ABTRACT Before the Ottomans came out of Central Asia, Jews had established communities in Anatolia, and in other areas of what later came under the Ottoman Empire. These communities grew in number and size from immigration, especially when Jews were expelled from Spain and Portugal at the end of the fifteenth century. In Anatolia, the first few emigrants settled in the western parts (largely in Istanbul and nearby places) and later in the central region. The pressures on the Jews in several other Christian countries (France and the Italian states) soon increased Jewish arrivals in Ottoman areas. While earlier emigrants had been mostly Eastern European Ashkenazim, those from the Iberian Peninsula and southern Europe were chiefly Sephardim. Istanbul proclaimed as the capital city of the empire on its conquest from the Byzantines by Sultan Mehmed II in 1453, attracted many Jews due to its economic potential. What attracted Jews and others to the Ottoman Empire was the relatively unhampered freedom of religious practice and education, as well as a relatively liberal policy of immigration. Hence, Turkey’s Jewish population was a mix of old-timers and waves of new arrivals, of former Ottoman subjects and foreign ones (the latter prominent in Istanbul and Izmir), even as late as the twentieth century (Simon, Laskier & Reguer, (Eds.) 2003). The Jews were one of the most important minority groups of the Ottoman Empire. In the beginning, the population of the Jews was meagre, as they were almost native Jews living mostly in Arabic areas like Syria and Palestine. However their situation was not good, both, educationally and economically, but with the new conquests of the Ottomans especially in Europe, the population of the Jews increased. This increase in population began to intensify with the Jewish expulsion from the Spain and Portugal in 1492 when the Ottoman Sultan welcomed them to his Empire. This new group of migrating Jews was mostly educated and wealthy. So they had importance for the Sultan. In 1453 when Ottomans conquered Constantinople, Sultan Mehmed II directed the Muslims, Christians, and Jews to come to this city and rebuild it as a capital city of the Ottoman Empire. This historical city had been damaged and haunted over the time because of the long period of wars between Muslims and Christians. Henceforth, the Sultan wanted to rebuild and repopulate this city (Braude, (Ed.) 2014).
The decade of the 1490s was one of the darkest eras in Jews history when they were forcibly expelled from Spain and Portugal on account of inquisition and religious wars. As per the Edict of Expulsion, Jews were ordered to leave the countries. Thousands of the Jews died while they were trying to reach safety. But almost the majority of them succeeded to save their lives when they reached the Ottoman Empire. Sultan Bayezid II welcomed all Muslims as well as Jews migrants to the Ottoman Empire. He sent out the Ottoman Navy under the command of Admiral Kemal Reis to Spain in 1492 in order to bring them safely to Ottoman lands. He sent out many statements all over the empire that the refugees were to be welcomed (Egger, 2008). The Jewish community was historically a small minority in the Ottoman Empire as compared to the larger Christian population. They constituted a highly diverse group in terms of origins, language, and cultures, such as Ashkenazi, Romaniot, Italian, and Sephardic Jews, with the latter constituting the majority. In the history of Sephardic Jews, their acceptance by the Ottoman Empire at a time of calamity (the expulsion from Spain) plays an important role to save them. Nevertheless, Jews in the Ottoman Empire were disposed to fare better than their counterparts in Christian Europe. Although the terms zimmi and gayrimüslim do not differentiate Jews from the Greek Orthodox or Armenians, from the perspective of each of these communities the distinctions were crucial. Historically allying with the powers-that-be, in this case, the Ottoman state, Jews competed successfully with the Christians (Neyzi, 2005). The Ottomans conquered Balkans in the 14th century. They ruled the area for a long time until the early 20th century. During this long period, a small but influential community of Jews was living in Balkans, some of them were settling there before the Ottomans took power but a huge number of them migrated to this area during the Ottomans rule. Jews were existing in the Balkan’s area for many centuries as a small but important element within the various ethnic and religious groups. They were living in the valleys, coasts, and mountainous areas of the Ottoman Balkans, which marked the northwestern reaches of Ottoman rule. By the seventeenth century, the population of Sephardim Jews originating from the Iberian Peninsula outnumbered the local Greek-speaking Romaniote Jewish societies in southeastern Europe. The Sephardim Jews absorbed the Romaniote and some
small groups of Ashkenazim that came periodically from elsewhere in Europe (Simon, Laskier, & Reguer, (Eds.). 2003). There were some major changes in the nineteenth and early twentieth century in the Balkan. These changes irrevocably altered Jewish lives and existence in the Balkans. The rise of nationalist groups among the non-Muslim peoples of the region, end of the Ottoman rule and the rise of new nation-states, development of Western industrial capitalist power in the area, and westernization of culture and politics all left their effects on the Jewish people (Simon, Laskier, & Reguer, (Eds.). 2003). With the rise of Zionism in the end of 19th century, the Ottoman’s policy towards Jews especially Zionism changed and they strongly prohibited Jews from settling in Palestine. Ottomans from the beginning were very careful about the demographic structure of the Palestine as the third holy land of the Muslim world, they already refused Jews appeals for residing in Palestine. Jews were allowed to settle in any parts of the empire except Palestine, even they were transferred from Palestine many times. In the end of 19th century when the Ottomans become very weak, Zionists thought that they could own Palestine with their financial support to the Ottomans, but their request again had been strongly rejected by the Sultan. ‘Zionism’ as a concept or ideology has been interpreted or understood from many angles. For some, it is a 'permanent national calling of all Jewry. Therefore it is justified and beneficial. For others, it is subservient to universal values, and whether these values are taken from Judaism, liberal humanism or from international proletarianism. For those who believe in universal human values and international proletarianism, Zionism is harmful and they consider it capitalism in its Imperialist stage. (Rodinson, M. (1975). The Young Turks revolution of 1908 gave a new fillip to Zionist aspiration in Palestine. The Jews of Turkey who believed in Zionist aims and objectives welcomed it. A Zionist Agency was allowed to be established in Istanbul with the hope of adapting to the new situation. The Young Turks proved susceptible to the Zionist overture and some Zionist institutions were permitted to function along with the learning of Turkish Language.
