular and constantly revolved day and night, like the heavens. He had baths supplied with sea water and sulphur water. When the edifice was finished in this style and he dedicated it, he deigned to say nothing more in the way of approval than that at last he was beginning to be housed like a human being». In reality, Nero’s project was much more ambitious. Because he felt the framework of the city was not up to its political role, he wanted to remodel the city in its entirety. After the Gallic fire in 390 B.C., Rome had practically developed without any master plan. Its streets were narrow and dark, its buildings tall, and everything was built without the least consideration for fire hazards, which were endemic. With the sole exception of the area of Campus Martius, not even Augustus had been courageous enough to tackle the chaotic, over-crowded and non hygienic city blocks; instead he intervened in very limited areas, choosing sporadically to insert important public monuments in civilian areas around the city. After the fire of 64, however, it was suddenly possible to rebuild the city based on a well-thought out urban design. Tacitus wrote: «Of Rome meanwhile, so much as was left unoccupied by his mansion, was not built up, as it had been after its burning by the Gauls, without any regularity or in any fashion, but with rows of streets according to measurement, with broad thoroughfares, with a restriction on the height of houses, with open spaces, and the further addition of colonnades, as a protection to the frontage of the blocks of tenements. These colonnades Nero promised to erect at his own expense, and to hand over the open spaces, when cleared of the debris, to the ground landlords. He also offered rewards proportioned to each person’s position and property, and prescribed a period within which they were to obtain them on the completion of so many houses or blocks of building. He fixed on the marshes of Ostia for the reception of the rubbish, and arranged that the ships, which had brought up corn by the Tiber should sail down the river with cargoes of this rubbish. The buildings themselves, to a certain height, were to be solidly constructed, not with wooden beam but with stone from Gabi or Alba, a material impervious to fire. And to ensure that the water which individual licenses had illegally appropriated might flow in greater abundance and in several places for public use, officers were appointed, and everyone was to have in the open court the means of stopping a fire. Every building, too, was to be enclosed by its own proper wall, not by one common to others. These changes which were liked for their utility, also added beauty to the new city. Some, however, thought that its old arrangement had been more conducive to health, inasmuch as the narrow streets with the elevation of the roofs were not equally penetrated by the sun’s heat, while now the open space, unsheltered by any shade, was scorched by a fiercer glow».
— 118 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
In his attempt to run with the hare and hunt with the hounds, Nero endeavored to transform Rome into a city on par with the important Greek metropolises of the Mediterranean, particularly with Alessandria, which was built from a single, coherent urban plan of the great architect Deinokrates. As an indication of how seriously Deinokrates took megalomania, he had sketched plans for the creation of a colossal statue of Alexander the Great out of Mount Athos. The information we have on the subject says that the Macedonian held an entire city in the one hand, and a lake in the other; replete with royal buildings surrounded by gardens in the very heart of the city. Undoubtedly, Nero also had the splendors of Campus Martius in mind, an area that lacked private housing for the most part, but had eventually developed into a large public park boasting lavish monuments, thermal baths, pools, water channels, fountains, nymphaea, theaters and concert halls, to which public gardens were connected, affording much cherished strolls as well as romantic outings. We also mustn’t think of the imperial palace, as it was conceived by Nero, to have been closed off to the public. Quite the contrary, if we are to believe in any of his displays of interest in benefiting the Roman people, which parenthetically is one of his strong points that his critics largely downplay, then these grounds were, analogous to Campus Martius, open to be used by all. Such is the story of how the Golden House (in latin Domus Aurea) was born. We mustn’t picture it as a single structure like the Louvre, nor as a main building accompanied by graceful pavilions tucked within extensive gardens, in the manner of Versailles, but rather as an agglomerate of buildings of various sizes dispersed here and there inside an enormous park, which joined the Palatine hill with the imperial gardens of the Esquiline, inspired – or so it would seem – by an urban plan used for the royal palaces in Alexandria and Pergamon. Recent excavations have confirmed the descriptions found in historical texts (figg. 4, 5). The Domus Aurea had a main access road, corresponding to a stretch of the Sacred Way, encircled by porticos and multifunctional spaces (figg. 4, 5, nr. 1). It was composed of an enormous vestibule, equal in size to the terrace on which the temple of Venus and Rome rests, where the celebrated colossus, a thirty meter tall golden bronze statue to Sol, was located (figg. 4, 5, nr. 2); the statue was later moved and its face altered to lend it idealized (fig. 6a). The colossus lent its name to the Flavian Amphitheatre, now known as the Coliseum. The Domus Aurea also included a massive rectangular lake (figg. 4, 5, nr. 3), in the valley where the Coliseum would later be built (fig. 6b), lined with porticos and terraces, and a grandiose nymphaeum that functioned as a terrace on the Caelian hill (figg. 4, 5, nr. 6), situated in the area where the temple to the deified Claudius was under construction and later completed by Vespasian.
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 119 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
Figure 6a – Multiplum of Gordianus III. Reverse: the Coliseum with the Colossus at left and the Meta Sudans at right.
Figure 6b – Berlin, Pergamon Museum. Gem. The Colossus in Flavian age (from a plaster cast).
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 120 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
Figure 7 – Plan of the Neronian building on the slopes of the Colle Oppio.
Figure 8 – Pompei, Casa di Marco Lucrezio Frontone. Fresco painting: landscape with a villa, from the north wall of the tablinum.
The building on the slopes of the Oppian hill referred to as the Domus Aurea (figg. 4, 5, nr. 5) in reality was only part of the massive complex that was set in a country-side made up of vineyards, agricultural and grazing land, and inhabited by both domestic and wild animals. It has been a common mistake to consider the Domus Aurea as being only the one building
— 121 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
on the Oppian hill (fig. 7); on the contrary, it was one of many – though probably the largest – built on the hillside overlooking the valley in the same way the luxurious maritime villas belonging to the Roman aristocrats reflected in the sea, as the paintings in Pompei highlights (fig. 8). Before year 64 A.D., Nero had already begun building another domus, known as Transitoria because it connected the Palatine with the Esquiline, on what had been for a long time imperial property. However prior to the fire, Nero had to be content with using what little land was available in this heavily populated area of Rome. I imagine it was a dream come true for Nero that the fire should have its most devastating effects in this very area, where several monuments associated with Rome’s origins also were destroyed by the flames. The Imperial Public offices were located on the Palatine hill: Augustus’s house, which faced the Circus Maximus, and its expansion towards the Roman Forum, known as the Domus Tiberiana, which recent studies show it was a peristyle structure with fountains from the Augustan age but then redone precisely during the Neronian age (figg. 4, 5, nr. 4). Unfortunately, the Domus Transitoria remains elusive, although some claimed to have identified remains of the building among the extensive restorations to the imperial palaces situated on the Palatine. More recently, however, another hypothesis has been put forth, considering a section of the structure on the hillside of the Oppian as belonging to the Domus Transitoria, which – accordingly – was later incorporated into the Domus Aurea. Nevertheless, due to the speed of construction – which was not complete at the time of Nero’s death in 68 A.D. – it is certain that a number of preexisting buildings were incorporated into the new residential complex. As for the residence on the Oppian hill, only the ground floor remains because the structure – with its upper floors entirely destroyed – was used as the foundation for the south-west exedra of Trajan’s baths, although it has been severed by a series of parallel walls meant to reinforce the foundation. To keep costs low, much of the terrace of the baths was built over top of pre-existing structures by destroying their upper stories but ultimately preserving the lower floors. Beginning in the Renaissance, artists and art lovers alike would crawl into the underground areas on the Oppian hill to admire the preserved paintings (fig. 9). In fact, these decorative paintings led to the style called “grotesque” precisely because the artists’ had found their inspiration underground in caves, or grottos. The façade of the Domus Aurea towards the valley – yet apparently not the front facing the lake– had to exhibit a sequence of almost baroque-like filled and empty spaces, according to the same logic used in the schemes discernable in the small Pompeian frescos with views of villas. Composed of a series of spaces and luxurious nymphaea incrusted with mother pearls
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 122 —
Figure 9 – Rome, Neronian building on the slopes of the Colle Oppio. Vault fresco painting, from the room 119.
— 123 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
and sea shells and decorated with mosaics depicting the Odyssey, the western section faced a broad columned peristyle. The eastern section was positioned around two pentagonal-shaped courtyards opening out onto the valley. In the central area between the two courtyards was a circular room, thought to be a nymphaeum, and was adjoined to five other rooms (fig. 7, nr. 128). This is considered to be one of the most impressive parts of the villa both in terms of elaborate architecture and elegant decoration. When the Domus Aurea was still thought of as being limited to this one building, the circular room was identified with the celebrated coenatio rotunda that Suetonius described as the round banquet room that rotated day and night like the heavens. With a different understanding of the Domus Aurea’s layout including the pavilions scattered between the Palatine and the Esquiline, scholars have come to question the rotunda’s identification. The excavations carried out in the area of the Vigna Barberini on the Palatine hill have uncovered the remains of a tall tower that also faced the valley, but was situated directly on the lake. It contains what is left of a circular room, 16 meters in diameter; the director of excavations, Francoise Villedieu, proposed this as the Neronian banquet hall. Built between 64 and 68 A.D., the circular room was supported by a strong round pylon measuring ten meters in height, four meters in diameter, and boasting a series of double arches in a ray-like pattern. The presence of three semi-circular cavities measuring 23 centimeters in diameter suggests a plumbing system (possibly powered by a watermill) that could have made a hypothetical twelve meter wooden floor rotate day and night, by placing the floor over a spinning wheel resting on a bed of water. Supporters and opponents of the hypothesis that the Domus Aurea extended as far as the Palatine will continue to debate the exact identification of the coenatio rotunda. However, never before have successive discoveries so incessantly changed our understanding of the lay-out of this complex within such a vast area. Recent excavations beneath the south-western library of the Trajan baths have brought to light immense spaces, nymphaea, and access points, whose functions remain unclear (figg. 4, 5, nr. 7), although they do follow the same orientation as that of the residence on the Oppian hill. The question remains as to whether the findings belong to another section of the Domus Aurea or whether they date back to activity on the hill during the Flavian age. Among these findings are (a) frescoes including a city view (fig. 10); (b) fragments of a fourth style mosaic, whose interpretation is still debated (showing statues of heroes since we can recognize Diomedes with his palladium, and a muse and possibly a poet or philosopher) all within a splendid architectural frame; nonetheless seemingly pertaining to a “museum”, that is to say a place where poetry and theatre
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 124 —
PE R
C
O
N
Figure 10 – Neronian or Flavian buildings under the north-west corner of the Trajan’s thermae. Wall painting: the so-called “Painted City”.
Figure 11 – As fig. 10. Wall mosaic. Satyrs grape-pickers.
— 125 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
were discussed; and (c) the fragments of another fourth style mosaic depicting satyrs as they harvest grapes (fig. 11). Whereas much still needs to be clarified regarding the complex of the Domus Aurea, what we have glanced through archaeological discoveries over the past twenty years has thoroughly revamped our frame of reference. It is now clear how Nero could affirm – not without a certain amount of impudence – «that he was at last beginning to be housed like a human being»; though it must be added that this human being resembled a God in one too many ways. As we put together our fragmentary knowledge of ancient history, archeology continues to offer fresh findings, documents and items for further debate. This is to say that nothing can ever be taken for granted, since the next discovery might confute assertions once held to be absolute fact. When in search of that elusive truth, it is always a good practice to consider long and hard contrasting opinions. We must certainly continue to advance new ideas, while exercising the benefit of the doubt, and knowing in advance that these ideas might contrast with others that are based on seemingly equally valid facts. Ancient history, as in all humanistic studies, is a work in progress, in which no one can presume a chapter to be closed.
PE R SU
N
O
C
ZI O
LT A
N E
N E
Giovanna Alberta Campitelli
ZI O
Sovraintendenza ai Beni Culturali di Roma Capitale – U.O. Ville e Parchi Storici Piazza Lovatelli, 35 – 00186 Rome, Italy; [email protected]
LT A
RESTORATIONS IN THE PARKS OF ROME: VILLA BORGHESE AND VILLA TORLONIA
O
N
SU
The tradition of residing in buildings immersed in lush gardens adorned with sculpture and fountains dates, as is known, to the time of the Roman Empire and the Gardens of Sallust or those of Maecenas constituted role models over time. Even greater was the fame of Hadrian’s Villa, such that even in the nineteenth century Prince Giovanni Torlonia declared his desire to build a villa that matched its beauty and magnificence. Rome, therefore, has always been a city of villas and gardens and, despite the enormous amount of construction that took place in the last century, it still boasts a considerable wealth of green areas. * * *
PE R
C
Most of the complexes are from the Renaissance and baroque periods, but many also date to the Middle Ages or are from a more recent era, such as those built after 1870 when Rome became the capital of the new state. The laws of the nation protect this heritage, but its preservation requires a great deal of effort, extensive resources, and the employment of professionals with particular skills. The historic villas, in fact, are a harmonious combination of architecture and greenery, often characterized by various and overlapping building phases whose complexity and heterogeneity must be taken into consideration. Many restorations involving villas and gardens have been carried out in recent decades. Of particular interest are those of Villa Borghese and Villa Torlonia, two of the most important Roman exemplars, even if they are representative of two very different periods and types. Both villas had been in
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 128 —
SU
Figure 1 – J. Heintz the younger, Villa Borghese, 1625, oil on canvas, private collection.
