Volume I - Timor Leste Studies Association

Iha contextu lokal, rejional no global

Timor-Leste:

O local, regional e global The local, the regional and the global Lokal, regional dan global

Volume I

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Proceedings of the Timor-Leste: the local, the regional and the global Conference, Liceu Campus, National University of Timor-Lorosa’e (UNTL), Avenida Cidade de Lisboa, Dili, Timor-Leste, 9-10 July 2015. Edited by Sarah Smith, Antero B. da Silva, Nuno Canas Mendes, Alarico da Costa Ximenes, Clinton Fernandes and Michael Leach. This collection first published in 2016 by the Timor-Leste Studies Association (www.tlstudies.org) Printed by Swinburne Press. Copyright © 2016 by Sarah Smith, Antero B. da Silva, Nuno Canas Mendes, Alarico da Costa Ximenes, Clinton Fernandes, Michael Leach and contributors. All papers published in this collection have been peer refereed. All rights reserved. Any reproductions, in whole or in part of this publication must be clearly attributed to the original publication and authors. Cover photo courtesy of Sara Currie Design and book layout by Susana Barnes. ISBN: 978-0-9875930-8-5

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Contents – Volume I Lia Maklokek – Prefácio – Foreword – Prakata 1.

The physical creation of a discipline Michael Leach and Clinton Fernandes

Timor-Leste iha contextu local, rejional no global 2.

Balansu feminine e maskulinu iha kosmolojia Timor nian (existensia Liurai feto sira Timor nian) Antero Benedito da Silva 3. ‘Worldview’, epistemolojia no dezenvolvimentu ne’ebé sensitive ba komunidade Deborah Cummins 4. Prezervasaun espresaun kultura Fataluku ne’ebé atu sai Lakon Kim Dunphy, Ildefonso da Silva, Justino Valentim, Maria Madalena dos Santos, Frederico Caetanom Thomas Lopes, Nelinha Pereira, Lucia Pichler, Holly Schauble no Tessa Dunphy Toumbourou 5. Tetu-gés: Influénsia portugés ba estrutura Tetun Catharina Williams-van Klinken ho John Hajek 6. Koitadu! Nusaa mak hau la liu fali ezame? Leoneto da Silva Ribeiro ho Melky Fridus Ladis Costa Akoyt 7. Fatin hodi halimar iha Timor-Leste: Projetu halimar fatin Lospalos James Nash no Sr. Ildefonso da Silva 8. Ukun rasik an, dezenvolvimentu no prosesu harii paz Indíjena iha Timor-Leste Sophia Close 9. Subsidiu ba idozu: Hare’e fali politika ‘cash transfer’ nao- kondisional iha Timor-Leste Therese Nguyen Thi Phuong Tam 10. Valóres konsuetudináriu (customary values) no influénsia globál iha atitude foinsa’e sira kona-ba jéneru no violénsia iha Timor-Leste Abel Boavida dos Santos ho Ann Wigglesworth 11. Tetun Dili laos Dili nian ona: Tetun Dili nudar lian inan tuir dadus sensus 2004 ho 2010 nian Catharina Williams-van Klinken, Rob Williams ho Helio Brites da Silva Timor-Leste: O local, regional e global 12. Um estudo etnográfico a partir do olhar de professores formados e estudantes em formação de língua portuguesa sobre as políticas linguísticas em Timor-Leste Alan Silvio Ribeiro Carneiro 13. Gestão de resíduos sólidos na comunidade de Dili Bia Ble Hitu Carvalho de Jesus ho Zulmira Ximenes da Costa 14. Memórias contestadas: monumentos funerários em Lospalos Rui Graça Feijó e Susana de Matos Viegas 15. A ‘Timorização’ dos apelidos Portugueses Dulce Marques 16. O trauma do colaboracionista num romance curto de Timor-Leste Isabel Moutinho 17. Governando pessoas, coisas e rituais. A construção da nação como um processo de purificação em Timor-Leste. Kelly Silva 18. Perspectivas e trajetórias de vida: mulheres de Timor-Leste com ensino superior Camila Tribess, Cláudia Kreidloro, Ethiana Sarachin, Gabriela Batista, Juliana Santiago, Vanessa Diniz 19. ‘CEUTA’, um laço lusófono Carlos Leitão Carreira Timor-Leste: the local, the regional and the global 20. Portugal and the Netherlands in Timor, 1945-1949 Steven Farram 21. Road traffic accidents and policy interventions in Dili José Lucas Do Carmo Da Silva and Bernardo Idalina Leto 22. Coconut shells as oviposition sites for vectors of dengue and chikungunya in Same, Manufahi