The Revolution of Young Turks in 1908 was interpreted by the Zionists as the start of a new era in the history of Jews in Turkey. The establishment of the Zionist agency in the same year in Istanbul was an effort to adopt the new circumstances, including the prospect of renewed diplomatic negotiations on the Palestine question. These positive changes stimulated a group of young Zionists to learn Turkish language and continued their studies in the Ottoman Empire (Benbassa, 1990). The reactions of local Arabs against Zionist policies in Palestine was also a result of the Young Turks revolution. When they came to power, they reinstated the constitution, which had been rescinded in 1978 by the Sultan Abdul Hameed II. The constitution granted the freedom of speech. So by the reinstatement of the constitution, the newspapers issued without censorship. This led to the publication of a series of anti-Zionist and anti-Jewish articles, especially in the Palestine and Syria (Muslih, 1988). The first two and one-half decades after the establishment of the Republic of Turkey (1923) were chiefly a period of political and cultural consolidation. The Turkish nation state had been established in opposition to the Universalist doctrines of Islam and of Ottoman tradition, both of which had rejected the idea of a nation state. Nationalism and secularism were two of the founding principles of Turkish Republic. Mustafa Kemal, the leader of the beginning years of the Republic wanted to create a nation state (Turkish: Ulus) from the remnants of the Ottoman Empire. The Turkish people were defined in Kemalist ideology as "those who protect and promote the moral, spiritual, cultural and humanistic values of the Turkish Nation” (Findley, 2010, p.56). The Republic of Turkey under Mustafa Kemal was primarily based on Turkish language and secularism as the fulcrum of Turkish nation state. Nevertheless, the majority of Sunni Muslims still retained the Islamic ethos of the poor and affection for Islam was still a reality. In this transitory phase the religious minorities, Jews as well felt a little uncomfortable. In 1933, when the Nazis government came to power in Germany, events that targeted Jews began taking place. (Turkey decided to stay out of World War II, though relations with Germany were maintained throughout the war.) In 1934, the “Thrace incidents” happened. Jewish communities had been established in cities in Thrace from the long time ago, they
were living in cities such as Edirne and Çanakkale. In that year, however, a boycott was began against Jewish traders in the region. Soon, attacks started on Jewish property and Jewish families, and the Jewish communities were forced to leave the area. Although the public silence on the Thrace events has been broken very late, some people believed that these incidents were part of a government plan to evacuate close areas to the border from minorities for security reasons (Neyzi, 2005). Before the Second World War, the Turkish authorities had started formal political and economic relations with the Jewish Agency, this Agency was authorized in 1938 to respond to the needs of the Yishuv in its own booth at the Izmir International Fair and display the Jewish national flag. Because Turkey remained neutral during World War II, the agents of Jewish Agency in Istanbul played a key role, as listening post and rescue center, for Jews fleeing Nazi-occupied Europe. The government of Turkey had before welcomed several thousand Jewish immigrants from Nazi Germany, including more than one hundred professors who became lecturers in Turkish universities. There are also documented cases of courageous and successful efforts by the Turkish consuls in Marseilles and Rhodes to save Turkish Jews from Nazi deportations. (Simon, Laskier, & Reguer, (Eds.). (2003). Throughout the Second World War, raging anti-Zionism, pogroms and resultant Holocaust at the behest of Nazi Germany led to the extermination of Jews. This was a very dark episode in the history of mankind, and one of the most difficult times for the European Jews their history. The Jewish people were tortured, deported, killed and exiled in Europe especially from Germany and other areas. However, Turkey once again started helping the Jews to save them from their enemies. Turkey was helping them before the beginning of the world war when the anti-Jewish pogroms started in Europe. After the World War II, Turkish vote against the partition plan in the United Nations was the first Turkish reaction against the creation of Zionist state in Palestine. There were two important reasons when Turkey opposed the creation of Israel: reverence for the Islamic world and (the most important) the thought that Zionism is another face of Communism. However, Turkey recognized Israel in 1949 and became the first predominantly Muslim country to have done so, apparently contradicting her policy of neutrality in West Asia. The reasons for this sudden change in Turkish foreign policy have received little scholarly
attention. Given political orientation of Israel and her alignment with the West, and not the USSR as Turkey had originally worried, pragmatic decision of Turkey to recognize Israel simply acknowledged the geopolitical facts on the ground in 1949 (Walker, 2006). Turkish-Israeli relations, in the beginning, was not warm, especially from Turkey’s side, because the Turks were worried about the reaction of the Muslim world, thus the relations between two states started secretly and in a very limited part, that was security and intelligence sharing, but slowly the relations grew up and involved trade and political ties in the early 1950s. Earlier Turkish-Israeli relations were highly secretive in the beginning, especially during the times of David Ben-Gurion and Adnan Menderes. Ankara insisted on a low-profile relationship to prevent offending the Arab countries. The thirsting of Israel for recognition, felt the frustration echoed by Ben-Gurion when he criticized that “the Turks have always treated us as one treats a mistress, and not as a partner in an openly avowed marriage.” Cautious approach of Turkey was partly due to her obsession with alleged latent communism in the Zionist state (Codispoti, 2000, pp. 2-3). The attack of England, France, and Israel on Egypt in 1956 put Turkey in a more difficult position. The war was started after months of mutual criticism of one another by Turkey and Egypt, and Egypt and Iraq (then a Western puppet under Nuri Said). One of the attackers Britain was Baghdad Pact’s full member, which also included Iraq and Turkey (Gruen, 1970). After Suez war, Turkish-Israeli diplomatic relations followed at the level of chargé d'affaires, though they usually were prominent and expert diplomats. Nevertheless, the diplomatic relations did not completely break, as Turkey wanted to profit from the support of Jewish lobby in the United States (Turan, 2008). The second half of 1950s known as the golden years of Turkish-Israeli relations as they continued to engage while the diplomatic situation was not at a high level due to the Suez crisis, Turkey and Israel along with Iran constituted an informal coalition in order to prevent USSR to intrude into the Arab World and provoke Arab nationalism (Aras, 1998).
The anger of Turkey due to lack of Western support of Turkish plans on Cyprus issue led Ankara to change its policy towards the former adversaries, the USSR and the Arab countries as a kind of counter-move. The major motive for Turkey’s second thoughts about identifying her interests with those of the West was the US President Lyndon Johnson’s letter of 5 June 1964, to Turkish Prime Minister Inonu admonishing him not to send forces to Cyprus (Johnson, & Ismet Inonu. 1966). The crises of Cyprus, which had started in 1963 had far-reaching implications for Ankara’s political worldview, foreign policy perceptions, priorities, and relations with other countries, including Israel. Officials and scholars in Tel Aviv accepted that the Cyprus issue was a turning point in Turkish foreign policy towards Israel (Bengio, 2004). After the Six-Day War of 1967 between Arabs and Israel, a more cooling trend set in Turkey-Israel relations and continued through the first years of the Turgut Özal era in the early 1980s. The main reason was vacillating interests of Ankara in the Arab world. Showing more Ostpolitik than Peripheral Pact tendencies, the Turks wanted to reach out to Arabs in the early 1960s. The most excellent example of this change was Turkey’s open support of Arab positions as well as the Palestinian cause against Israel (Codispoti, 2000). Ankara’s pro-Arab policy did not pay dividends especially on Turkish relations with Cyprus and remaining Kurdish problem. Turkey was made aware of PLO’s help to Kurdish guerillas in Lebanon by Israel. However, Turkey still counts on Arabs help and support. Arabs did not favor Turkey and most of them went along with Cyprus and the same time expected Turkey to break relations with Israel (Walker, 2006). By the end of the Cold War, Turkey had to re-evaluate her relations with Israel. With the breakdown of the Warsaw Pact, the future of NATO was not explicit. The extension of the European Union (EU) to Eastern Europe, the indulgence of EU based defense and security projects, the plans to create a European rapid action force, all made Turkey hesitant. Turkey, located so far from the center of the NATO alliance and was outside the EU, she had enough reason to think whether her strategic security policies of Cold War era were still valid, and whether there was still a place for Ankara to stand under any collective umbrella (Çevik Bir, & Sherman, 2002).