PE R
C
O
N
a disastrous state of neglect and ruin since the 1980s, but following lengthy, complex restorations they are now important centers of activity, visited and loved by both the Romans and foreign visitors. Perhaps Villa Borghese is the most popular villa in Rome. It was built by Cardinal Scipione Borghese, the powerful nephew of Pope Paul V, beginning in 1606, it is the symbol of the baroque residence, with an eightyhectare park containing exquisite buildings, beautiful fountains, antique and modern sculptures, and gardens with rare and exotic flowers, as can be seen in the fine painting from 1625 by Joseph Heinz the Younger (fig. 1). For various reasons, both the buildings and the park had been abandoned and only in the 1990s substantial work begun to return the villa to its antique splendor. In 1997, after being closed for thirteen years for renovations due to a collapse of the foundations, the main building, seat of the Borghese Museum and Gallery that contains, among other works, masterpieces by Gian Lorenzo Bernini, Raphael, Caravaggio, and Titian, was reopened to the public. Immediately thereafter, other buildings were renovated; today these host various important activities that allow the Villa to be enjoyed for cultural and recreational functions. The Casina delle Rose, for example, was an elegant dance hall and gathering place for high society in the 1930s (fig. 2), but from the 1970s onward it was abandoned and fell into ruin.
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 129 —
SU
Figure 2 – The “Casina delle Rose” in the year 1934.
PE R
C
O
N
Following an expensive renovation that restored the original architecture and decorations, in 2004 it became the “Casa del Cinema” and now it hosts exhibitions, film screenings, conferences, and a restaurant. Another building – used in the seventeenth century for raising silk worms – was transformed in the eighteenth century and enriched with such fine stuccoes and frescoes that it came to be known as the “Casina di Raffaello”. A small church, this too filled with eighteenth-century frescoes, was annexed to the building and used often for marriage ceremonies. From the time of World War II the Casina became a private residence and because no one saw to its maintenance, it was reduced over the years to a disastrous state. Freed of its inhabitants and designated for public use, the Casina was restored and is now a recreation center for children who can play both indoors and outside, while the little adjoining church is again in high demand for weddings. The Aranciera (Orangery) building, of seventeenth-century origins, underwent a very substantial renovation in the late twentieth century following numerous transformations over the centuries; prior to this, it was used for offices and was in a state of repair unworthy of its monumental value. Thanks to the donation by an Italo-American patron of a nucleus and paintings and sculptures by Giorgio de Chirico, Andy Warhol, Larry Rivers, Gino Severini, Giacomo Manzù and Mimmo Rotella, the building was restored, the fine seventeenth-century nymphaeum was again visible, and the
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 130 —
Figure 3 – The secret gardens before restoration.
PE R
C
O
N
space was organized to host on one floor the permanent collection and on the other temporary exhibitions devoted, in particular, to artistic connections between Italy and the United States. Obviously, not only the buildings were restored. Attention was also devoted to the park of the Villa; in particular, the three secret gardens near the main Palazzo underwent a complex renovation. Two gardens, on the sides of the Palazzo, had been created at the start of the seventeenth century, at the same time as the Palazzo and the fine pavilion of the Uccelliera, richly adorned and destined to house and exhibit birds from every part of the known world. The garden beds were planted with precious flowers that Cardinal Scipione Borghese exchanged with other passionate collectors and procured with the help of the apostolic nuncios, the ambassadors at the service of the pontiff in the most important European capitals. Above all, the garden was filled with numerous varieties of Dutch tulips, bulbs that were at the height of fashion in that era and that had reached exorbitant prices; many of these were hybrids with fantastic names, the result of breeding experiments. The gardens also contained plants from the Americas and therefore considered very valuable, such as the so-called
— 131 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
Peruvian hyancinth, nicotiana, mirabilis jalapa, and canna indica. The cardinal showed off these gardens to his guests with great pride and considered his collection of rare flowers as important as the works of art conserved in the Palazzo. Beginning in 1688, the cardinal’s nephew, Prince Giovan Battista Borghese, created a third secret garden, delimited by another richly decorated pavilion and called “La Meridiana” because a sundial is painted on one of its facades. Over the centuries, many changes took place in the gardens and when, in 1903, the entire park was purchased by the City of Rome and opened to the public, not a trace remained of the elaborate flower beds and precious blooms, as is evident from photographs that show the vegetation in a nearly wild state. The City of Rome reorganized the gardens in the “Italian style”, with a simple lawn bordered by low hedges and citrus trees in the center. A few years later the design of the beds was modified and replaced by an elaborate parterre de broderie. This layout, too, was shortlived because during the Second World War, in the 1940s, all of the flowers were eliminated and in their place cabbages and potatoes were grown to feed the starving population. Finally, starting in 1984, an enormous construction site was installed in the area to permit the renovation of the Casino Nobile that, as mentioned earlier, was closed to the public until 1997 due to serious structural problems. When the construction site was dismantled, nothing was left of the gardens except a few fragments of boxwood (fig. 3). In fact, nothing at all remained of the marvels from the baroque period and only through a patient process of study and reconstruction was it possible to understand what the gardens looked like four centuries ago. Demanding archival research was undertaken that permitted us to learn which varieties of flowers were cultivated there and all of the existent images (prints and paintings) were assembled in order to understand the arrangement of the flowerbeds. In addition, archaeological excavations were carried out that located traces of the water lines and the foundations of the pergolas. All of these research elements were brought together and compared and the restoration project was begun, using the seventeenth century as the period of reference, to recreate the original layout and harmony with the buildings that had been restored using the colors originally chosen by Cardinal Scipione. On the basis of a detailed plan drawn up by a group of architects, art historians and botanists, the layout of the beds was reconstructed with the traditional “pianelle”, or thin, handmade bricks inserted halfway into the ground. The flowering periods were also determined, based on lists found among the archival documents, and includes the same flowers that were planted at the time of the cardinal: tulips, anemones, daffodils, ranunculus, muscari, hyacinths, fritillarie, iris, peonies, columbines and roses for the spring, while for the summer there are sunflowers, hibiscus, agapanthus, marigolds, canna
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 132 —
SU
Figure 4 – The secret gardens after restoration.
PE R
C
O
N
indica, mirabilis jalapa, and cardinal flowers (fig. 4). All year round there are evergreen plants such as rosemary, lavender, myrtle, boxwood, cotton lavender, wormwood, and rue. Numerous citrus trees of many varieties, grown both on trellises and in pots, contribute to the gardens’ splendor. There are in fact lemons, citrons, oranges, and bergamots, among which the citrus medica digitata, so called because the fruit is shaped like a finger and was much sought after in the seventeenth century, stand out for their originality. Completing the beauty of the gardens are the fountains, referred to as “of the dragon” and “of the eagle”, because their central sculptures represent the emblems of the Borghese family. Separating the gardens are the two pavilions of the Uccelliera, or aviary, and the Meridiana, or sundial, in baroque style, decorated with stuccoes and reliefs that once again incorporate the heraldic symbols of the Borghese family, eagles and dragons. These were restored simultaneously with the gardens. Antique reliefs are also inserted, some of them integrated and completed in the seventeenth century according to the fashion of the time, which favored the casual mixing of the antique and the modern. Today, the gardens strongly resemble those that Cardinal Scipione showed off so proudly to his guests in the seventeenth century, even if they are missing the sculptures that were placed among the beds in that era. There were, in fact, many, above all antique, but today these can be viewed in the Louvre Museum in Paris, because in 1807 Prince
— 133 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
Camillo Borghese sold some 695 “pieces”, among these the world-famous antique sculptures, to Napoleon Bonaparte, depriving the Villa of a substantial part of the collection that had rendered it famous over the centuries. Villa Torlonia is more recent than Villa Borghese. Its history begins nearly two centuries later, when in 1797 Giovanni Torlonia, a very wealthy merchant and bank owner who with the power of money had obtained the noble title of marquis, purchased a country estate. He then wished to acquire the symbols of his new status, including a palazzo in the city center, located in Piazza Venezia, the country estate, near the ancient via Appia, and a residence outside the city walls modeled on Hadrian’s Villa at Tivoli, that was to be even more magnificent than the Renaissance and baroque villas built by the most powerful Roman families. On the property located just outside Porta Pia, along the via Nomentana, the Marquis, and later Duke, Torlonia entrusted Giuseppe Valadier, among the most famous architects of the time, with the design of a luxurious residential palace; a second, smaller but equally refined and elegant building, and a construction destined to house the stables that was also decorated with statues. Even the modestly scaled park was laid out with perpendicular roads, with some fountains at their intersections, and with essentially indigenous vegetation consisting of oaks, pines, and laurels. His son, Alessandro, inherited the property at his father’s death in 1829, and continued the social climb by becoming a prince and acquiring palaces and villas in the Roman territory and beyond, thus accumulating a substantial heritage. The Villa in via Nomentana was not a sufficient representation of his power and wealth and so, between 1835 and 1845, he purchased other land to enlarge the park, had the existing buildings embellished, and ordered others built (fig. 5). The main Palazzo was decorated with frescoes by the greatest artists of the time who unfurled an eclectic repertoire, juxtaposing decorations in the Renaissance manner with others in the Egyptian, Pompeian or neo-Medieval style. Ancient and modern statues decorated the rooms along with white and gold stuccoes, while on the floors precious marbles alternated with antique-style mosaics. Many of these adornments were aimed to exalt the palace’s owner, Prince Alessandro, such as the frescoes with scenes from the life of Alexander the Great or the frieze by Berthel Thorvaldsen with the Triumph of Alexander in Babylon: in both cases the allusion to the name shared by the great leader and the wealthy Roman prince was obvious. The old entrance was enriched by a series of false ruins of ancient buildings to give the villa a sense of the past. Among the new buildings were a greenhouse and a tower with Moorish traits, a rustic “Swiss Cabin”, and a neoclassical theatre, all in different styles to give the complex great variety, in keeping with the eclecticism in vogue at the time. Even the park was organized according to contemporary taste, with an irregu-
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 134 —
SU
Figure 5 – Villa Torlonia in the year 1842, engraving.
PE R
C
O
N
lar and vibrant design that incorporated an artificial hill, a large pool of water, and a lemon-house to shelter the pots of citrus trees from the winter cold. Behind this transformation of the park according to the English style was Giuseppe Jappelli, an architect who was famous in northern Italy and highly knowledgeable on the subject of English gardens. He radically transformed the rather common, symmetrical, garden with the addition of exotic plants, but above all by adding highly original structures. The most amazing is the Moorish greenhouse flanked by a tower in the same style, a triumph of garish colors bordering on kitsch, with stained-glass windows and stuccoes and destined to house rare and exotic plants, but also to be used for parties. Next to the greenhouse and the tower was an enormous artificial grotto, made with large spurs of tuff, containing little suspended bridges and small lakes. The entire complex had been abandoned for decades and was in a state of decay (fig. 6): only recently was it restored, recovering the original colors of the greenhouse and the tower and reintegrating the stained-glass windows (fig. 7) but sadly of the grotto only a few spurs of tuff remains, as the rest has collapsed. Soon the greenhouse will again be used to exhibit rare and exotic plants. Among the new edifices built at the behest of Prince Alessandro, the Theater is the most monumental. Designed by the architect Quintiliano Raimondi in neoclassical style, it consists of a theater space with a stage, an audi-
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 135 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
Figure 6 – The Moorish Greenhouse in abandon.
Figure 7 – The Moorish Greenhouse after restoration.