6 8 12 13 20 24 30 35 39 48 54 59 65 72 73 79 85 90 93 97 103 109 117 118 124 135

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Esther Anderson 23. Prevalence of round worm (ascaris suum) in pigs in Timor Leste Acacio Cardoso Amaral and Joana da Costa Freitas 24. Prevalence of round worm (toxocara vitulorum) in Balinese cattle calves in the western region of Timor-Leste Acacio Cardoso Amaral, Joana da Costa Freitas and Ana Maria da C. G. Noronha 25. The structural marginalisation of the districts under UNTAET Sue Ingram 26. The CPLP strategy for the oceans Eliana Sofia da Silva Pereira 27. Uncovering historical sites: Finding the locations of historical weather station sites in TimorLeste Samuel Bacon and Florindo Morais Neto 28. Timor Leste government initiatives and civil society in contributing to the prevention of domestic violence Abílio António Freitas Belo 29. Liberating the people: young adults, political reconciliation and constitution in Timor-Leste Sara ten Brinke 30. Procedures, perspectives, politics and peace: The 2012 national elections in Timor-Leste Emily Toome 31. Towards an architecture of appropriate technology in Timor-Leste Peter Clements 32. Physical activity and child growth in rural Timor-Leste Phoebe Spencer, Debra Judge, Kathy Sanders and Pedro Canisio Amaral 33. The conflict in East Timor and democratization in Indonesia: The struggle of youths over the discourse on East Timor Takahiro Kamisuna 34. MOOCs4Development? Action research into open online learning in Timor-Leste Monty King 35. The relationship between reading attitude and reading achievement in L2 English and L1 Tetun by Timor-Leste university students Jorge da Silveira Guterres and Michael Harrington 36. Expectations of development: The Tasi Mane project in Suai-Covalima Judith Bovensiepen, Monis Filipe and Flaviano Freitas 37. Echoing alternative voices: The East Timorese in Macao Emilie Tran 38. Timor-Leste’s complex geopolitics: the local, the regional and the global David Willis 39. Relational dimensions within Timor-Leste customary society Josh Trindade 40. Oceans, oysters and oil: a survey of Australia’s maritime agenda in the Timor Sea to 1970 Kim McGrath 41. Institution building in Timor-Leste: between the UN and national ownership Carla Luís 42. Language and cultural resources in the creation of new, diasporic spaces: young migrants from Timor-Leste in the UK Estêvão Cabral and Marilyn Martin-Jones 43. Towards an integrated and accessible mental health care system in Timor Leste Ritsuko Kakuma, Susana Barnes, Herculano Seixas dos Santos and Lisa Palmer 44. Considerations for marketing Timor-Leste as a tourist destination Sara Currie 45. Violence and spatiality in the context of hybridity Damian Grenfell 46. Managing persons, things and rituals: nation building as purification in Timor-Leste Kelly Silva 47. Australia’s recognition of the Indonesian annexation of East Timor: The Timor Sea boundary negotiation nexus (1976-1978) Kim McGrath Timor-Leste: lokal, regional dan global

142 149 155 160 165 174 180 184 190 194 201 207 213 220 225 232 239 244 252 258 264 271 277 282 287

297

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48. Kesepakatan mengenai referendum di Timor-Leste Celestino Boavida Pereira 49. Strategi komunikasi dalam pengembangan pariwisata kota Dili Timor Leste Constancia de Jesus 50. Kebijakan pengelolaan hasil migas oleh pemerintah untuk meningkatkan kesejahteraan rakyat Timor Leste Felisberto de Carvalho 51. Fungsi tara bandu sebagai bentuk kearifan lokal dalam pembangunan pertanian berkelanjutan António Gusmão 52. Implementasi kebijakan pendidikan gratis terhadap anak sekolah di Timor-Leste Victor Soares