With the end of the Cold War, Ankara started looking for allies in West Asia that could help her fight against the rising security challenges from Syria, Iraq, and Iran. In the Turkish view, Israel was the best choice, as it shared threat assessment of Turkey and it was a strong proWestern regime and had considerable Influence in America (Inbar, 2010). There was a popular frustration in Turkish public opinion from the Arab states, because they did not side with Turkey over the Cyprus issue and as for Syria, she supported the PKK. The Arab-Israeli peace talk of 1991 in Madrid, which led to the signing of ‘Declaration of Principles’ by Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin in 1993, was another reason to make it possible for Ankara to start much closer relations with Israel without any objections from the PLO and the Arab countries (Makovsky, 1996). Relations between Turkey and Israel had two phases during the 1990s. The first stage extended from 1991 to 1995 and may be called the normalization period. The second phase continued from 1996 to 1999 and is known as the strategic alliance stage. Upgrading the level of Turkish representative in Israel from secretary to the ambassador was the beginning of Normalization (Alsarhan, 2003). In 1996, the Welfare Party surprisingly won the election and the party leader, Necmettin Erbakan, was elected and became Prime Minister of Turkey. Erbakan was a great disappointment for Israel as well as those Turkish leaders who were looking towards Israel as a close partner in the region. But the powerful Turkish Army did not allow the new party to do anything that would jeopardize the Turkey-Israel relations and very soon, Erbakan was forced to leave the office as P.M. The AKP, immediately after coming to power in 2002, declared itself as a pro-American and pro-Western party. It tried to liberalize Turkish economy and endeavored to assure the EU members to accept Turkey as a full member of the European Union. After the election of 2009, Turkish foreign policy started shifting and it began to come closer to the regional and Islamic countries. This change was on account of Europe’s continuous cold shouldering of Turkey and its aspirations. Turkish foreign policy towards Israel was warm in the first years of the AKP government, but from 2008 onwards relations between the two countries started deteriorating and in 2010,
it became nasty when Israel raided the Gaza flotilla where nine Turkish citizens were killed and much more were wounded. When in 2002 The Justice and Development Party (AKP) controlled the power, it promised to bring change and challenged domestic power structure of Turkey with aspirations to control bureaucracy of the state and reduced the military influence on the politics. This command for change, however, also influenced on Ankara’s foreign policy, as evidenced by early moves like rapprochement of Turkey with Syria and her starting of dialogue with Hamas, both of which were stark departures from old Turkish diplomacy (Ulgen, 2010). Turkey’s foreign policy under AKP has been changing from look West to look East. Turkey under AKP visualized to adopt a zero problem policy with her neighbors, while her relations with Western powers did not remain warm. Israel as a Western entity in the region, for a long time, had a special place in Turkish foreign relations. With the coming to power of AKP in Turkey, the relations between the two states started deteriorating over a period of time. This deterioration became critical in 2010 when the Israeli army attacked the Gaza flotilla. The question of Palestine loomed large in Turkey in her relations with Israel. The majority Muslims thought strongly for their deprived Palestinian brothers and sisters. So Palestine question though lay dormant in the early period of Turkish Republic had once again come to the forefront when AKP came to power. Turkish Public opinion surveys displayed that a great majority of the Turkish people had a strong sense of solidarity with the Palestinians. Although there were many negative thoughts about Arabs permeate Turkish society for their "treason" against the Ottoman Empire, Turks saw the Palestinian people as a group that was faithful to the Ottomans during the Arab revolt of 1916-28 (Burris, 2003). In 2013 during the President Obama’s visit to Israel, the Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, called Turkish Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan and apologized for “any errors that could have led to loss of life” during the 2010 “Mavi Marmara” incident during which 9 people died. He cited “operational errors” and intelligence mistakes and promised compensation for the victims’ families. According to Mr. Erdogan’s office, the Turkish Prime Minister accepted the apology “in the name of the Turkish people” (NEOnline, 2013).
Statement of the Problem Turkey is a status quo power in the way that its foreign policy elites have fastened their thinking and practice to the framework of “the sanctity of borders of states, of multi-lateral institutions and norms of conduct”, even when it became clear that systematic changes had rendered some of these continuities no longer tenable. The major problem is Turkey’s position vis a vis the state of Israel. The relations are analyzed and defined by dominant of factors such as “fluctuating relations”, “complexities of political, military, intelligence, economic and cultural connections”. A central motif is the challenges of “uneasy coexistence”.
Objectives On the basis of the introduction stated above the specific objectives of the study are categorized as under: Try to describe Turkish foreign policy towards Israel from 1949 onward. To find out the important factors in Turkish foreign policy towards Israel. To show the rule of Turkish Armed force (TSK) in Turkey’s foreign policy towards Israel. either changes of power in turkey has any effect on her foreign policy towards Israel. To explore the causes of tumults in Turkey – Israel relation. To explain the role of public opinion and Question of Palestine in Turkey’s foreign policy towards Israel. To highlight gains and losses of Turkey regarding her relation with Israel.
Hypotheses This study is based on several hypotheses: Turkish-Israeli relations started based on their need for each other. Turkish Armed force has a significant role in Turkey’s foreign policy towards Israel.
End of the Cold War, Globalization, and policies of the Western, as well as the neighboring countries, brought the two countries close to each other. Religion is an important factor in Turkish-Israeli relations. The Question of Palestine is one of the important reasons of Turkish-Israeli deteriorating relation.
Method of research This study is a descriptive research in nature. Data used in this study will be collected basically from primary as well as secondary sources. The general process of this research consists of library research, the required data will be collected through studying books, scientific articles, theses, and dissertations. It also involves the investigation of journals, periodicals, databases and stored records.
REFERENCES (*indicates primary source)
Abadi, J. (1995). Israel and Turkey: From Covert to Overt Relations. Retrieved December 9, 2015, from https://journals.lib.unb.ca/index.php/JCS/article/download/4548/5389 *Abadi, J. (2004). Israel's quest for recognition and acceptance in Asia: Garrison State diplomacy. London: Frank Cass. Adam, L. B. (2012). Turkey's Foreign Policy in the AKP era: Has there been a Shift in the Axis? Turkish Policy Quarterly, 11(3), 139-148. Akçakoca, A. (2009, October 02). Turkish foreign policy -between East and West? Retrieved February 17, 2016, from http://www.epc.eu/pub_details.php?cat_id=3&pub_id=503 Akram, S., & Al-Azza, N. (Eds.). (2015). Closing protection gaps: Handbook on protection of Palestinian refugees in states signatories to the 1951 Refugee Convention (2nd ed.). Bethlehem: BADIL Resource Center for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights. Alaranta, T. (2015, February 9). Turkey under the AKP: A critical evaluation from the perspective of Turkey's EU negotiations (Working paper No. 84). Retrieved February 25,
http://www.fiia.fi/en/publication/480/turkey_under_the_akp/ Albright, M. K., Hadley, S. J., & Cook, S. A. (2012). U.S.-Turkey Relations A New Partnership (Rep. No. 69). New York, US: Council on Foreign Relations. Albright, W. F., Bing, E. S., & Perlmann, M. (1947). Palestine: A study of Jewish, Arab, and British policies. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Al-Kayyali, A. W. (1978). Palestine: A modern history. London: Croom Helm. Al-Kayyalli, A. W (1979). The historical roots of the Imperialist Zionist alliance. In Zionism, Imperialism and Racism. London: Croom Helm. Alsarhan, M. I. (2003). Turkish-Israeli regional cooperation during 1990s. Carlisle Barracks, PA: U.S. Army War College. Altunisik, M. B. (2011). Turkish Foreign Policy In The 21st Century. In CIDOB International Yearbook 2011. Country Profile: Turkey (pp. 195-199). Barcelona, Spain: Barcelona Centre for International Affairs (CIDOB). Altunişik, M. B., & Martin, L. G. (2011). Making Sense of Turkish Foreign Policy in the Middle East under AKP. Turkish Studies, 12(4), 569-587. Aras, B. (1998). Palestinian Israeli peace process and Turkey. Commack, NY: Nova Science. Aras, B. (2000). Turkish-Israeli-Iranian Relations in the Nineties: Impact on the Middle East. Middle East Policy, 7(3), 151-164. Aras, B. (2009, a). The Davutoğlu Era in Turkish Foreign Policy. Insight Turkey, 11(3), 127142. Aras, B. (2009, b). Turkey and the Palestinian Question. Retrieved March 7, 2016, from http://setadc.org/wpcontent/uploads/2015/05/SETA_Policy_Brief_No_27_Palestinian _Question_Bulent_Aras.pdf Aras, B., & Bicakci, S. (2006). Europe, Turkey and the Middle East: Is Harmonisation Possible?, East European Quarterly, XL(3). Arbell, D. (2014, October 15). The U.S. – Turkey – Israel Triangle. Retrieved November 18, 2015, from http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/papers/2014/10/09 turkey us israel arbell/usturkeyisrael triangle.pdf Aviv, E. E. (2013). The Efraim Elrom Affair and Israel–Turkey Relations. Middle Eastern Studies, 49(5), 750-769.