— 136 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
torium, and two galleries, as well as two lateral, symmetrical apartments. All of the spaces are richly ornamented with frescoes, stuccoes, mosaics, and marbles inspired by the theme of the couple, as the theater was built on the occasion of the prince’s marriage, in 1840, to Teresa Colonna, who came from a noble and ancient family. Thus, in the various rooms are statues of such celebrated couples as Dante and Beatrice, Petrarch and Laura, Ariosto and Alessandra, Tasso and Eleonora, Hercules and Deianira, Diana and Endymion, and so forth. The Theater was not completed at the time, but rather only in 1871, because the prince was struck by a series of misfortunes: his beloved wife, Teresa Colonna, fell ill; the couple did not produce a male heir to carry on the family name, but only a daughter, Annamaria, and therefore Alessandro abandoned the world of patronage and social life and dedicated himself to good works. The Theater constitutes a noteworthy example of court theater, given the unusual dimensions of the auditorium that could seat 220 people. In addition, the architect, Raimondi, used avant-garde materials for the time such as cast iron to create the spaces adjacent to the building: true, purpose-built greenhouses for precious flowers. The decorative scheme is also extremely important and includes stuccoes illustrating episodes from Homer’s Iliad, mosaics that imitate Roman exemplars, and wall paintings in such disparate styles as neo-Renaissance, neoGothic, Moorish, and that of Greek vases. At least two fresco cycles, among the most important, were executed by Costantino Brumidi, whose signature and the date were identified during their restoration. Brumidi had gained experience restoring Raphael’s frescoes in the Vatican and had therefore assimilated both the Renaissance technique and its figurative repertoire (fig. 8). The commission for the Theater in the Villa Torlonia was his first big occasion, but unfortunately his work remained unknown until our day. In fact, as has been mentioned, the theater was inaugurated only in 1871, when Brumini was no longer in the country. After some dramatic events, he had immigrated to the United States where, after a stop in New York, he arrived in Washington, where the Capitol was under construction. There he received the prestigious commission to execute the wall and ceiling frescoes. This work brought him substantial fame and success and has been studied in depth. The Theater was used very little and its fragile decorations were soon in disrepair. A recent renovation has made it possible to recover, within limits, the original decorations and to reorganize the spaces to once again host theatrical performance and concerts. Unfortunately, many of the most fragile decorations, for example the plaster statues, were so damaged that they could not be recovered and even the wall decorations in some of the rooms are reduced to mere fragments. At the death of Alessandro, in 1880, Annamaria’s son, Giovanni Torlonia Jr. (1872-1938) inherited all of the family’s enormous wealth. He was a strange fellow who never married and did not want to live in the main
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 137 —
SU
Figure 8 – The Theater, Brumidi’s decorations.
PE R
C
O
N
Palazzo, but rather chose as his residence another building located on the edge of the park, the so-called Swiss Cabin, a rustic building designed by Giuseppe Jappelli in 1840 which in the first decades of the twentieth century was transformed into a fantastic little house called the Casina delle Civette, or House of the Owls, in reference to the owl motif that was widely used in both its furnishings and decorations, among these the splendid, colorful stained-glass windows. Even the Casina delle Civette was in ruins after a long period of neglect (fig. 9), but fortunately after a lengthy and complex restoration it was reopened to the public in 1997 and now houses a stainedglass museum (fig. 10). From 1925 to 1943 Giovanni Torlonia rented the remainder of the Villa for the symbolic price of one lira a year to Benito Mussolini, who lived there with his family. Many images document his presence, among these photos of the wedding of his daughter Edda to Galeazzo Ciano. At the outbreak of World War II, Mussolini had two bunkers built in the basement of the building: one sealed to protect against gas attacks and the other for refuge in case of air raids. After Giovanni Torlonia’s death in 1938 and Mussolini’s arrest in 1943, the Villa remained vacant until the end of the war when it was occupied for three years (1944-1947) by Anglo-American troops and left in a ruinous state. After regaining possession, the Torlonia family took no steps to restore it and so the Villa remained in its neglected state for decades un-
— 138 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
Figure 9 – The “Casina delle Civette” before restoration.
Figure 10 – The “Casina delle Civette” after restoration.
— 139 —
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
til 1978, when it was acquired by the City of Rome and restorations of the buildings and the park were begun. The park did not have a complex layout like that of the Villa Borghese, but the signs of neglect and abandonment were nonetheless evident: the original paths were gone, as was the great pond near the Palazzo; the artificial hill had been eroded over the decades by water and, for lack of maintenance, the roots of the trees were above ground and constituted a danger for visitors to the park. On the basis of archival documents a restoration project was devised that allowed the nineteenth-century aspect of the garden to be reconstructed as closely as possible, with numerous palm trees and the spectacular spring flowerings of camellias and Judas trees. Even the reflecting pools were recovered and reactivated. Today the Villa is once again splendid, the park has been restored, and the buildings house museums, sites for temporary exhibitions, play areas for children, spaces for cultural events, and even a restaurant, so visitors can spend a full day there enjoying various activities in a park that extends for thirteen hectares. The restored Roman villas permit a reading of the history of the city, of its stratifications, and of the perpetuation of the model of villa life, a tradition that has united the wealthy classes over the course of two millennia.
N
Selected Bibliography
PE R
C
O
A. Campitelli (ed.); Villa Torlonia: l’ultima impresa del mecenatismo romano, Roma 1997. A. Campitelli, Villa Borghese. Da giardino del principe a parco dei romani, Roma 2003. A. Campitelli (ed.), Villa Borghese. Storia e gestione, Milano 2005. A. Campitelli, A. Costamagna, Villa Borghese: l’Uccelliera, la Meridiana, i Giardini segreti, Roma 2005. A. Campitelli (ed.), Villa Torlonia. Guida, Milano 2006.
PE R SU
N
O
C
ZI O
LT A
N E
N E
Alain Pasquier
ZI O
Institut de France – 23, quai de Conti – 75006 Paris, France; [email protected]
LT A
A PROPOS DES PROBLÈMES POSÉS PAR LA PRÉSENTATION DE LA SCULPTURE ANTIQUE ET SES RESTAURATIONS: LA RESPONSABILITÉ DES CONSERVATEURS DE MUSÉE
PE R
C
O
N
SU
Pour ma participation à cette passionnante rencontre romaine, on a bien amicalement voulu, tout en me confiant l’honneur de présider cette dernière séance, me donner un quart d’heure de parole pour m’exprimer sur le sujet de mon choix. Puissent ces quelques mots ne pas vous paraître trop indigents, après tant de riches communications! Ces mots, des propos un peu décousus, j’ai pensé les consacrer à la restauration des sculptures, le domaine artistique où les civilisations de la Méditerranée se sont élevées au plus brillant des niveaux. Des mots qui sont ceux d’un conservateur qui, au Louvre, a dû, au cours d’un long mandat, résoudre un certain nombre de problèmes qui revenaient tous à cette simple question: comment faut-il montrer ces pierres héritées d’un lointain passé, qui a laissé ses traces millénaires, mais aussi d’un passé moins lointain, celui de leur redécouverte, dont les traces ne sont pas moins visibles? Personne n’ignore que les collections du Louvre sont en grande partie romaines. Exhumés de ce sol, ces marbres mutilés ont été souvent complétés par des sculpteurs des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles, qui ont accompli ce travail selon les us et coutumes de leur temps. De nos jours, quand un archéologue a la bonne fortune de trouver un fragment sculpté quelconque, il s’efforce d’en préserver la forme, sans chercher le moins du monde à y remplacer ce qui a été perdu. C’est tout le contraire qui s’est fait ici, à Rome, lorsque les vestiges de l’Antiquité renaissaient de son sol, et qu’ils étaient convoités par les hommes de pouvoir. Il était indigne qu’un marbre venu du fond de cet âge d’or restât dans ses blessures, et la fonction décorative qu’on lui affectait requérait qu’on complétât la forme interrompue. D’où l’intervention d’artistes au talent inégal, mais au nombre desquels de
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 142 —
SU
Figure 1 – Rodin, «L’homme qui marche», 1905.
PE R
C
O
N
grands noms se sont mêlés. La connaissance du répertoire antique étant loin d’être parfaite, certaines restaurations aberrantes montrent à quelles inventions pouvaient aboutir de telles restitutions, que les volontés des commanditaires ne faisaient qu’accroître. Elles correspondaient à une certaine réception de l’antique, une réception dont l’histoire, au long des générations modifie la nature: c’est ce que je souhaite rappeler ici. Chacun sait qu’on en viendra à aimer un fragment, surtout parce qu’il est un fragment: pensons ici à Rodin (fig. 1). Mais que doit donc faire, ou ne pas faire, le conservateur d’un musée de sculptures antiques, devant un tel état des œuvres dont il a la responsabilité, et au moment où il a cette responsabilité? Règles et principes étant impossibles à fixer solidement en ce domaine, c’est l’esprit du temps, mais aussi le goût du conservateur et de son équipe qui peuvent ici jouer leur rôle. Il leur faut parfois de la force d’âme. Car les changements dans les images que des générations ont révérées sont parfois difficiles à imposer. Je pense ici au courage dont a dû faire preuve Filippo Magi, ici à Rome, lorsqu’il a fait remplacer le bras droit moderne du Laocoon par le bras antique retrouvé plus d’un demisiècle auparavant, ou à celui de Dieter Ohly qui, à Munich, a extrait des sculptures du temple d’Egine les ajouts souvent malvenus de Bert Thorvaldsen (fig. 2).
— 143 —
N E
b
LT A
ZI O
a
Figure 2 – Fronton est du temple d’Aphaia Athéna à Egine, Glyptothèque de Munich.
SU
a. Torse de guerrier avec les restaurations de B. Thorvaldsen. b. Le même torse correctement replacé dans le fronton par D. Ohly.
b
c
C
O
N
a
PE R
Figure 3 – Le «Gladiateur Borghèse», Paris, Musée du Louvre. a. La statue, vue de la face principale. b. Le bras moderne, au cours de la récente restauration. c. La statue, vue de dos.
Il faut le dire: le Laocoon des précédentes restaurations était une œuvre étrangère à son projet antique. Les frontons de Thorvaldsen étaient plus néoclassiques qu’éginétiques. Magi et Ohly ont bien fait, selon moi. Mais à l’inverse, qu’aurions-nous gagné, au Louvre, en retirant au Gladiateur Borghèse (fig. 3) son bras droit moderne, probablement sculpté par
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 144 —
SU
Figure 4a – Le «Pseudo-Pollux», avec les restaurations modernes et une tête qui ne lui appartient pas.
Figure 4b – Torse de «Discobole», mal interprété en pugiliste par le restaurateur du XVIIIe siècle.
PE R
C
O
N
Nicolas Cordier? Pièce de maître bien fondue dans la composition, même si l’on peut supposer que le bras original s’écartait davantage de l’axe du corps, le bras moderne clôt la forme sans trahir l’œuvre antique. En-deçà même de la question de savoir s’il fallait conserver l’«état Borghèse», l’amputation n’aurait rien apporté qui favorisât l’Antiquité. Et cette Antiquité, au sens pur du terme, je pense avoir eu raison de lui demander d’être plus discrète, quand j’ai décidé, avec mes collègues du musée, de replacer le «Sénèque mourant» dans sa vasque Renaissance. Nos prédécesseurs, au début du XXe siècle, dans un ardent accès de purisme archéologique, avaient voulu, en démontant la mise en scène, redonner à ce personnage sa véritable identité, celle d’un vieux pêcheur rhumatisant, alors qu’il avait été travesti en héros philosophe. Mais le noyau antique de ce marbre est si meurtri, si repris par le ciseau moderne, qu’il vaut mieux lui laisser dire, avec l’éloquence la plus démonstrative, de quelle manière l’antique a été reçu à la fin du XVIe siècle. Et l’image que Rubens en a peinte a ainsi retrouvé son modèle. Repoussant le balancier de l’autre côté, j’ai toujours approuvé, aussi longtemps que j’ai dirigé le département des antiques, le démontage anté-
Figure 5b – Torse du «Diadumène», faussement restauré en empereur romain au XIXe siècle.
SU
Figure 5a – «Germanicus», Rome, Collection Campana.
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 145 —
PE R
C
O
N
rieur de deux œuvres qui emprisonnaient deux torses de qualité. D’abord celui qu’on désignait sous le nom de «Pseudo-Pollux», où un torse de discobole avait été métamorphosé en pugiliste (fig. 4a). Même si les restaurations ont chance d’avoir été de la main de Vincenzo Pacetti, ce maître n’avait pas réussi à rendre l’attitude convaincante. C’était du reste une mission impossible. Et le torse isolé, écho des types athlétiques du style sévère, m’a toujours paru d’une belle venue (fig. 4b), que l’épaisseur des bras et la raideur des jambes qui y avaient été ajoutés paralysaient. Bien plus désirable encore m’était apparue la délivrance d’un superbe torse de Diadumène (fig. 5b) englué dans l’image balourde d’un soi-disant Germanicus appartenant autrefois à la collection Campana (fig. 5a). Eh bien, voyez comme ces marbres peuvent changer d’aspect, au gré des expositions, mais aussi des sensibilités: le torse de discobole est redevenu Pollux, et celui du Diadumène est à nouveau posé sur des jambes dont l’aplomb est bien étranger à l’art de Polyclète. Mon successeur, Jean-Luc Martinez, qui sait quelle amitié et quelle estime je lui voue, a cru bon refaire au début du XXIe siècle ce qui avait été fait au début du XIXe, et
— 146 —
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
Figure 6a – «Tête Laborde», appartenant à un fronton du Parthénon, Paris, Musée du Louvre. la tête avec les restaurations en plâtre.