298 301 305 313 319

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Lia Maklokek – Prefácio – Foreword – Prakata Ensaiu sira ne’ebe tama volume ida ne’e mak sira ne’ebe uluk-liu aprensenta iha Konferensia TimorLeste Studies Association (TLSA) nian konaba Timor-Leste iha contextu lokal, rejional no global, realize iha Universidade Nacional de Timor-Lorosa’e (UNTL), Liceu Campus, Avenida Cidade de Lisboa, Dili, Timor-Leste, 9-10 Jullu 2015. Ida ne’e Konferensia 5th TLSA nian, tuir fali konferensia sira ne’ebe halao ona iha Melbourne (2005) no Dili (2009, 2011 e 2013). Timor oan sira liu 150 ho Delagado internasional sira apresenta ensaiu durante loron rua resin. Konferensia ida ne’e organiza iha dalen hat mak Tetum, Portuguese, Indonesia no Inglez. Aproximasaun ida ne’e haktuir diversidade linguistika iha Timor-Leste, no hatudu sukesu boot. Painel espesial 1975 nian ne'e atu refleta tinan 40 hahu husi Timor-Leste proklama nia independensia ba dahuluk. Artigu revizadu sira nebe publika iha koleksaun ne'e hakerek husi lian hat (Tetum, Ingles, Bahasa Indonesia no Portugues) nomos artigu reviszadu sira husi painel espesial 1975 nian iha lian Ingles. Editores sira hakarak hatoo obrigadu barak ba UNTL, Swinburne University of Technology, no Universidade de Lisboa ba parseria ne’ebe halo konferensia ne’e sai posivel. Ami mos hatoo apresiasaun a’as ba Presidencia da Republica Democratica de Timor-Leste, tan sira nian apoiu ba konferensia importante ida ne’e. Obrigadu ba Mica Barretto Soares no Susana Barnes, ba sira nian asistensia iha produsaun ba koleksaun ida ne’e, no ba Michael Leach tan sira nian asistensia iha organizasaun konferensia nian. Ami partikularmente hato’o obrigadu ba autores sira, no dala ida tan ami hein katak volume ida ne’e sei asiste estudante no akademiku sira iha Timor-Leste, no mos ba sira ne’ebe iha estranjerru ne’ebe hakarak komprende desafiu no oportunidade barak ne’ebe nasaun jovem ne’e hasoru hafoin tinan 14 restaurasaun independensia. * As comunicações incluídas neste volume foram apresentadas na conferência Timor-Leste: o local, o regional e o global, organizada pela Timor-Leste Studies Association (TLSA), a qual decorreu na Universidade Nacional de Timor-Leste (UNTL), no Campus do Liceu, Avenida Cidade de Lisboa, Díli, Timor-Leste, nos dias 9 e 10 de Julho de 2015. Esta foi a 5.ª conferência da TLSA, na sequência das de Melbourne (2005) e das de Díli (2009, 2011 e 2013). Mais de 150 conferencistas timorenses e internacionais apresentaram as suas comunicações durante dois dias. A conferência decorreu em quatro línguas, com painéis em Tétum, Português, Bahasa Indonésia e Inglês. Esta escolha reflecte a diversidade linguística de Timor-Leste e tem tido grande êxito. Foi organizado um painel especial sobre ‘1975’, para reflexão sobre os 40 anos da proclamação da independência de Timor-Leste. As comunicações, sujeitas a arbitragem científica, foram seleccionadas de todos os painéis e do painel de 1975. Os editores gostariam de agradecer à UNTL, à Swinburne Technology University e à Universidade de Lisboa pelas parcerias que tornaram esta conferência possível. Gostariam ainda de agradecer à Presidência da República de Timor-Leste pelo seu apoio à conferência. Um agradecimento também à Mica Barreto Soares e à Susan Barnes pela colaboração na organização deste volume e ao Michael Leach pela participação na organização do evento. Um agradecimento especial aos autores das comunicações e votos de que este volume possa ser útil aos estudantes e académicos de Timor-Leste e aqueles que fora do país queiram compreender melhor os muitos desafios e oportunidades que esta nação enfrenta após 14 anos de independência. * The papers included in this volume were first presented at the Timor-Leste Studies Association (TLSA)’s Timor-Leste: the local, the regional and the global conference, held at the National University of Timor-Lorosa’e (UNTL), Liceu Campus, Avenida Cidade de Lisboa, Dili, Timor-Leste, 9-10 July 2015. This was the 5th TLSA conference, following our conferences in Melbourne (2005) and Dili (2009, 2011 and 2013). More than 150 East Timorese and international delegates presented papers over two days. The conference was organised into four language streams, with papers presented in Tetum, Portuguese, Bahasa Indonesia and English. This approach reflects the linguistic diversity of Timor-Leste, and proved a great success. A special ‘1975’ panel was organised to reflect on Timor6