Aykan, M. (1993). The Palestinian Question in Turkish Foreign Policy from the 1950s to the 1990s. International Journal of Middle East Studies, 25(1), 91-110. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/164160 Aykan, M. B. (1999). The Turkish-Syrian Crisis of October 1998: A Turkish View. Middle East Policy, 6(4), 174-191. Bal, I. (2000). Turkey's relations with the West and the Turkic Republics: The rise and fall of the 'Turkish model' Aldershot, Hampshire, Eng.: Ashgate. Pp. 232 Barkey, H. J. (2000). Hemmed in by Circumstances: Turkey and Iraq since the Gulf War. Middle East Policy, 7(4), 110-126. Barkey, K., & Gavrilis, G. (2015). The Ottoman Millet System: Non-Territorial Autonomy and its Contemporary Legacy. Ethnopolitics, 15(1), 24-42. Benbassa, E. (1990). Zionism in the Ottoman empire at the end of the 19th and the beginning of
doi:10.1080/13531049008575969 Bengio, O. (2004). The Turkish-Israeli relationship: Changing ties of Middle Eastern outsiders. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Bengio, O., & Özcan, G. (2001). Old Grievances, New Fears: Arab Perceptions of Turkey and its Alignment with Israel. Middle Eastern Studies, 37(2), 50-92. Berelovich, E. (2014, November 1). Turkish-Israeli military relations and security cooperation. Retrieved March 05, 2016, from http://www.turkishreview.org/reports/turkish-israeli-military-relations-and-securitycooperation_541031 Beška, E. (2014). Political Opposition to Zionism in Palestine and Greater Syria: 1910–1911 as a Turning Point. Jerusalem Quarterly, (59), 54-67. Bialer, U. (1990). Between East and West: Israel's foreign policy orientation, 1948-1956. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Birnbaum, D. (2010). Jews, Church & Civilization (Vol. III). J. Levine/ Millennium.
Bishku, M. B. (1992). Turkey and its Middle Eastern Neighbors since 1945. Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, 15(3), 51-71. Bolukbasi, S. (1999). Behind the Turkish-Israeli Alliance: A Turkish View. Journal of Palestine Studies, 29(1), 21-35. doi:10.2307/2676428 Bolukbasi, S. (1999). Behind the Turkish-Israeli Alliance: A Turkish View. Journal of Palestine Studies, 29(1), 21-35. Bolukbasi, S. (summer 1993). Turkey Challenges Iraq and Syria: The Euphrates Dispute. Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, XVI (4), 23-25. Borovali, F. (1990). Iran at the crossroads: Global relations in a turbulent decade (M. Rezun, Ed.). Boulder: Westview Press. Bozdaglıoglu, Y. (2003). Turkish foreign policy and Turkish identity: A constructivist approach. New York: Routledge. Bozdaglioglu, Y. (2008). Modernity, Identity and Turkey's Foreign Policy. Insight Turkey, 10(1), 55-75. Braude, B. (Ed.). (2014). Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire: The Abridged Edition, with a New Introduction. Rienner , Lynne. Burris, G. A. (2003). Turkey-Israel: Speed Bumps. Middle East Quarterly, 10(4), 67-80. Cagaptay, S. (2007, April). Secularism and Foreign Policy in Turkey New Elections, Troubling Trends. Retrieved March 6, 2016, from http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/uploads/Documents/pubs/PolicyFocus67.pdf Cakar, N. (1998). A Strategic Overview of Turkey. Journal Of International Affairs, III (2). Retrieved
content/uploads/2012/02/NezihiCakar.pdf Çevik Bir, Ç, & Sherman, M. (2002). Formula for Stability: Turkey Plus Israel. Middle East Quarterly, 9(4), 23-32. Cleveland, W. L. (1994). A history of the modern Middle East. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
Codispoti, J. M. (2000). Star and crescent: Turco-Israeli partnership in a tough neighborhood. Maxwell AFB, Ala.: Air War College, Air University Press. Cohen, M. S., & Freilich, C. D. (2014). Breakdown and Possible Restart: Turkish–Israeli Relations under the AKP. Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs, VIII(1). Collective
http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_110496.htm Copeland, T. E., Cook, A. H., & McCartan, L. M. (Eds.). (2011). Drawing a line in the sea: The 2010 Gaza flotilla incident and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books. Cornell, S. E. (winter 2012). What Drives Turkish Foreign Policy? Changes in Turkey. Middle East Quarterly, 12(1), 13-24. Dagi, İ. (2009, May 04). Davutoğlu: Turkey’s new foreign policy chief. Today’s Zaman. Retrieved February 22, 2016, from http://www.todayszaman.com/columnists_davutoglu-turkeys-new-foreign-policychief_174256.html Davis, U., Mack, A., & Davis, N. Y. (Eds.). (1975). Israel and the Palestinians. London: Ithaca Press. Davutoglu, A. (2008). Turkey’s Foreign Policy Vision: An Assessment of 2007. Insight Turkey, 10(1), 77-96. Egger, V. (2008). A history of the Muslim world since 1260: The making of a global community. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Prentice Hall. Eisenstadt, M. (1997, July 24). Turkish-Israeli Military Cooperation: An Assessment. Retrieved
analysis/view/turkish-israeli-military-cooperation-an-assessment Evin, A., Kiri¸sci, K., Linden, R., Straubhaar, T., Tocci, N., Tolay, J., & Walker, J. (2010). Getting to Zero: Turkey, Its Neighbors and the West. Transatlantic Academy. Retrieved February 21, 2016, from
http://www.transatlanticacademy.org/publications/getting-zero-turkey-its-neighborsand-west Eytan, W. (1958). The first ten years; a diplomatic history of Israel. New York: Simon and Schuster. Factbox: Turkish charity group behind Gaza-bound convoy. (2010, May 31). Retrieved March 13, 2016, from http://www.reuters.com/article/us-palestinians-israel-turkeygroup-fact-idUSTRE64U4SO20100601 Findley, C. V. (2010). Turkey, Islam, nationalism, and modernity: A history, 1789-2007. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Flanagan, S. J., & Brannen, S. J. (2008). Turkey's shifting dynamics: Implications for U.S.Turkey relations: A report of the U.S.-Turkey strategic initiative. Washington, DC: The CSIS Press. Frantz, D., & Collins, C. (2003). Death on the Black Sea: The untold story of the Struma and World War II's Holocaust at sea. New York, NY: Harper Collins. Friedman, I. (1992). The question of Palestine: British-Jewish-Arab relations, 1914-1918. New Brunswick, U.S.A.: Transaction. Friedman, I. (1998). Germany, Turkey, and Zionism 1897-1918. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction. Fuller, G. E. (1991). The center of the universe: The geopolitics of Iran. Boulder: Westview Press. Fuller, G. E. (2008). The new Turkish republic: Turkey as a pivotal state in the Muslim world. Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace Press. General Assembly resolution 364, United Nations Special Committee on Palestine, A/364 (3 September
https://unispal.un.org/DPA/DPR/unispal.nsf/0/07175DE9FA2DE563852568D3006E1 0F3 Goren, N. (2012). An Unfulfilled Opportunity for Reconciliation: Israel and Turkey during the Arab Spring. Insight Turkey, 14(2), 121.