PE R
C
O
N
Figure 6b – Face du moulage en plâtre de la «Tête Laborde», où les restaurations ont été retirées, selon une simple estimation de leur extension.
Figure 6c – «Tête Laborde»,profil et troisquarts gauche, avec la suppression des restaurations.
— 147 — défait au début du XXe: l’attention très vive qu’il porte à l’histoire des collections l’a incité à préférer la réception de l’antique à l’antique lui-même.
N E
* * *
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
A Paris, ces restaurations ou «dérestaurations» des œuvres complétées à l’époque moderne ont pu être parfois sévèrement jugées par quelques-uns qui se donnent un peu facilement le titre d’experts. Bien que nous ayons, au Louvre, observé la plus grande prudence dans le lancement et dans l’exécution de ces programmes, nous avons endossé quelque temps la réputation de «Jacobins de la restauration» qui auraient institué un régime de terreur où ce n’étaient pas les têtes qui tombaient, mais les oreilles et les nez…Les oreilles, je suis certain de n’en avoir fait arracher aucune. Pour les nez, c’est autre chose. Certains déshonoraient si fort les visages au centre desquels on les avait plantés que leur disparition était devenue une nécessité. J’avoue par exemple avoir commandité le retrait du nez disgracieux qui trahissait l’harmonie de la belle tête de l’Athéna préclassique offerte au Louvre par la famille Vogüé. Le plâtre – car c’est heureusement cette matière qui avait été utilisée pour le «postiche» – avait respecté la surface de la cassure: le retrait de ce fâcheux appendice, ainsi que des empâtements malheureux qui gonflaient inutilement les paupières, en masquant les restes des cils de bronze, a rendu non seulement sa vérité, mais aussi et surtout sa simple beauté à ce visage précieux. Ici encore, l’antique paraît tellement plus clair qu’on se demande pourquoi on avait cru bon recourir à un tel traitement. Puisque j’en suis à parler de nez en plâtre, je ne puis m’empêcher d’en évoquer un, que j’ai toujours eu envie de retirer d’un très fameux marbre conservé au Louvre, qui n’est autre que la Tête Laborde, ou Weber-Laborde, qui appartenait une figure de fronton du Parthénon. Emportée à Venise par Felice San Gallo, secrétaire de Morosini, elle y est longtemps restée, avant d’être acquise par le comte de Laborde, puis par le Louvre. C’est un sujet que j’ai souvent abordé dans les échanges que j’ai eus avec celui qui allait prendre ma succession: et c’est lui qui, just avant mon départ, a eu le courage qui m’a manqué pour passer à l’acte. Transmise de mains en mains, la tête avait connu plusieurs restaurations qui complétaient un visage meurtri, dont la dernière, réalisée en plâtre, était fermement attribuée au sculpteur Pierre-Charles Simart, une des gloires de la sculpture française du XIXe siècle. Quoique ces ajouts aient été totalement dépourvus de l’âme classique qu’ils prétendaient rejoindre, c’était un dogme établi: on ne devait pas toucher à la restauration de Simart. Du reste, des photos de la tête (fig. 6a,
— 148 —
b
LT A
ZI O
N E
a
Figure 7 – La «Vénus de Milo», Paris, Musée du Louvre.
SU
a. Profil droit du visage. b. La statue, de face.
PE R
C
O
N
b, c) qui passaient pour la présenter sans restauration laissaient voir un visage très gravement creusé en son milieu. Certaines vérifications ont eu raison de ces allégations. Simart n’était pas l’auteur de ces prothèses de plâtre. Et la photo de la tête avec la faille douloureusement creusée au centre de la face n’était pas un cliché du marbre, mais d’un de ses moulages où un savant allemand avait demandé au mouleur de simuler ce qui lui apparaissait comme la probable perte de matière, qu’il n’était pas en mesure d’observer directement. Le démontage soigneux des compléments de plâtre a pu révéler que la blessure du marbre était à la fois beaucoup moins profonde et moins étendue. Les éclats qui ont affecté cette pierre sont tristes, certes. Mais combien l’était plus encore cette reconstitution aussi froide qu’inerte, qui prétendait si pauvrement faire renaître un profil du temps de Phidias! Comme on comprend le refus de Canova, auquel on avait demandé d’intervenir sur les marbres du Parthénon! Je voudrais terminer ces quelques remarques, dont je m’aperçois qu’elles tiennent presque plus de la confidence familière que de l’exposé académique, par l’évocation des deux grandes vedettes de la sculpture antique au Louvre. On sait la chance qu’a eue la Vénus de Milo de n’avoir pas été restaurée (17a et b), quelles que soient les propositions qui se sont accumulées pour
— 149 —
LT A
ZI O
N E
Figure 8 – La «Vénus de Milo»: le visage, sans la restauration du nez en plâtre.
PE R
C
O
N
SU
Figure 9 – La «Vénus de Milo»: Le visage avec le nez complété.
donner un sens à son geste. On dit que c’est Louis XVIII lui-même qui a voulu qu’on ne complétât pas sa silhouette. Je ne sais si c’est tout à fait vrai. Mais ce qu’on voit clairement, c’est que quelques petites additions y ont cependant été introduites.
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 150 —
O
Figure 10 – La «Victoire de Samothrace», Paris, Musée du Louvre.
PE R
C
La première concerne l’extrémité du gros orteil droit, où le plâtre a complété le doigt. A l’occasion d’une récente opération de remise en état, ce plâtre a été retiré. Mais une autre addition est beaucoup plus sensible, puisqu’il s’agit cette fois de l’extrémité du nez (fig. 8). Blaise Pascal a dit quelle conséquence aurait eu un nez plus court, sur le visage de Cléopâtre. Sans donner autant d’importance au nez de la Vénus du Louvre, un tel détail anatomique jouait assurément un rôle majeur dans l’équilibre des traits de son visage, un visage tant admiré, tant célébré, tant reproduit. Il n’était pas question de laisser ce nez interrompu, d’autant que les surfaces de la cassure ont été lissées, comme pour préparer l’application d’un élément de marbre, qui semble-t-il, n’a jamais été posé: on a donc replacé le bout du nez en plâtre (fig. 9), dont l’existence, au centre d’un visage tenu pour le symbole le plus parfait de la Beauté antique, ne doit pas être oubliée.
ZI O
N E
— 151 —
Figure 11 – En jaune, les compléments en plâtre de la «Victoire de Samothrace» (d’après M. Hamiaux, La Victoire de Samothrace, Paris 2007).
b
O
N
SU
LT A
a
C
Figure 12 – La position de la statue sur la proue du bateau: a. Telle qu’on la voit actuellement. b. Telle qu’on devrait la voir (d’après M. Hamiaux, La Victoire de Samothrace, Paris 2007).
PE R
Pour la Victoire de Samothrace, l’autre étoile de la sculpture grecque au Louvre (fig. 10), l’histoire est plus complexe. Je n’y reviendrai pas, si ce n’est pour rappeler un peu de ce que sa célèbre silhouette doit à la restauration. Nul n’ignore, ici, que son aile droite est en plâtre, réalisée dans un moulage sans doute trop symétrique de l’aile gauche: la droite, dont quelques fragments sont conservés dans les réserves du musée, a chance d’avoir été plus haute. Une grande partie du buste est également en plâtre, surtout à sa gauche (fig. 11). Mais c’est la position de la statue sur l’avant de la galère qui s’éloigne le plus de la vision que devaient en avoir les pèlerins du sanctuaire des Cabires. Une étude récente a bien montré que la sculpture était posée plus en arrière, di-
LT A
ZI O
N E
— 152 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
Figure 13 – La «Victoire de Samothrace», environnée de mosaïques et de moulages en plâtre.
Figure 14 – La «Victoire de Samothrace» dans sa présentation actuelle.
— 153 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
rectement sur le pont du bateau (fig. 12), sans qu’elle ait besoin de l’élévation que lui impose le bloc moderne sur lequel elle se trouve aujourd’hui. La présence de celui-ci s’explique par le choix qui a été fait, au XIXe siècle, de placer le monument dans l’axe du palier sur lequel il est implanté: pour dégager la vision de la Victoire, il était nécessaire de la rehausser pour que ce qui reste de la proue ne rompît pas les contours de sa silhouette. Il en était tout autrement à Samothrace où sa position dans l’édifice qui lui servait de niche était légèrement en oblique par rapport au mur du fond: l’angle de vision était ainsi un trois-quarts gauche, donnant son plein élan à une figure entièrement accessible au regard. Il y a donc maints aspects, dans la restauration, comme dans la présentation de la Victoire de Samothrace au musée du Louvre, qui provoquent l’irruption du XIXe siècle dans cette composition du IIe s. av. J.-C. Mais ce chef-d’œuvre de l’art hellénistique, au Louvre, a couru des périls bien plus graves. Au moment de l’installation voulue par le conservateur Ravaisson-Mollien au sommet de l’escalier Daru, tout un programme décoratif avait été lancé, contre l’avis de Ravaisson, pour accompagner la mise en scène. Et c’est ainsi que l’on avait commencé à couvrir de mosaïques les voûtes et les pendentifs: ces derniers présentaient de grandes figures ailées, censées représenter l’Egypte, l’Assyrie, la Grèce et Rome (fig. 13). La presse de l’époque, très sévère, parle d’un décor «de café-concert», et compare l’environnement de la Victoire, où s’amoncelaient aussi toutes sortes de moulages, «à la ruine de quelque casino vénézuélien». Sous le feu de la critique, les mosaïques, qui existent toujours, sont alors masquées par un badigeon blanc imitant la pierre. Et la Victoire, depuis les années 30 du siècle dernier, a retrouvé sa place de soliste, au sommet d’un escalier élargi pour sa gloire (fig. 14). J’ai ouï dire, du reste, qu’une nouvelle campagne de restauration était prévue, destinée au moins à vérifier les scellements et à nettoyer les surfaces des deux marbres, celui de Paros pour la Victoire, celui de Lartos pour sa galère, dont les deux couleurs, le blanc translucide à Paros, le gris opaque à Lartos, devraient à nouveau s’opposer, comme l’avait sans doute voulu le concepteur du monument. * * *
Je vais refermer ici l’album que j’ai feuilleté avec vous sans trop de souci de l’ordre et de la logique. J’ai seulement voulu rappeler la responsabilité des musées, de leurs restaurations et de leurs présentations, dans les images que l’on forme, mais aussi dans les idées que l’on se fait des civilisations méditerranéennes, à propos desquelles tant de belles choses ont été dites durant ces trois journées.
PE R SU
N
O
C
ZI O
LT A
N E
N E
Guglielmo de’ Giovanni Centelles
ZI O
Fondazione Roma-Mediterraneo – Palazzo Sciarra, Via Marco Minghetti, 17 00187 Rome, Italy; [email protected]
CONSIDERAZIONI CONCLUSIVE
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
Presidente, è con grande soddisfazione che partecipo, come Consigliere Delegato della Fondazione Roma-Mediterraneo per l’Università e la Ricerca Scientifica, a questo atto di chiusura del Corso GID-EMAN su MEDITERRANEAN ARCHAEOLOGY. Desidero esprimerle, Presidente, tutta la nostra soddisfazione e il nostro ringraziamento per lo splendore del progetto. Le parole conclusive del Professor Alain Pasquier sulla presentazione al Louvre della Nike di Samotracia, anche come simbolo del Mediterraneo, si adattano singolarmente al successo della sua iniziativa. Si è parlato a lungo, con grande profondità, del Mediterraneo, questo sistema tendenzialmente unitivo, di unità plurale, che è designato per tale da tanti elementi di diversità biologica e culturale, la classica unità braudeliana cui si è accennato nella relazione iniziale, con riferimenti al grano, al vino e all’olio, e ai tanti elementi antropologici che avete apprezzato nella prospettazione archeologica di questi giorni: una sostanziale visione del divino come trascendenza, una sostanziale visione del primato della città, una visione, sia pure pluralistica, del primato della famiglia. L’amicizia tra la Fondazione Roma e l’Accademia dei Lincei è antica, così come sono antiche le nostre istituzioni, una risalente a Federico Cesi e a Galilei, la nostra – Antico Monte di Pietà di Roma, poi Cassa di Risparmio di Roma, ora Fondazione Roma – risalente a Paolo III Farnese. L’idea di riaffermare e sostenere l’identità mediterranea, che è la missione di EMAN, credo sia un’intuizione fondamentale, sia per lo studio delle discipline, sia per la loro prospettazione nei tempi attuali. Non si fa storia solo per il gusto dell’erudito o per la riproposizione meramente accademica del tempo antico, ma anche per rispondere con forza ad una domanda urgente dell’oggi, sul significato di questa unità del Mediterraneo che, come vedete, si scontra oggi con tanti venti di guerra.
— 156 —
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
N E
Come ricomporre l’unità del Mediterraneo? Il Professor Brunori ha scelto di citare all’inizio del depliant su EMAN un brano di una meravigliosa poesia di Albert Camus, che poi è stato l’ispiratore di quasi tutte le definizioni poetiche sul Mediterraneo di Braudel: «Si tratta di riallacciare le funi sommerse del Mediterraneo, di ritrovarle». Io spero che il dialogo che abbiamo cominciato con EMAN e che è parte del grande dialogo tra la nostra Fondazione e i Lincei, possa proseguire con forza; e sono lieto di vedere con noi l’illustre Presidente dell’Istituto di Studi Romani Professor Paolo Sommella, che è sempre stato vicino alla nostra antica Cassa di Risparmio, ora Fondazione Roma. Debbo dire, agli studiosi e agli studenti, che il Comitato Ordinatore si è riunito più e più volte, puntuale e impegnato. Dobbiamo molto al Professor Louis Godart e al Professor Eugenio La Rocca per il loro determinante contributo, e alla Professoressa Virlouvet per l’efficace e intelligente opera di selezione. Direi che gli sforzi economici della Fondazione Roma-Mediterraneo e organizzativi del Comitato Ordinatore e dell’Accademia dei Lincei, sono stati ricompensati da una partecipazione quasi ecumenica dei paesi rivieraschi. Il Mediterraneo è qualcosa di più di uno spazio d’acqua, è qualcosa di più di un lago: è il luogo dell’incontro tra le civiltà e i continenti. Braudel diceva che sono molti i Mediterranei del mondo. Sicuramente ci sono molti mari unitivi al centro delle terre; però solo nel Mediterraneo abbiamo avuto questo gioco continuo di civiltà che nei secoli hanno interagito, si sono accese e poi spente, e poi riaccese, sempre attorno allo stesso mare, con grandissimi risultati per il divenire dello spirito. Grazie tante, Professor Brunori, per averci dato occasione di questo meraviglioso incontro, con l’augurio che ce ne possano essere altri, anche in altri campi, e la certezza che non mancherà il sostegno della nostra Fondazione.
N E
Abeer Al Bawab Amman, Jordan [email protected]
LT A
Taisir Al Halabi Paris, France Taisir.Al–[email protected], [email protected]
ZI O
List of participants
SU
Maria Andreadaki–Vlazaki Director General of the Antiquities and the Cultural Heritage, Ministry of Culture, 42, Bouboulinas St. – 10682 Athens, Greece [email protected]
O
N
Elisa Rosa Barbosa de Sousa Lisboa, Portugal [email protected]
C
Heinz–Jürgen Beste Deutsches Archäologisches Institut Via Curtatone, 4/d – 00185 Rome, Italy [email protected]
PE R
Mounir Bouchenaki Special Advisor to the Director General – ICCROM: Int. Centre for the Study of the Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property Via di San Michele, 13 – 00153 Rome, Italy [email protected]
Maurizio Brunori Accademico dei Lincei and President of EMAN; Dipartimento di Scienze Biochimiche Sapienza Università di Roma Piazzale Aldo Moro, 5 – 00185 Rome, Italy [email protected]
— 158 — Giovanna Alberta Campitelli Sovraintendenza ai Beni Culturali di Roma Capitale – U.O. Ville e Parchi Storici Piazza Lovatelli, 35 – 00186 Rome, Italy [email protected]
Giulia Colugnati Poggio Mirteto (RI), Italy [email protected]
SU
Bruno D’Andrea Isernia, Italy [email protected]
LT A
Giorgio Croci Dip. di Ingegneria Strutturale e Geotecnica Sapienza Università di Roma Via Eudossiana, 18 – 00184 Rome, Italy [email protected]
ZI O
N E
Daniela Cavallo Rome, Italy [email protected]
C
O
N
Stefano De Caro Director General of ICCROM: Int. Centre for the Study of the Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property Via di San Michele, 13 – 00153 Rome, Italy [email protected]
PE R
Guglielmo de’ Giovanni Centelles Fondazione Roma–Mediterraneo Palazzo Sciarra, Via Marco Minghetti, 17 – 00187 Rome, Italy [email protected]
Hussen Mohamed Eldali, Al Khoms, Libya [email protected]
Layla Es–Sadra Rabat, Marocco [email protected]
— 159 — Federica Fabbri Rome, Italy federica–[email protected]
N E
Ilaria Fabiano Montepaone (CZ), Italy [email protected]
Valentina Follo Philadelphia, USA [email protected]
SU
Tiffany Filocamo Ravello (SA), Italy [email protected]
LT A
ZI O
Fedora Filippi Responsabile dell’Archivio Storico, Soprintendenza Speciale per i Beni Archeologici di Roma Palazzo Altemps, Via di S. Apollinare, 8 – 00186 Rome, Italy [email protected]
O
N
Dejan Gazivoda Podgorica, Montenegro [email protected], ckacg@t–com.me
PE R
C
Michèle Gendreau–Massaloux Recteur et Conseiller d’Etat honoraire – GID et Union pour la Méditerranée – Mission interministérielle pour la Méditerranée 20, avenue de Ségur – 75007 Paris, France michele.gendreau–massaloux@um–elysee.fr
Louis Godart Accademico dei Lincei e Consigliere del Presidente della Repubblica Italiana per la Protezione del Patrimonio Artistico – Presidenza della Repubblica – Palazzo del Quirinale Via della Dataria, 96 – 00187 Rome, Italy [email protected]
Reuben Grima Msida, Malta [email protected]
— 160 —
N E
Maria Teresa Jaquinta ICCROM: Int. Centre for the Study of Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property Via di San Michele, 13 – 00153 Rome, Italy [email protected]
ZI O
Maryam A. O. Kara Tripoli, Libya c/o [email protected]
LT A
Eugenio La Rocca Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Antichità, Sapienza Università di Roma Piazzale Aldo Moro, 5 – 00185 Rome, Italy [email protected]
Tino LelekoviĆ Zagreb, Croatia [email protected]
N
SU
Pilar León Departamento de Arqueología – Universidad de Sevilla Doña María De Padilla, s/n 41004 Sevilla, España [email protected]
PE R
C
O
Luigi Malnati D.G. per le Antichità, Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali Via di San Michele, 22 – 00153 Rome, Italy [email protected]
Raffaele Mancino, Col. Comando Carabinieri Tutela Patrimonio Culturale Via Anicia, 24 00153 Rome, Italy [email protected]
Alessandra Marchello Merine (LE), Italy [email protected]
— 161 —
ZI O
Maurizio Melani D.G. Promozione del Sistema Paese, Ministero degli Affari Esteri Piazzale della Farnesina, 1 – 00135 Rome, Italy [email protected]
N E
Sandro Massa Dipartimento ICT, Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche Piazzale Aldo Moro, 7 – 00185 Rome, Italy [email protected]
LT A
Guido Meli Piazza Armerina (EN), Italy [email protected]
N
Monika MuszyŃska Warsaw, Poland [email protected]
SU
Paola Moscati Istituto di Studi sulle Civiltà Italiche e del Mediteraneo Antico, Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche Via Salaria Km 29,300 c.p. 10 – 00016 Monterotondo (RM), Italy [email protected]
C
O
Zakia Ben Hadj Naceur–Loum Tunisi, Tunisie [email protected]
PE R
B. S. Alptekin Oransay Eskişehir, Turkey [email protected]
Alain Pasquier Institut de France 23, quai de Conti – 75006 Paris, France [email protected]
Orit Peleg–Barkat Jerusalem, Israel [email protected]
— 162 — Maria Rosaria Perrella Vico Equense (NA), Italy [email protected]
Aglaia Piergentili Margani Rome, Italy [email protected]
SU
Ahmed Rjoob Ramallah, West Bank, Palestine [email protected]
LT A
Gianni Ponti IES Abroad Rome Lungotevere Tor di Nona, 7 – 00186 Rome, Italy [email protected]
O
N
Katia Schörle Rome, Italy [email protected], [email protected]
PE R
C
Christopher Smith British School at Rome Via Gramsci, 61 – 00197 Rome, Italy [email protected]
Paolo Sommella Emerito di Topografia Antica presso Sapienza Università di Roma Presidente dell’Istituto Nazionale di Studi Romani Via Cheren, 16 – 00199 Rome, Italy [email protected]
Kerstin Stamm Berlin, Germany [email protected]
ZI O
N E
Giuseppe Perta Naples, Italy [email protected]
— 163 — Yifat Thareani Tel–Aviv, Israel [email protected]
N E
Emilie Thibaut Compiègne, France [email protected]
ZI O
Enrico Trudu Cagliari, Italy [email protected]
LT A
Paula Uribe Agudo Zaragoza, Spain [email protected]
PE R
C
O
N
SU
Catherine Virlouvet École française de Rome Palazzo Farnese, Piazza Farnese, 67 00186 Rome, Italy [email protected], [email protected]
PE R SU
N
O
C
ZI O
LT A
N E
N E
ATTI DEI CONVEGNI LINCEI
ZI O
1. I Nibelunghi (1974) Colloquio italo-germanico organizzato d’intesa con la Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften: Roma, 14-15 maggio 1973. 2. Giuseppe Giusti e la Toscana del suo tempo (1974) Colloquio: Pescia-Monsummano Terme, 8-9 ottobre 1973.
LT A
3. Il risparmio in Italia oggi (1975) Tavola Rotonda: Roma, 8 marzo 1974.
4. D’Annunzio in Francia (1975) Colloquio italo-francese: Roma, 9-10 maggio 1974. 5. Zeoliti e Zeolitizzazione (1975) Convegno: Roma, 8 marzo 1974.
SU
6. Ludovico Ariosto (1975) Convegno Internazionale: Roma-Lucca-Castelnuovo di Garfagnana-Reggio EmiliaFerrara, 27 settembre-5 ottobre 1974.
N
7. Utilizzazione ottimale ed economia delle risorse naturali (1975) Convegno Internazionale: Roma, 3-4 maggio 1974.
O
8. Tullio Levi-Civita (1975) Convegno Internazionale celebrativo del centenario della nascita: Roma, 17-19 dicembre 1973.
C
9. Vilfredo Pareto (1975) Convegno Internazionale: Roma, 25-27 ottobre 1973. 10. Francesco Petrarca (1976) Convegno Internazionale: Roma-Arezzo-Padova-Arquà Petrarca, 24-27 aprile 1974.
PE R
11. Applicazione dei metodi-nucleari nel campo delle opere d’arte (1976) Convegno Internazionale: Roma-Venezia, 24-29 maggio 1973. 12. Il problema della moneta oggi (1976) Convegno Internazionale: Roma, 6-8 febbraio 1975. 13. Goldoni nel Teatro Russo – Cechov nel teatro Italiano (1976) Colloquio italo-sovietico: Roma, 24-25 ottobre 1974.
14. Genetica di popolazioni (1976) Colloquio promosso dal Centro Linceo Interdisciplinare di Scienze Matematiche e loro applicazioni: Roma, 22-25 aprile 1974. 15. Il significato biologico del mimetismo (1976) Colloquio: Roma, 8 febbraio 1974.
16. Insediamenti territoriali e rapporti fra uomo e ambiente: criteri e metodologie (1976) Tavola Rotonda: Roma, 9-10 dicembre 1974. 17. Teorie Combinatorie (1976) Colloquio Internazionale con la collaborazione della American Mathematical Society: Roma, 3-15 settembre1973 (Tomo I e II).
N E
18. Cino da Pistoia (1976) Colloquio: Roma, 25 ottobre 1975. 19. L’attualità di Maffeo Pantaleoni (1976) Giornata Lincea: Roma, 12 dicembre 1975.
ZI O
20. Nuove acquisizioni nelle leucemie e basi biologiche della terapia (1976) Convegno Internazionale: Roma, 16-17 maggio 1973. Problemi sociali e assistenziali delle leucemie in Italia (1976) Tavola Rotonda: Roma, 18 maggio 1973.
LT A
21. Geotettonica delle zone orogeniche del Kashmir Himalaya - Karakorum - Hindu Kush - Pamir (1976) Colloquio Internazionale: Roma, 25-27 giugno 1974. 22. Problemi giuridici dell’impresa (1976) Colloquio promosso dall’Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei in collaborazione con l’Università di Varsavia: Roma, 24-25 novembre 1975.
SU
23. Renania romana (1976) Colloquio Internazionale: Roma, 14-16 aprile 1975.
24. Radiocomunicazioni a grande e a grandissima distanza (1976) Convegno Internazionale celebrativo del centenario della nascita di Guglielmo Marconi: Roma-Pontecchio Marconi-Bologna, 25-29 marzo 1974.