GOZDEM, S. D. (2013). Analysing Turkish Foreign Policy under the AKP governments between 2002 and 2013: Is Turkey moving away from the European Union? (Unpublished MSC dissertation). London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE).
http://www.jeanmonnet.org.tr/Portals/0/scholars_database_thesis/sevim_gozdem_dog angil_tez.pdf Gruen, G. (1985). Turkey’s Relations with Israel and Its Arab Neighbors: The Impact of Basic Interests and Changing Circumstances. Middle East Review of International Affairs, 17(3), 33-43. Gruen, G. E. (1970). Turkey, Israel and the Palestine Question, 1948-1960: A Study in the Diplomacy of Ambivalence (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Columbia. Gruen, G. E. (2004). Turkey's Strategic Mideast Regional Initiatives. American Foreign Policy Interests, 26(6), 435-456. (pp. 445) Gundogan, U. (March 2003). Islamist Iran and Turkey, 1979-1989: State pragmatism and Ideological influences. Middle East Review of International Affairs, 7(1). Retrieved February 5, 2016, from http://www.rubincenter.org/2003/03/gundogan-2003-03-01/ Gurkayanak, E. C. (spring 2007). Turkey as a Third Party in Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: Assessment and Reflections. Perceptions, XII, 89-108. Guttstadt, C. (2013). Turkey, the Jews, and the Holocaust (K. Dell'Orto, S. Bartel, & M. Miles, Trans.). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Haas, M. L. (2012). The clash of ideologies: Middle eastern politics and American security. New York: Oxford Univ Pr on Demand. Hagouel, P. I. (2006). The history of the Jews of Thessaloniki and the Holocaust. West Chester, PA: West Chester University of Pennsylvania. Hale, W. M. (2000). Turkish foreign policy, 1774-2000. London: Frank Cass. Hasan, S. (2014). The Zionist Project and the British Mandate in Palestine. In Proceedings of Indian History Congress (Vol. 75th, pp. 967-974). New Delhi: Jawaharlal Nehru University.
Huber, D., & Tocci, N. (2013). Behind the Scenes of the Turkish-Israeli Breakthrough (Working paper No. 1315). IAI. Hunter, S. (1990). Iran and the world: Continuity in a revolutionary decade. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Inbar, E. (2010). Israeli—Turkish Tensions and Beyond. Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs, 4(1), 27-35. Inbar, E. (2011, a). Israeli-Turkish Tensions and their International Ramifications. Orbis, 55(1), 132-146. Inbar, E. (2011, b). The deterioration in Israeli-Turkish relations and its international ramifications. Ramat Gan, Israel: Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies, Bar-Ilan University. Inbar, E. (summer 2001). Regional Implications of the Israeli-Turkish Strategic Partnership. Middle East Review of International Affairs, 5(2), 48-65. Jacoby, T. A. (2013). Israel's Relations with Egypt and Turkey during the Arab Spring: Weathering
doi:10.1080/23739770.2013.11446550 Jenkins, G. (2001). Context and circumstance: The Turkish military and politics. Oxford: Oxford University Press for the International Institute for Strategic Studies. Johnson, J. B., & Joslyn, R. (1986). Political science research methods. Washington, D.C.: CQ Press. pp. 121. *Johnson, L., & Ismet Inonu. (1966). President Johnson and Prime Minister Inonu: Correspondence between President Johnson and Prime Minister Inonu, June 1964, as Released by the White House, January 15, 1966. Middle East Journal, 20(3), 386393. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/4324028 Jones, R. (2011, August 17). Obama to Israel: Apologize to Turkey, or else. Retrieved March 12, 2016, from http://www.israeltoday.co.il/NachrichtenHeute/tabid/178/nid/22913/language/enUS/Default.aspx
Kalyoncu, M. (2013). Reflections on Turkey: The Turkish-American-Israeli relations and the Middle East. Clifton, New Jersey, NJ: Blue Dome Press. Kark, R. (1984). Changing patterns of landownership in nineteenth-century Palestine: The European influence. Journal of Historical Geography, 10(4), 357-384. Kark, R. (1997). Mamlūk and Ottoman Cadastral Surveys and Early Mapping of Landed Properties in Palestine. Agricultural History, 71(1), 46-70. Karpat, K. H. (1975). Turkey's foreign policy in transition 1950-1974. Leiden: Brill. Keser, U. (2009). Turkish Assistance Activities for the Jewish Immigrant Camps in Cyprus during second World. Ege Academic Review, 9(2), 735-758. Kosebalaban, H. (2010, November 3). The Crisis in Turkish-Israeli Relations: What is its Strategic
http://mepc.org/journal/middle-east-policy-archives/crisis-turkish-israeli-relationswhat-its-strategic-significance Kosebalaban, H. (2011). Turkish foreign policy: Islam, nationalism, and globalization. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Kuniholm, B. R. (1980). The origins of the cold war in the Near East: Great power conflict and diplomacy in Iran, Turkey, and Greece. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Kuru, A. T. (2015). Turkey's Failed Policy toward the Arab Spring: Three Levels of Analysis. Mediterranean Quarterly, 26(3), 94-116. doi:10.1215/10474552-3145779 Kut, G. (fall 1993). Burning Waters: The Hydropolitics of the Euphrates and Tigris. New Perspectives on Turkey, 9, 1-17. Laciner, S. (2009, March 9). Turgut Özal Period in Turkish Foreign Policy: Özalism. Retrieved July 11, 2016, from http://www.turkishweekly.net/2009/03/09/article/turgut-ozal-period-in-turkishforeign-policy-ozalism/ Larrabee, F. S. (2010). Troubled partnership: U.S.-Turkish relations in an era of global geopolitical change. Santa Monica, CA: RAND.