N
25. Fisica e Geologia planetaria - Il moto di rotazione della Terra e la deriva dei continenti (1976) Convegno Internazionale e Tavola Rotonda: Roma, 1-5 aprile 1974.
O
26. Nuove idee e nuova arte nel ’700 italiano (1977) Convegno Internazionale: Roma, 19-23 maggio 1975.
C
27. L’Illuminismo italiano e l’Europa (1977) Convegno Internazionale: Roma, 25-26 marzo 1976.
PE R
28. Agricoltura e industria e i loro rapporti nell’economia contemporanea (1977) Convegno: Roma, 12-13 aprile 1976. 29. Tiziano Vecellio (1977) Convegno indetto nel IV centenario della nascista: Roma, 25 maggio 1976. 30. Il fenomeno geotermico e sue applicazioni (1977) Convegno Internazionale: Roma-Pisa, 3-5 marzo 1975. 31. Aspetti scientifici dell’inquinamento dei mari italiani (1977) Convegno: Roma, 19-21 gennaio 1976. 32. La Pléiade e il Rinascimento italiano (1977) Colloquio italo-francese: Roma, 16 marzo 1976. 33. I Campi Flegrei nell’Archeologia e nella Storia (1977) Convegno Internazionale: Roma, 4-7 maggio 1976.
34. Gravitazione sperimentale (Experimental gravitation) (1977) Simposio Internazionale: Pavia, 17-20 settembre 1976. 35. Il cardinale Mazzarino in Francia (1977) Colloquio italo-francese: Roma, 16-17 maggio 1977.
N E
36. La riforma del Diritto di famiglia (1978) Giornata Lincea: Roma, 11 marzo 1977.
38. Puskin poeta e la sua arte (1978) Colloquio italo-sovietico: Roma, 3-4 giugno 1977. 39. Le iscrizioni pre-latine in Italia (1979) Colloquio: Roma, 14-15 marzo 1977.
LT A
40. L’averroismo in Italia (1979) Convegno Internazionale: Roma, 18-20 aprile 1977.
ZI O
37. Il romanzo russo nel secolo XIX e la sua influenza nelle letterature dell’Europa occidentale (1978) Colloquio italo-sovietico: Roma, 17-19 maggio 1976.
41. La politica monetaria della rivoluzione francese dall’«Assignat» al Marengo (1979) Colloquio italo-francese: Roma, 12 aprile 1978.
SU
42. Le relazioni del pensiero italiano risorgimentale con i centri del movimento liberale di Ginevra e di Coppet (1979) Colloquio italo-elvetico: Roma, 17-18 marzo 1978. 43. L’attraversamento dello Stretto di Messina e la sua fattibilità (1979) Convegno: Roma, 4-6 luglio 1978.
N
44. Turgenev e la sua opera (1980) Colloquio italo-sovietico: Roma, 18-19 gennaio 1979.
O
45. Passaggio dal mondo antico al Medioevo. Da Teodosio a San Gregorio Magno (1980) Convegno Internazionale: Roma, 25-28 maggio 1977. 46. Tommaso Moro e l’Utopia (1980) Colloquio italo-britannico: Roma, 20-21 marzo 1979.
PE R
C
47. Geodynamic Evolution of the Afro-Arabic Rift (1980) International Meeting organized by the Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei and the Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche, under the auspices of the Ministero degli Esteri, the Ministero per i Beni Culturali e Ambientali, and the Ente Nazionale Idrocarburi: Rome, 18th-20th April 1979. 48. Agiografia nell’Occidente cristiano (secoli XIII-XV) (1980) Convegno Internazionale: Roma, 1-2 maggio 1979. 49. Origine dei grandi phyla dei Metazoi (1981) Convegno Internazionale: Roma, 7-9 maggio 1979. 50. L’esame storico artistico della Colonna Traiana (1982) Colloquio italo-romeno: Roma, 25 ottobre 1978. 51. San Benedetto e la civiltà monastica nell’economia e nella cultura dell’Alto Medio Evo (1982) Giornata Lincea indetta in occasione del XV Centenario della nascita di S. Benedetto: Roma, 30 ottobre 1980.
52. La Dacia Pre-romana e Romana, i rapporti con l’Impero (1982) Colloquio italo-romeno: Roma, 18-19 novembre 1980. 53. Plinio il Vecchio (1983) Giornata lincea indetta nella ricorrenza del 19° Centenario della eruzione del Vesuvio e della morte di Plinio il Vecchio: Roma, 4 dicembre 1979.
N E
54. Un trentennio di collaborazione italo-francese nel campo dell’archeologia italiana (1982) Colloquio italo-francese: Roma, 7-8 febbraio 1980.
ZI O
55. Giornate Lincee indette in occasione del 350° anniversario della pubblicazione del «Dialogo sopra i massimi sistemi» di Galileo Galilei (1982) Roma, 6-7 maggio 1982. 56. Giornate Lincee indette in occasione del 1° centenario della morte di Darwin (1983) Roma, 15-16 aprile 1982.
LT A
57. Aspetti matematici della teoria della relatività (1983) Roma, 5-6 giugno 1980.
58. Gogol’ e la sua opera (1983) Colloquio italo-sovietico: Roma, 18-19 febbraio 1981.
59. La legislazione sui minori (1983) Colloquio italo-polacco: Roma, 22-23 novembre 1979.
SU
60. Giornata dell’ambiente (1983) Roma, 6 giugno 1983.
61. Il diritto e la vita materiale (1984) Roma, 28-29 maggio 1982.
N
62. La biogeografia delle isole (1984) Roma, 6-7 giugno 1983.
O
63. Tradizione, cultura e crisi di valori (1984) Roma, 19-22 maggio 1982.
C
64. Quintino Sella (1984) Giornata Lincea indetta in occasione del 1° Centenario della morte: Roma, 26 maggio 1984.
PE R
65. Metastasio (1985) Convegno indetto in occasione del II Centenario della morte, d’intesa con Arcadia Accademia Letteraria Italiana, Istituto di Studi Romani e Società Italiana di Studi sul Sec. XVIII: Roma, 25-27 maggio 1983. 66. Parchi e aree protette in Italia (1985) Roma, 3-5 novembre 1983. 67. Giornata dell’ambiente (1985) Roma, 5 giugno 1984. 68. San Francesco (1985) Giornata Lincea indetta in occasione dell’VIII Centenario della nascita: Roma, 12 novembre 1982. 69. Dostoevskij e la sua opera (1985) Convegno italo-sovietico: Roma, 28-29 ottobre 1983.
70. Francesco Guicciardini (1985) Giornata Lincea indetta in occasione del V centenario della nascita: Roma, 12 dicembre 1983. 71. L’espressivismo linguistico nella letteratura italiana (1985) Roma, 16-18 gennaio 1984.
N E
72. Secondo Convegno su «Economia e utilizzazione ottimale delle risorse naturali» (1985) Roma, 25-26 ottobre 1984.
ZI O
73. Che cosa è Pensiero? L’unità dell’Essere (1985) Convegno promosso dal Centro Linceo interdisciplinare di Scienze Matematiche e loro Applicazioni sotto l’Alto Patronato del Presidente della Repubblica: Roma, 9-11 maggio 1984. 74. Cento anni di attività archeologica italiana a Creta (1985) Roma, 15 gennaio 1985.
76. Giornata dell’ambiente (1986) Roma, 5 giugno 1985.
LT A
75. Formazione delle leggi e forme del loro controllo (1986) Colloquio italo-polacco: Roma, 9-10 novembre 1984.
77. Convegno celebrativo della nascita di Mauro Picone e Leonida Tonelli (1986) Roma, 6-9 maggio 1985.
SU
78. Convegno celebrativo del IV centenario della nascita di Federico Cesi (1986) Acquasparta, 7-9 ottobre 1985. 79. Giornata dell’ambiente. Problemi giuridici della tutela ambientale (1987) Roma, 5 giugno 1986.
N
80. The Lithosphere in Italy: Advances in Earth Science Research (1985) A Mid-term Conference convened by the National Committee for the International Lithosphere Program and sponsored by the Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei and the Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche: Rome, 5-6 May 1987.
C
O
81. Giornata Mondiale dell’ambiente. Una politica per l’ambiente in Italia: prospettive e realizzazioni (1990) Convegno organizzato in collaborazione con il Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche e il Comune di Roma: Roma, 5-6 giugno 1987.
PE R
82. Giornata dell’ambiente. Atmosfera e clima (1990) Roma, 10-11 giugno 1988. 83. La dimensione scientifica dello sviluppo culturale (1990) Roma, 30 settembre-2 ottobre 1987. 84. Conseguenze culturali delle leggi razziali in Italia (1990) Convegno organizzato d’intesa con l’Unione delle Comunita Ebraiche Italiane e l’Associazione Nazionale Perseguitati Politici Antifascisti: Roma, 11 giugno 1989.
85. Biogeographical Aspects of Insularity (1990) International Symposium: Rome, 18-22 May 1987. 86. Problema e problemi della storia letteraria (1990) Convegno Internazionale: Roma, 25-27 novembre 1987. 87. Giornata lincea sull’Archeologia Cirenaica (1990) Roma, 3 novembre 1987.
88. Giornata dell’Ambiente. L’acidità atmosferica e il suo impatto ambientale (1991) Convegno organizzato in collaborazione con l’Accademia Italiana di Scienze Forestali: Roma, 5 giugno 1989.
90. VIII Giornata dell’Ambiente. Il suolo (1991) Roma, 5 giugno 1990. 91. Proceeding of the Geodetic Day: In honor of Antonio Marussi (1991) Rome, October 9th. 1989.
ZI O
92. Convegno Internazionale in memoria di Vito Volterra (1992) Roma, 8-11 ottobre 1990.
N E
89. Giornate Lincee sulla Rivoluzione Francese (1991) Roma, 25-26 maggio 1989.
93. Eredita contestata? Nuove prospettive per la tutela del patrimonio archeologico e del territorio (1992) Convegno Internazionale: Roma, 29-30 aprile 1991.
LT A
94. La posizione attuale della linguistica storica nell’ambito delle discipline linguistiche (1992) Roma, 26-28 marzo 1991. 95. IX Giornata dell’Ambiente. Cambiamento globale del clima: stato della ricerca italiana (1992) Roma, 5 giugno 1991.
SU
96. I principi generali del diritto (1992) Roma, 27-29 maggio 1991.
97. Italia e Spagna nella cultura del ’700 (1992) Convegno Internazionale: Roma, 3-5 dicembre 1990.
N
98. Convegno Mozartiano in occasione del secondo centenario della morte (1993) Roma, 13-14 novembre 1991.
O
99. Giornata Lincea nel centenario della nascita di Arturo Carlo Jemolo (1993) Roma, 18 dicembre 1991.
C
100. Bilancio critico su Roma arcaica fra monarchia e repubblica. In memoria di Ferdinando Castagnoli (1993) Convegno: Roma, 3-4 giugno 1991. 101. Giornata Lincea in ricordo di Piero Calamandrei (1993) Roma, 20 marzo 1992.
PE R
102. X Giornata dell’Ambiente. Ambiente salute e sviluppo (1993) Roma, 5 giugno 1992. 103. Il Codice di procedura penale. Esperienze, valutazioni, prospettive (1993) Convegno: Roma, 23-24 ottobre 1992. 104. Symposium dedicated to Enrico Fermi on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the first reactor (1993) Rome, 10 December 1992. 105. Giornata Lincea in ricordo di Arnaldo Momigliano (1993) Roma, 22 aprile 1992. 106. Il Codice civile. Convegno del cinquantenario dedicato a Francesco Santoro-Passarelli (1994) Roma, 15-16 dicembre 1992.
107. Lingua, pensiero scientifico e interculturalità: l’esperienza dell’interazione universitaria in Somalia (1994) Giornata di studio: Roma, 19 ottobre 1992.
109. Giornate Lincee sulle Biblioteche pubbliche statali (1994) Roma, 21-22 gennaio 1993.
N E
108. La diffusione della cultura scientifica (1994) Giornata Lincea indetta in occasione della III Settimana della Cultura Scientifica e Tecnologica: Roma, 23 aprile 1993.
ZI O
110. La recezione di Rossini ieri e oggi (1994) Convegno organizzato con la collaborazione della Accademia Nazionale di Santa Cecilia, Fondazione Giorgio Cini, Fondazione Gioacchino Rossini, Societa Italiana di Musicologia: Roma, 18-20 febbraio 1993. 111. La filologia testuale e le scienze umane (1994) Convegno internazionale organizzato in collaborazione con l’Associazione Internazionale per gli Studi di Lingua e Letteratura Italiana: Roma, 19-22 aprile 1993.
LT A
112. Large Explosive Eruptions (The Problem of Eruption Forecasting and Warning: Limits and Possibilities) (1994) International Symposium sponsored by the Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei and The British Council: Rome, 24-25 May 1993. 113. Claudio Sánchez-Albornoz (1995) Giornata Lincea per il centenario della nascita: Roma, 29 ottobre 1993.
SU
114. Incontro scientifico italo-spagnolo (1995) Organizzato in collaborazione con la Real Academia de Ciencias Exactas, Fisicas y Naturales e la Real Academia Nacional de Medicina: Roma, 21 ottobre 1993.
N
115. XI Giornata dell’Ambiente. La vegetazione italiana (1995) Roma, 5 giugno 1993.
O
116. La saldatura tra la scuola media, l’università, il lavoro e l’industria (1995) Giornata Lincea: Roma, 20 aprile 1994. 117. Bruno Rossi. Maestro, Fisico e Astrofisico (1995) Giornata Lincea in ricordo: Roma, 21 aprile 1994.
C
118. XII Giornata dell’Ambiente. La fauna italiana (1995) Roma, 6 giugno 1994.
PE R
119. Scienza e industria (1995) Giornata incontro: Roma, 10 aprile 1995. 120. Enrico Redenti: Il diritto del lavoro ai suoi primordi (1995) Giornata Lincea in ricordo: Roma, 22 gennaio 1994. 121. Archeologia e Astronomia: esperienze e prospettive future (1995) Convegno internazionale: Roma, 26 novembre 1994. 122. Terremoti in Italia. Previsioni e prevenzione dei danni (1995) Convegno: Roma, 1-2 dicembre 1994. 123. La diffusione della cultura scientifica (1996) Giornata Lincea: Roma, 3 aprile 1995. 124. Monteverdi. Recitativo in monodia e polifonia (1996) Giornata Lincea dedicata a Claudio Monteverdi: Roma, 9 marzo 1995.
125. Filellenismo e tradizionalismo a Roma nei primi due secoli dell’Impero (1996) Convegno internazionale: Roma, 27-28 aprile 1995. 126. Le nuove frontiere della chimica (1996) Giornata Lincea dedicata a Vincenzo Caglioti promossa d’intesa con l’Accademia delle Scienze - detta dei XL: Roma, 23 maggio 1995.
N E
127. La Persia e l’Asia centrale da Alessandro al X secolo (1996) Convegno internazionale organizzato in collaborazione con l’Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente: Roma, 9-12 novembre 1994.
ZI O
128. Problemi dell’economia moderna del lavoro (1996) Convegno: Roma, 10-11 maggio 1995.
129. XIII Giornata dell’Ambiente. Eventi estremi: previsioni meteorologiche ed idrogeologiche (1996) Convegno: Roma, 5 giugno 1995.
LT A
130. La cooperazione europea per la diffusione della cultura scientifica (1997) Giornata Lincea indetta in occasione della VI settimana della Cultura Scientifica: Roma, 29 marzo 1996. 131. Boltzmann’s Legacy 150 Years after His Birth (1997) Convegno: Roma, 25-28 maggio 1994.
SU
132. XIV Giornata dell’Ambiente. Parchi e riserve naturali: conservazione e ricerca ieri e oggi (1997) Convegno: Roma, 5 giugno 1996. 133. Cosmic ray, Particle and Astroparticle Physics (1997) A Conference in Honour of Giuseppe Occhialini, Bruno Pontecorvo and Bruno Rossi: Firenze, 11th-13th September 1995.
O
N
134. La stabilità del suolo in Italia: zonazione sismica-frane (1997) Convegno organizzato con il patrocinio della Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri Dipartimento per la Protezione Civile e del Ministero dell’Università e della Ricerca Scientifica e Tecnologica: Roma, 30-31 maggio 1996.
C
135. Ermeneutica e critica (1998) Convegno internazionale: Roma, 7-8 ottobre 1996. 136. Giornata Lincea in ricordo di Lodovico Mortara (1998) Roma, 17 aprile 1997.
PE R
137. Conferenza annuale della Ricerca (1998) Organizzata dall’Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei e dal Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche: Roma, 21-25 ottobre 1996. 138. Cristina di Svezia e la musica (1998) Convegno internazionale: Roma, 5-6 dicembre 1996. 139. Sviluppo tecnologico e disoccupazione: trasformazione della società (1998) Convegno internazionale: Roma, 16-17 gennaio 1997. 140. Il problema di de Saint-Venant: aspetti teorici e applicativi (1998) Giornata Lincea: Roma, 6 marzo 1997. 141. Archeoastronomia, credenze e religioni nel mondo antico (1998) Roma, 14-15 maggio 1997.
142. L’apertura degli Archivi del Sant’Uffizio Romano (1998) Giornata di Studio: Roma, 22 gennaio 1997.
144. La pubblicazione delle scoperte archeologiche in Italia (1998) Tavola Rotonda: Roma, 11 dicembre 1997. 145. Conservazione e valorizzazione della biodiversità (1998) XV Giornata dell’Ambiente: Roma, 5 giugno 1997.
N E
143. Il genere istituzionale e il Diritto oggi (1998) Giornata Lincea in onore di Alberto Trabucchi: Roma, 20 novembre 1997.
ZI O
146. Dalla Costituente alla Costituzione (1998) Convegno in occasione del cinquantesimo della Costituzione Repubblicana: Roma, 18-20 dicembre 1997.
147. Tricomi’s ideas and contemporary applied mathematics (1998) Convegno internazionale in occasione del Centenario della nascita di Francesco G. Tricomi: Roma, 28-29 novembre-Torino, 1-2 dicembre 1997.
LT A
148. Interactions between Analysis and Mechanics. The Legacy of Gaetano Fichera (1999) Convegno internazionale: Roma, 22-23 aprile 1998. 149. Lingua e Letteratura italiana: istituzione e insegnamento (1999) Convegno internazionale in collaborazione con l’Associazione Internazionale per gli Studi di Lingua e Letteratura italiana: Roma, 24-26 novembre 1997.
SU
150. Le risposte penali all’illegalità (1999) Tavola rotonda nell’ambito della Conferenza annuale della Ricerca: Roma, 2 aprile 1998.
N
151. I nuovi orizzonti della Filologia. Ecdotica, critica testuale, editoria scientifica e mezzi informatici elettronici (1999) Convegno internazionale organizzato in collaborazione con l’Associazione Internazionale per gli Studi di Lingua e Letteratura Italiana: Roma, 27-29 maggio 1998.
C
O
152. I Beni culturali: istituzioni ed economia (1999) Tavola rotonda nell’ambito della Conferenza annuale della Ricerca: Roma, 20 maggio 1998. 153. Gli interventi sul patrimonio monumentale ed artistico dopo il sisma nell’Umbria e nelle Marche. Dall’emergenza alla progettazione (1999) Giornate: Roma, 22-23 giugno 1998.
PE R
154. Il rischio idrogeologico e la difesa del suolo (1999) Convegno: Roma, 1-2 ottobre 1998. 155. L’insegnamento universitario in Italia (1999) Giornata di studio: Roma, 21 gennaio 1999. 156. Donizetti, Parigi e Vienna (2000) Convegno internazionale: Roma, 19-20 marzo 1998. 157. XVI Giornata dell’Ambiente: «Flora e fauna a rischio in Italia» (2000) Roma, 5 giugno 1998.
158. Energia e Ambiente. Combustibili fossili – I (2000) Tavola rotonda nell’ambito della Conferenza annuale della Ricerca: Roma, 30 novembre-1 dicembre 1998.
159. Bioetica e tutela della persona (2000) Convegno internazionale: Roma, 4-5 dicembre 1998.
161. XVII Giornata dell’Ambiente: «Venezia: città a rischio» (2000) Convegno: Roma, 4 giugno 1999.
N E
160. La Convenzione Internazionale sui Diritti del Fanciullo (2000) Convegno in collaborazione con la SIOI, Societa Italiana per la Organizzazione Internazionale: Roma, 12 novembre 1999.
162. L’Inquisizione e gli storici: un cantiere aperto (2000) Tavola rotonda nell’ambito della Conferenza annuale della Ricerca: Roma, 24-25 giugno 1999.
ZI O
163. Ecologia e Ambiente. Energia nucleare ed energie rinnovabili. (Nuclear and Renewable Energies) (2000) Tavola rotonda nell’ambito della Conferenza annuale della Ricerca: Roma, 8-9 marzo 2000.
LT A
164. The Thalassemic Syndromes: a Symposium in Honour of Ezio Silvestroni and Ida Bianco (2001) Convegno internazionale con il patrocinio del Ministero della Sanità: Roma, 13 dicembre 1999. 165. Schumann, Brahms e l’Italia (2001) Convegno internazionale: Roma, 4-5 novembre 1999.
SU
166. Max Planck: l’inizio della nuova Fisica (2001) Convegno internazionale in collaborazione con Accademia Nazionale delle Scienze detta dei XL, Accademia Pontificia delle Scienze, Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare: Roma, 6 dicembre 2000. 167. XIII International Amaldi Conference on problems of Global Security (2001) Rome, 30 November-2 December 2000.
N
168. XVIII Giornata dell’Ambiente: «Ecologia ed economia» (2001) Convegno: Roma, 5 giugno 2000.
C
O
169. Giornata Lincea nella ricorrenza del centenario della riscoperta delle Leggi di Mendel in ricordo di Claudio Barigozzi, Adriano Buzzati Traverso, Francesco D’Amato e Giuseppe Montalenti (2001) Roma, 9 novembre 2000. 170. La cultura letteraria italiana e l’identità europea (2001) Convegno internazionale: Roma, 6-8 aprile 2000.
PE R
171. L’uomo antico e il cosmo (2001) 3° Convegno internazionale di Archeologia e Astronomia: Roma, 15-16 maggio 2000. 172/1. Tecnologia e Società – I: Tecnologia, produttività e sviluppo (2001) Convegno organizzato in collaborazione con il C.N.R.: Roma, 11-12 dicembre 2000. 172/2. Tecnologia e Società – II: Sviluppo e trasformazione della società (2001) Convegno organizzato in collaborazione con il C.N.R.: Roma, 5-6 aprile 2001. 173. Giornate Lincee: I cento anni dello scavo di Festòs (2001) Roma, 13-14 dicembre 2000. 174. Convegno in occasione del cinquantenario della Convenzione del Consiglio d’Europa per la protezione dei diritti umani e delle libertà fondamentali in onore di Paolo Barile (2001) In collaborazione con la Società Italiana per la organizzazione Internazionale: Roma,16-17 novembre 2000.
175. La vittima del reato, questa dimenticata (2001) Tavola rotonda nell’ambito della Conferenza annuale della ricerca: Roma, 5 dicembre 2000. 176. Problemi dell’Università (2001) Simposio: Roma, 18 aprile 2001.
N E
177. Nuovi progressi nella Fisica matematica dall’eredità di Dario Graffi (2002) Convegno internazionale: Bologna, 24-27 maggio 2000. 178. Giornata dell’Acqua (2002) Roma, 22 marzo 2001.
ZI O
179. Synchrotron Radiation: perspectives and new technologies (2002) Convegno internazionale: Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei - Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche: Roma, 8-9 maggio 2001. 180. Le cellule staminali: problematiche e prospettive terapeutiche (2002) Convegno: Roma, 27-28 marzo 2001.
LT A
181. XIX Giornata dell’Ambiente: «Il dissesto idrogeologico: inventario e prospettive» (2002) Convegno: Roma, 5 giugno 2001. 182. Ecosistemi urbani (2002) Convegno nell’ambito della Conferenza annuale della Ricerca: Roma, 22-24 ottobre 2001.
SU
183. Giornata Lincea in ricordo di Ettore Paratore (2002) Roma, 21 febbraio 2002. 184. Il giusto processo (2003) Convegno: Roma, 28-29 marzo 2002.
N
185. Giornata Lincea in ricordo dell’opera e del pensiero di Jacques Monod (2003) Roma, 9 gennaio 2002.
O
186. Le Accademie nazionali nel contesto culturale europeo (2003) Convegno internazionale promosso dal Comitato Nazionale per il IV Centenario della fondazione dell’Accademia dei Lincei: Roma, 12 marzo 2002.
PE R
C
187. Origin of HIV and emerging persistent viruses (2003) Tavola rotonda nell’ambito della Conferenza annuale della Ricerca: Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei - Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche in collaborazione con Istituto Superiore di Sanità - Università degli Studi di Perugia: Roma, 28-29 settembre 2001. 188. L’uso dell’acqua per lo sviluppo (2003) Giornata mondiale dell’acqua: Roma, 22 marzo 2002. 189. Giornata dell’Antichità. Il fenomeno coloniale dall’antichità ad oggi (2003) Roma, 19-20 marzo 2002 190. XIV International Amaldi Conference on Problems of Global Security (2003) Certosa di Pontignano, Pisa: 27-29 April 2002.