Larrabee, F. S., & Lesser, I. O. (2003). Turkish foreign policy in an age of uncertainty. Santa Monica, CA: Rand. Laskier, M. M., & Yitzhak, R. (2014). Israel & the Mediterranean. Five decades of uneasy coexistence. Brighton: Sussex Academic Press. *Lewis, B. (1952). Notes and documents from the Turkish archives; a contribution to the history of the Jews in the Ottoman Empire. Jerusalem: Israel Oriental Society. Lorenz, F. M., & Erickson, E. J. (1999). The Euphrates triangle: Security implications of the Southeastern Anatolia project. Washington, D.C.: National Defense University Press. Löwenheim, N. (2010, December 14). The Question of an Israeli Apology to Turkey for the Flotilla Episode. Retrieved March 13, 2016, from http://www.inss.org.il/index.aspx?id=4538 Mackenzie, K. (1984). Turkey in transition: The West's neglected ally. London: Alliance for the Institute for European Defence & Strategic Studies. MacQuarrie, P. (2003). Water security in the Middle East: Growing conflict over development in the Euphrates-Tigris Basin (Unpublished M.Phil’s thesis). Trinity College, Dublin, Ireland. Mahler, G. S. (2004). Politics and government in Israel: The maturation of a modern state. United States: The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group. Makovsky, A. (1996). Israeli-Turkish Relations, A Turkish Periphery Strategy. In H. Barkey (Ed), Reluctant Neighbor, Turkey’s Role in the Middle East . US Institute of Peace. Makovsky, A. (1999). Defusing the Turkish-Syrian Crisis: Whose Triumph? Retrieved January
analysis/view/defusing-the-turkish-syrian-crisis-whose-triumph Makovsky, A., & Sayarı, S. (Eds.). (2000). Turkey's new world: Changing dynamics in Turkish foreign policy. Washington, DC: Washington Institute for Near East Policy. Makowski, A., & Weinbaum, L. (2013). The Mavi Marmara Incident and the Modern Law of Armed Conflict at Sea. Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs, 7(2), 75-89.
Mallinson, W. Cyprus: A Historical Overview. Retrieved August 6, 2016, from MFA, http://www.mfa.gov.cy/mfa/embassies/Embassy_Paris.nsf/all/2ABA3DAE2A22F3D AC12579EC0049FFA8/$file/HISTORICAL%20OVERVIEW.pdf In-line Mallison, W. T., & Mallison, S. V. (1986). The Palestine problem in international law and world order. Burnt Mill, Harlow, Essex, England: Longman. *Mandel, N. J. (1974). Ottoman policy and restrictions on Jewish settlement in Palestine: 1881–1908—part I. Middle Eastern Studies, 10(3), 312-332. *Mandel, N. J. (1976). The Arabs and Zionism before World War I. Berkeley: University of California Press. Mansel, P. (1996). Constantinople: City of the world's desire, 1453-1924. New York: St. Martin's Press. Masters, B. A. (2001). Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Arab world: The roots of sectarianism. New York: Cambridge University Press. Mc Carthy, J. (2001). The Ottoman peoples and the end of empire. London: Arnold. McGhee, G. C. (1989). The U.S.-Turkish-NATO Middle East connection: How the Truman Doctrine contained the Soviets in the Middle East. New York: St. Martin's Press. Migdalovitz, C. (2010). Israel’s Blockade of Gaza, the Mavi Marmara Incident, and Its Aftermath (Rep. No. R41275). Washington DC, US: Congressional Research *MINISTRY OF CULTURE AND TOURISM. CAMPAIGN BRIEFING. Retrieved October 9, 2016, from http://www.kulturturizm.gov.tr/Eklenti/4819,2013campainbriefing.pdf?0 Muhimme Defteri. Vol. 28, No. 99, 40. As quoted by Lewis, B. (1952). Muhimme Defteri. Vol. 31. No. 411. As quoted by Lewis, B. (1952). Murinson, A. (2012, September). Turkish Foreign Policy in the Twenty-First Century [Scholarly
Muslih, M. Y. (1988). The origins of Palestinian nationalism. New York: Columbia University Press. Nachmani, A. (1987). Israel, Turkey, and Greece: Uneasy relations in the East Mediterranean. London: F. Cass. Nachmani, A. (1998). The Remarkable Turkish-Israeli Tie. Middle East Quarterly, 5(2), 1929. Neal, L. S. (1995). The Roots of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: 1882-1914. Retrieved March 21, 2016, from http://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/history_honproj/27/. *NEOnline. (2013, March 22). Turkish - Israeli relations back on track, after Israel apologizes Retrieved from http://neurope.eu/article/turkish-israeli-relations-backtrack-after-israel-apologizes/ Neyzi, L. (2005). Strong as Steel, Fragile as a Rose: A Turkish Jewish Witness to the Twentieth Century. Jewish Social Studies, 12(1), 167-189. Oguzlu, T. (2010). The Changing Dynamics of Turkey–Israel Relations: A Structural Realist Account. Mediterranean Politics, 15(2), 273-288. *Olkun, E. O. (2013). The Reflections of Israeli Apology to Turkey after Mavi Marmara Crisis on Turkish Press: Examples from Daily Newspapers; Cumhuriyet, Hürriyet, Sözcü, Yeni Şafak and Zaman. AJIS Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies, 2(9), 757-763. Olson, R. W. (Ed.). (1996). The Kurdish nationalist movement in the 1990s: Its impact on Turkey and the Middle East. Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky. Oniş, Z., & Yilmaz, Ş. (2009). Between Europeanization and Euro‐Asianism: Foreign Policy Activism in Turkey during the AKP Era. Turkish Studies, 10(1), 7-24. Original, A. The edict of expulsion of the Jews - 1492 Spain. Retrieved October 5, 2016, from http://www.sephardicstudies.org/decree.html Ovendale, R. (1984). The origins of the Arab-Israeli wars. London: Longman. Ozel, S. (1995). "Of Not Being a Lone Wolf: Geography, Domestic Plays, and Turkish Foreign Policy in the Middle East. In G. Kemp & J. G. Stein (Eds.), Powder keg in
the Middle East: The struggle for Gulf security (p. 164). Washington, D.C.: American Association for the Advancement of Science. *Pact of Mutual Co-operation, Iraq-Turkey, Feb. 24, 1955, Treaty Series No. 39 (1956). London, Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. Cmd 9859. *Patai, R. (Ed.). (1960). The Complete Diaries of Theodor Herzl (H. John, Trans.). New York: Herzl Press. Pears, E. (1917). Life of Abdul Hamid. London: Constable & Company. Peleg, I., & Waxman, D. (2007). Losing Control? A Comparison of Majority–Minority Relations in Israel and Turkey. Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 13(3), 431-463. Peres, S. (2011, April 1). We in Israel welcome the Arab spring. The Guardian. Retrieved from http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/apr/01/palestinians-sciencesoil-arab-uprisings Pipes, D. (1997). A New Axis: The Emerging Turkish-Israeli Entente. The National Interest, (50), 31-38. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/42895207 Rabinovich, I. (1972). Syria under the Baʻth, 1963-66; the Army Party symbiosis. Jerusalem: Israel Universities Press. Radu, M. (2003). Dangerous neighborhood: Contemporary issues in Turkey's foreign relations. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Reisman, A. (2009). Turkey's Invitations to Nazi Persecuted Intellectuals Circa 1933: A Bibiliographic Essay on History's Blind Spot. Covenant, The Global Jewish Magazine, 3(1), 31-46. Robert Goodkind, E., & Gaer, F. (2008). Mandate Of Destiny The 1947 United Nations Decision to Partition Palestine. Jacob Blaustein Institute for the Advancement of Human Rights. Robins, P. (1991). Turkey and the Middle East. New York: Council on Foreign Relations Press. Robins, P. (2000). Turkish-Israeli relations: From the periphery to the center. Abu Dhabi: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research.
Robins, P. (2003). Suits and uniforms: Turkish foreign policy since the Cold War. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press. Rodinson, M. (1975). Zionism: Theoretical Sketch of An Ideology. In Israel and the Palestinians (First ed.). London: Ithaca Press. Ro'i, Y. (1968). The Zionist attitude to the Arabs 1908–1914. Middle Eastern Studies, 4(3), 198-242. Rózsa, E. N., & Abu-Dalbouh, W. (2012). The Arab spring its impact on the region and on the Middle East Conference. Frankfurt am Main: Peace Research Institute Frankfurt. Rubin, B. (2012, April 27). Current issue. Retrieved July 17, 2016, from http://www.rubincenter.org/2012/04/turkish-israeli-relations-in-the-shadow-of-thearab-spring/ Sandrin, P. (2009, September 30). Turkish Foreign Policy after the end of Cold War – from securitizing
http://changingturkey.com/tag/desecuritization/ Segev, T. (2000). One Palestine, complete: Jews and Arabs under the British mandate. London: Little, Brown. Sekulow, J. A. (2015). Turkey-Israel Relations. Journal of the Oxford Centre for the Study of Law
http://oxfordpolicycentre.org/research-papers/Oxford15 JAY SEKULOW6 Art LR Format TNR.pdf SENKYR, J. (2010, April 27). Turkey on the Road to Becoming a Regional Power, International Reports, Publications, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung. Retrieved February 24, 2016, from http://www.kas.de/wf/en/33.19452/ Sever, A. (2001, September 07). Turkey and the Syrian-Israeli Peace Talks in the 1990s. Retrieved January 26, 2016, from http://www.rubincenter.org/2001/09/sever-200109-07/ Shaw, S. J. (1991). The Jews of the Ottoman empire and the Turkish republic. Washington: New York University Press.
Shaw, S. J. (1993). Turkey and the Holocaust: Turkey's role in rescuing Turkish and European Jewry from Nazi persecution, 1933-1945. New York: New York University Press. Simon, R. S., Laskier, M. M., & Reguer, S. (2003). The Jews of the Middle East and North Africa in modern times. New York: Columbia University Press. Simon, R. S., Laskier, M. M., & Reguer, S. (Eds.). (2003). The Jews of the Middle East and North Africa in modern times. New York: Columbia University Press. Sokolow, N. (2001). History of zionism, 1600-1918 (Vol. 1). Boston, UAS: Rarebooksclub Com. (Original work published 1919) Soysal, I. (1991). Seventy years of Turkish-Arab Relations and an Analysis on Turkish-Iraqi Relations. Studies on Turkish-Arab Relations., 6, 23-84. Stein, A. (2015). Turkey's new foreign policy: Davutoglu, the AKP and the pursuit of regional order. Milton Park, Abingdon: Routledge. Stein, L. (2003). The hope fulfilled: The rise of modern Israel. Westport, CT: Praeger. Steve, R. (1993, November 16). TURKEY, ISRAEL MUST UNITE IN FIGHT AGAINST SYRIAN-SPONSORED TERROR’. Jerusalem Post, p. 1 Sutcu, G. (2011). Democratic Party and Democracy in Turkey: With special reference to Celal Bayar And Adnan Menderes (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Bilkent University Ankara. Tachau, F. (1985). Turkish Foreign Policy: Between East and West. Middle East Review, 17(3), 21-26 Taylor, A. R. (1959). Prelude to Israel: An analysis of zionist diplomacy: 1897-1947. New York. Taylor, A. R. (1974). The Zionist mind; the origins and development of Zionist thought. Beirut: Institute for Palestine Studies. Tepe, S. (2008). Beyond sacred and secular: Politics of religion in Israel and Turkey. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
Tepe, S. (2008). Beyond sacred and secular: Politics of religion in Israel and Turkey. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Tezcür, G. M., & Grigorescu, A. (2013). Activism in Turkish Foreign Policy: Balancing European and Regional Interests. International Studies Perspectives, 15(3), 257-276. doi:10.1111/insp.12004 *The Baghdad pact (1955) and the central treaty organization (CENTO). (2008, July 1). Retrieved
2009.state.gov/r/pa/ho/time/lw/98683.htm *The Edict of Expulsion of the Jews - 1492 Spain (E. Peters, Trans.). (n.d.). Retrieved July 04 2016, from http://www.sephardicstudies.org/decree.html Tibi, B. (1993). Conflict and war in the Middle East, 1967-91: Regional dynamic and the superpowers. New York: St. Martin's Press. Toktaş, Ş. (2006). Turkey's Jews and their immigration to Israel. Middle Eastern Studies, 42(3), 505-519. Tovias, A., Kalaycioglu, S., Dafni, I., Ruben, E., & Herman, L. (2007). What Would Normalisation of Economic Relations Between Mashrek Countries, Turkey and Israel Imply? The World Economy, 30(4), 665-684. Tovias, A., Kalaycioglu, S., Dafni, I., Ruben, E., & Herman, L. (2007). What Would Normalisation of Economic Relations Between Mashrek Countries, Turkey and Israel Imply? The World Economy World Economy, 30(4), 665-684. Turan, T. (2008). Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Israel: The Implications of Turkey's relations with the West (Unpublished master's thesis). Middle East Technical University.
http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download;jsessionid=2AADF40349DB370995E4 99ABEEF118FF?doi=10.1.1.633.6891&rep=rep1&type=pdf Turkey and World Foreign Trade, 1950-1993, State Institute of Statistics of Turkey.
Turkey election: Victorious Erdogan pledges 'consensus' - BBC News. (2011, June 13). Retrieved
February 21, 2016, from
13744972 Türkkaya, A. (1979). The Palestine Question And Turkey. Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi, 34(1), 15-31. doi:10.1501/sbfder_0000001377 *U.S Central Intelligence Agency, [CIA], 1974. The Consequences of Partition of Palestine. Retrieved December 5, 2015, from http://www.foia.cia.gov/sites/default/files/document_conversions/89801/DOC_00002 56628.pdf *U.S Central Intelligence Agency, [CIA], 1979. Israel: Foreign Intelligence and Security Services. Retrieved July 8, 2016, from http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB407/docs/EBB-PollardDoc1.pdf Ulgen, S. (2010). A place in the sun or fifteen minutes of fame? ; understanding Turkey's new foreign policy. Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Uyar, M., & Erickson, E. J. (2009). A military history of the Ottomans: From Osman to Atatürk. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger Security International/ABC-CLIO. Uzgel, I. (2003). Between Praetorianism and Democracy: The role of the Military in Turkish Foreign Policy. In The Turkish Yearbook of International Relations (Vol. XXXIV, 177-211). Ankara: Ankara University Press. Vali, F. A. (1971). Bridge Across the Bosphorus: The Foreign Policy of Turkey (1st ed.). Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Volfová, G. Ö. (2014). Changes in Turkish-Israeli Relations: Implications for the Regional Security Environment. Central European Journal of International and Security Studies, 8(1), 82-102. Walberg, E. (2011, September 29). Turkey redraws Sykes-Picot. Retrieved September 29, 2016, from weekly.ahram, http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/Archive/2011/1066/in2.htm Walker, J. (2006). Turkey and Israel’s relations in the Middle East. Mediterranean Quarterly, 17(4), 60-90.