191. Le inquisizioni cristiane e gli Ebrei (2003) Tavola rotonda nell’ambito della Conferenza annuale della Ricerca: Roma, 20-21 dicembre 2001. 192. Accettabilità delle acque per usi civili e agricoli (2003) XX Giornata dell’Ambiente: Roma, 5 giugno 2002.
193. La drammaturgia verdiana e le letterature europee (2003) Convegno internazionale: Roma, 29-30 novembre 2001.
195. Il senso della memoria (2004) Convegno internazionale: Roma, 23-25 ottobre 2002. 196. La difesa della montagna (2003) Convegno internazionale: Roma, 9-10 dicembre 2002.
N E
194. La nuova cultura delle città. Trasformazioni territoriali e impatti sulla società (2003) Convegno internazionale: Roma, 5-7 novembre 2002.
198. Grandi bacini idrografici (2004) Giornata di studio: Roma, 6 novembre 2002.
ZI O
197. Lo stato della Costituzione italiana e l’avvio della Costituzione europea (2003) Roma, 14-15 luglio 2003.
199. I musei naturalistici nell’Italia Centrale e Meridionale (2004) Convegno: Palermo, 30 novembre 2002.
LT A
200. Piero Sraffa (2004) Convegno internazionale: Roma, 11-12 febbraio 2003.
201. La Persia e Bisanzio (2004) Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei - Istituto Italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente: Convegno internazionale: Roma 14-18 ottobre 2002.
SU
202. La bassa fecondità tra costrizioni economiche e cambio di valori (2004) Convegno internazionale: Roma, 15-16 maggio 2003. 203. Distretti Pilastri Reti. Italia ed Europa (2004) Convegno organizzato d’intesa con la Fondazione Edison: Roma, 8-9 aprile 2003.
N
204. La siccità in Italia (2004) Giornata mondiale dell’acqua: Roma, 21 marzo 2003.
O
205. Aree costiere (2004) XXI Giornata dell’Ambiente: Roma, 5 giugno 2003.
C
206. Geochimica 2000 (2004) Convegno: Roma, 7-8 ottobre 2003. 207. Mommsen e l’Italia (2004) Convegno: Roma 3-4 novembre 2003.
PE R
208. I diritti umani nella scuola, oggi: come viverli e come insegnarli (2004) Convegno organizzato d’intesa con la Società Italiana per l’Organizzazione Internazionale: Roma, 22 maggio 2003. 209. Gregorio Magno nel XIV Centenario della morte (2004) Convegno internazionale: Roma, 22-25 ottobre 2003. 210. Whence the Boundary Conditions in Modern Continuum Physics? (2004) Convegno Internazionale: Roma, 14-16 ottobre 2002.
211. Signal transduction and neoplastic transformation in endocrine systems: molecular mechanisms and clinical aspects (2005) Convegno internazionale: Roma, 5-6 aprile 2002. 212. La memoria ritrovata. Giornata in ricordo di Tullio Terni e Mario Camis (2005) Roma, 12 marzo 2004.
213. Medicina e salute in Africa: la sfida globale (2005) Convegno: Roma, 17-19 settembre 2003.
215. I primi Lincei e il Sant’Uffizio: Questioni di scienza e di fede (2005) Roma, 12-13 giugno 2003. 216. Acqua e copertura vegetale (2005) Giornata Mondiale dell’Acqua: Roma, 22 marzo 2004.
N E
214. Luigi Einaudi: istituzioni, mercato e riforma sociale (2005) Convegno: Roma, 18-19 febbraio 2004.
218. Ecosistema Roma (2005) Convegno: Roma, 14-16 aprile 2004.
ZI O
217. Cento anni di astronomia in Italia 1860-1960 (2005) Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei – INAF – Comitato per il IV Centenario della fondazione dell’Accademia dei Lincei: Convegno: Roma, 26-28 marzo 2003.
LT A
219. Le fondazioni e le fondazioni di origine bancaria (2005) Roma, 1-2 aprile e 26 novembre 2004. 220. Estinzioni di massa e biodiversità (2006) XXII Giornata dell’Ambiente: Roma, 4 giugno 2004. 221. Il bicentenario del Codice napoleonico (2006) (Convegno: Roma, 20 dicembre 2004).
SU
222. Lagune, laghi e invasi artificiali italiani (2006) Giornata dell’Acqua: Roma, 22 marzo 2005.
223. Il nuovo volto del diritto italiano del lavoro (2006) Convegno: Roma, 13-14 dicembre 2004.
N
224. Famiglie, nascite e politiche sociali (2006) Convegno: Roma, 28-29 aprile 2005.
O
225. Federico Cesi. Un principe naturalista (2006) Convegno ad iniziativa del Comitato Nazionale per le celebrazioni del IV Centenario della Fondazione dell’Accademia dei Lincei: Acquasparta, 29-30 settembre 2003.
C
226. Norberto Bobbio (2006) Giornata Lincea: Roma, 18 ottobre 2005.
PE R
227. Qualità dell’aria nelle città italiane (2006) XXIII Giornata dell’Ambiente: Roma, 6 giugno 2005. 228. Giuseppe Montalenti (2006) Giornata Lincea in ricordo: Roma, 10 febbraio 2005. 229. Biotecnologie e produzione vegetale (2006) Convegno: Roma, 26 gennaio 2005. 230. XVI Amaldi conference on problems of global Security (2007) Trieste, 18-20 November 2004. 231. La filologia petrarchesca nell’ 800 e ’900 (2006) Convegno: Roma, 11-12 maggio 2004. 232. Le condizioni dei fiumi italiani (2008) Giornata mondiale dell’Acqua: Roma, 22 marzo 2006.
233. Agostino Lombardo: la figura e l’opera (2007) Giornata di studio: Roma, 9 marzo 2006. 234. Giorgio Gullini (2007) Giornata Lincea in ricordo di: (Roma, 10 maggio 2006).
N E
235. Giurisprudenza costituzionale ed evoluzione dell’ordinamento italiano (2007) Roma, 24 maggio 2006.
ZI O
236. Alois Riegl (1858-1905) un secolo dopo (2007) Convegno Internazionale organizzato d’intesa con l’Istituto Archeologico Germanico, l’Istituto Storico Austriaco, la Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, L’Istituto Italiano per gli Studi Filosofici: Roma, 30 novembre – 1 e 2 dicembre 2005. 237. Clima e salute (2007) XXIV Giornata dell’Ambiente: Roma, 5 giugno 2006.
238. Giorgio Fuà (2007) Giornata Lincea in ricordo di: Roma, 5-6 ottobre 2006.
LT A
239. Vittore Branca. L’uomo, il critico, il testimone del Novecento (2008) Convegno organizzato d’intesa con l’Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti: Roma, 25-26 maggio 2006. 240. Giornata Lincea in ricordo di Giorgio Cavallo (2008) (Roma, 13 dicembre 2006).
SU
241. La scienza, la tecnologia e la politica nella seconda metà del ‘900 (2008) Convegno in ricordo di Umberto Colombo (Roma, 15-16 ottobre 2007). 242. Instabilità familiare: aspetti causali e conseguenze demografiche, economiche e sociali (2008) Convegno (Roma, 20-21 settembre 2007).
N
243. La Dalmazia nelle relazioni di viaggiatori e pellegrini da Venezia tra Quattro e Cinquecento (2009) Convegno (Roma, 22-23 maggio 2007).
O
244. Sabatino Moscati (2009) Incontro di studio in ricordo di: Convegno (Roma, 7-8 novembre 2007).
C
245. Il buco dell’ozono: evoluzione e problemi radiativi (2009) XXV Giornata dell’Ambiente (Roma, 5 giugno 2007).
PE R
246. Il Settecento e le Arti. Dall’Arcadia all’Illuminismo: nuove proposte tra le corti, l’aristocrazia e la borghesia (2009) Convegno Internazionale (Roma, 23-24 novembre 2005). 247. La Costituzione ieri e oggi (2009) Convegno (Roma, 9-10 gennaio 2008). 248. La crisi dei sistemi idrici: approvvigionamento agro-industriale e civile (2009) Giornata mondiale dell’Acqua (Roma, 22 marzo 2007).
249. Mozart e il sentire italiano (2009) Convegno a chiusura del 250° anniversario della nascita (Roma, 25-26 gennaio 2007). 250. Acque interne in Italia: uomo e natura (2009) VIII Giornata mondiale dell’Acqua (Roma, 28 marzo 2008).
251. Giovanni Demaria a dieci anni dalla scomparsa (2009) Convegno in ricordo di (Roma, 17 aprile 2008).
252. Graziadio Isaia Ascoli (2010) Convegno nel centenario della morte (Roma, 7-8 marzo 2007).
254. Il bacino del Tevere (2010) IX Giornata mondiale dell’Acqua (Roma, 23 marzo 2009).
N E
253. Le nuove ambizioni del sapere del giurista: antropologia giuridica e traduttologia giuridica. The new Ambitions of legal Science: legal Anthropology and legal Traductology. Les nouvelles ambitions du savoir du juriste: anthropologie du droit et traductologie juridique (2010) Convegno Internazionale (Roma, 12-13 marzo 2008).
ZI O
255. La salvaguardia di Venezia e della sua laguna. In ricordo di Enrico Marchi (2010) XXVI Giornata dell’Ambiente (Roma, 5 giugno 2008).
256. Science and Health in the Mediterranean Countries: genes, pathogens and the environment (2010) 2ème Conférence scientfique méditerranéenne Parmenides - GID Espace méditerranéen de la science (Roma, 12-14 ottobre 2009).
LT A
257. Le Conferenze a Classi Riunite Anno Accademico 2009-2010.
258. Riflessioni sul terremoto in Abruzzo e rifiuti urbani: rischi e valorizzazione (2010) XXVII Giornata dell’Ambiente (Roma, 5 giugno 2009). 259. Musicologia fra due continenti: l’eredità di Nino Pirrotta (2010) Convegno Internazionale (Roma, 4-6 giugno 2008).
SU
260. A dieci anni dall’apertura dell’Archivio della Congregazione per la dottrina della Fede: storia e archivi dell’Inquisizione (2011) (Roma, 21-23 febbraio 2008). 261. Gli economisti Post-Keynesiani di Cambridge e l’Italia (2010) Convegno Internazionale (Roma, 11-12 marzo 2009).
N
262. Frane e dissesto idro-geologico: consuntivo (2011) X Giornata mondiale dell’Acqua (Roma, 23 marzo 2010).
O
263. Walter Belardi (2011) Convegno in ricordo di: (Roma, 12 novembre 2009)
C
264. Le Conferenze a Classi Riunite (Anno Accademico 2010-2011). 265. Energia ed Ecologia: un peso o un’opportunità per l’economia? (2011) XXVIII Giornata Mondiale dell’Ambiente (Roma, 15 ottobre 2010).
PE R
266. Acqua ed energia (2012) XI Giornata mondiale dell’Acqua (Roma, 22 marzo 2011).
267. Clima del bacino del Mediterraneo negli ultimi 12 mila anni (2012) XXIX Giornata dell’Ambiente in ricordo di Ardito Desio nel decennale della morte (Roma, 17 ottobre 2011).
268. Le Accademie Nazionali e la storia d’Italia (2012) Convegno (Napoli, 9-10 dicembre 2011).
269. Quintino Sella scienziato e statista per l’Unità d’Italia (2013) Convegno (Roma, 5-6 dicembre 2011). 270. Cosa non funziona nella difesa dal rischio idro-geologico nel nostro Paese? Analisi e rimedi (2013) Incontro-Dibattito (Roma, 23 marzo 2012).
271. Giornate di studio in ricordo di Giorgio Oppo: Uomo, persona e diritto (2013) Convegno (Roma, 6-8 maggio 2010)
273. Aurelio Roncaglia e la filologia romanza (2013) Convegno (Roma, 8 marzo 2012)
N E
272. Gianvito Resta studioso e maestro (2013) Convegno (Roma, 8-9 febbraio 2012)
274. Antiquorum philosophia. In ricordo di Giovanni Pugliese Carratelli (2013) Convegno (Roma, 28-29 novembre 2011)
PE R
C
O
N
SU
LT A
ZI O
275. Mediterranean archaeology: a GID-EMAN training course (2013) (Rome, 8 - 10 October 2012)
Per ordini d’acquisto rivolgersi a: SCIENZE E LETTERE DAL 1919 S.r.l. già bardi editore EDITRICE E COMMISSIONARIA Via Piave, 7 00187 Roma (RM) Tel. +39 06 48 17 656 - Telefax +39 06 48 91 25 74 e-mail: [email protected] www.scienzeelettere.com