Weiker, W. F. (1988). The unseen Israelis: The Jews from Turkey in Israel. Lanham, MD: University Press of America. *Weizmann, C. (1949). Trial and Error: The Autobiography of Chaim Weizmann. New York: Harper. Yalansız, N. (2012). Turkey-Middle East Relations in the Cold War Era and the Great Powers. History Studies, 4(2), 393-402 Yapp, M. E. (1987). The making of the modern Near East: 1792-1923. London u.a.: Longman. Yavuz, M. H. (1991). Turkey's Relations with Israel. Dis Politico, XV(3-4), 41-69. Yavuz, M. H. (1997). Turkish-Israeli Relations Through the Lens of the Turkish Identity Debate. Journal of Palestine Studies, 27(1), 22-37. Yavuz, M. H. (2009). Secularism and Muslim democracy in Turkey. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Yearbook of the United Nations, 1982, v. 36. (1986). New York: Department of Public Information, UN. Yetişgin, M. (2007). The Ottoman Way of Governing Multi-Ethnic and Multi-Religious Communities Osmanlının Çoklu Etnik ve Dini Toplumları Yönetme Metodu. OTAM(Ankara, 135-168. Yilmaz, H. (2001). Turkey and the Middle East: Threats and Opportunities (Unpublished master's thesis). Naval Postgraduate School, Monterey, California, CA. ZAMAN. Retrieved July 17, 2016, from http://www.zaman.com.tr/politika_erdogansiyaset-meydanina-sorulari-cevapladi_1128941.html Zanotti, J. (2015). Turkey: Background and U.S. relations (US Congressional Research Service Reports). Washington, DC, US: Congressional Research Service. *Zinberg, I. (1974). A history of Jewish literature. New York: KTAV Publishing House, NIC. Zeine, Z. N. (1973). The emergence of Arab nationalism; with a background study of ArabTurkish relations in the Near East. Delmar, NY: Caravan Books.
02 abtract.pdf - Shodhganga
ABTRACT Before the Ottomans came out of Central Asia, Jews had established communities in Anatolia, and in other areas of what later came under the Ot...
Norman, J. R. (1957). A draft synopsis of the orders, families ..... Webb, P.W. (1977). Effects of median-fin .... Taxonomia numerica de Notothenidae en base a la ...
Hubungan di antara lokus kawalan dengan pencapaian akademik di kalangan pelajar-pelajar sekolah menengah. Latihan. Ilmiah, Jabatan Psikologi, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. Nutankumar Thingujam and Usha Ram. (2000). Emotional Intelligence Scale: Ind
ASHRAE, Steam-jet refrigeration equipment, 1979 Equipment Handbook, The. American Society of Heating, .... Putilov, M.I. (1967) Calculation of optimal distance of nozzle from the mixing chamber in ejectors, Thermal ... Christensen, H. (1983) Applicat
Engineering Applications and Technology Available on http://www.ijfeat.org : 51-. 56. (Citation on February, 2015). Sohail Ayub, Usmani S., 2014, Treatment Of ...
Banerjea, Surendranath, The Nation in Making (Calcutta, Oxford University Press, .... Gupta, Swarupa, Notions of Nationhood in Bengal : Perspectives on Samaj, ...
1988. Sintaksis. Jakarta: Gramedia. Ramlan, M. 1977. Aktif-Pasif dalam Bahasa. Indonesia. Yogyakarta: Lembaga Penelitian. UGM. ,. 1987. Sintaksis. Yogyakarta: CV. Karyono. Sakri, Adjat. 1993. Bangun Kalimai Bahasa. Indonesia. Bandung: Penerbit LTB Ba
Gezahegn, A., Chamberlin, J., Moorman, L., Wamisho, K., and Zhang, X., (2009). âInfrastructure and Cluster Development: A Case Study of Handloom Weavers in Ethiopiaâ Development Strategy and Governance Division, International. Food Policy Researc
27. Rastogi R.P and Mishra R.R, An Introduction to Chemical Thermodynamics,. Vikas Publishing House Pvt. Ltd. (1983). 28. Philip Matthews, Advanced Chemistry, Cambridge University Press (1992). 29. Raymond Chang, Chemistry, 5 th. Ed., McGraw Hill Inc
Armbrecht, BeH. , Hodges, P0 A., Smith, H.R. and Nelson, AÂ«A. (1963): Mycotoxins. ... coupling agents in metabolism and as regulatory modifiers! .... bcientific -^nericF.n., 220, ld>.
of Spondias momhin, Croton zambesicus and Zygolritoma croceea. ..... Geographic Distribution of Three Alkaloid Chemotypes of Croton lechleri. J. Nat. Prod.
Adkins, S., Shrestha, S., Shabbir, A. and Shrestha, B. S. 2014. The Biology ...... development, University of Kassel- Witzenhausen, Tropentag: 9- 11. Fox, G. A. ...
Blood agar base + 5% defibrinated Sheep blood (citrated) 5 5 uglml of Gentamyc~n added to ... Iso-sensitest agar (at 12I3C for 15 min) is added to Haernoglobin ...
... evCdcncc in u- thc detangm of cardiac. Wim during myoardial injwy. Thc mydid infuction ultimately loads to a doclinc in the functimil r~ran~~tion of ageing had.
pknF knockdown studies in M tuberculosis, and results from overexpression of PKnF in. M smegmatis, show effects on cell division, growth rate, morphology and ...
vulnerable web pages from search engines like Google. Such tools can ..... Google, commonly referred to as Google Dorks, can be used to quickly locate such.
 Robert C. Daniels, Constantine Caramanis, and Robert W. Health,. âSupervised Learning Approach to Adaptation in Practical MIMO-OFDM. Wireless Systems,â in Proceedings of IEEE Global Communication, 2008.  Halil Yigit, and Adnan Kavak, â
Adnan Parlak, Halit Yasar, Can Hasimoglu and Ahmet Kolip. âThe effects of injection timing on NOx emissions of a low heat rejection indirect diesel injection engineâ, Applied .... Hakan Yilmaz and Anna Stefanopoulou. âControl of Charge Dilution
Myxobolus lalbaghensis sp. n. from a freshwater fish of West Bengal, India. N. W. J. Zool. 7(1):. 1-4. Banu ..... parasites of fi shes in Orissa: fi ve new species of the genera Henneguya, Th elohanellus and Unicanda ...... jemte anmÃ¤rkningar om. Ar
Manual of HSE Management, By Dr. Ram.S. Hamsagar iew of Safety Culture ... Advisory Service (OHSAS) and University of Aberdeen, Navy House, Stuart Road Rosyth. Industry Park, Rosyth, Fife ... the validity of an employee safety climate model Accident