Leste, 40 years from its first pronouncement of independence. The peer-reviewed papers published in this collection contain works from all four language streams and the papers of the 1975 panel. The editors would like to thank UNTL, Swinburne University of Technology, and the University of Lisbon for the partnerships that made this conference possible. We also wish to thank the Presidency of the Republic of Timor-Leste for their support of the conference. Thanks also to Mica Barreto Soares and Susana Barnes for their assistance in the production of this collection, and to Michael Leach for his assistance in conference organisation. We particularly thank the authors of these papers, and once again hope that this volume will assist students and academics in Timor-Leste, and also those outside the country who wish to better understand the many challenges and opportunities facing this young nation, fourteen years after the restoration of independence. * Naskah-naskah yang dimuat dalam volume pertama ini adalah dipresentasikan oleh Timor-Leste Studies Association (TLSA) pada konferensi Timor:Leste: lokal, regional dan global, diselenggarakan di Universitas Nacional Timor Lorosa`e (UNTL),Kampus Liceu,Jln.Cidade de Lisboa,Dili,TimorLeste,9-10 Juli 2013. Ini adalah konferensia TLSA yang ke-5, setelah konferensi kami di Melbourne (2005) dan Dili (2009, 2011 dan 2013). Lebih dari 150 orang Timor-Leste dan delegasi Internasional menyajikan makalah selama dua hari. Konferensi diorganisir kedalam empat bahasa, makalah disampaikan dalam Tetum, Portugis, bahasa Indonesia dan Inggris. Pendekatan ini merefleksikan keanekaragaman lingustik di Timor-Leste, dan terbukti sukses besar. Panel khusus 1975 ini diorganisir dalam rangka memperingati 40 tahun sejak pertama kali Timor-Leste mendeklarasikan kemerdekannya. Semua ulasan makalah yang diterbitkan dalam buku ini merupakan kumpulan karya-karya yang ditulis dalam empat bahasa (Tetum, Inggris, Indonesia dan Portugis) dan juga beberapa makalah tentang panel khusus 1975 yang ditulis dalam bahasa Inggris. Para editor ingin mengucapkan terima kepada Universitas Nasional Timor Lorosa`e, Universitas Swinburne Teknologi, Universitas Lisbon, untuk kemitraan yang membuat konferensi ini mungkin.Kami juga ingin berterima kasih kepada Presiden Republik Timor-Leste atas dukungan mereka terhadap konferensi. Terima kasih juga diucapkan kepada Mica Barreto Soares dan Susana Barnes atas bantuan mereka dalam produksi koleksi ini dan kepada Michael Leach dan Sarah Smith atas bantuan mereka mengorganisir konferensi. Kami lebih khusus berterima kasih kepada para penulis makalah, dan sekali lagi berharap bahwa buku ini akan membantu mahasisiwa dan akademisi di TimorLeste, dan juga mereka yang di luar negeri yang ingin lebih mengerti berbagai tantangan dan peluang yang dihadapi bangsa muda ini setelah 14 tahun merdeka. Sarah Smith, Antero B. da Silva, Nuno Canas Mendes, Alarico da Costa Ximenes, Clinton Fernandes and Michael Leach.

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1 The Timor-Leste Studies Association 2005-2015: The physical creation of a discipline Michael Leach and Clinton Fernandes The 5th Timor-Leste Studies Association (TLSA) conference in Dili in July 2015 represented the 10th anniversary of our area studies association. Founded in June 2005 by Helen Hill and Michael Leach, and a group of East Timorese and Australian scholars who attended a one-day academic symposium at Victoria University, the TLSA was launched as an ‘interdisciplinary, international research network focussed on all aspects of research into East Timorese society, including politics and history, economics, communications, health, language, agriculture and science.’ Far more significant developments would follow in July 2009, with the first of our biannual TLSA conferences at the National University of Timor Lorosa’e (UNTL) in Dili. In a multi-language format which respected and reflected the official and working languages of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste, East Timorese researchers were joined by international delegates from around the globe to present papers in Tetun, Portuguese, English and Indonesian. The original 2009 organising committee of Antero da Silva (Tetun), Nuno Canas Mendes (Portuguese), Michael Leach (English) and Alarico da Costa Ximenes (Indonesian) would become the editors of these language sections in the conference publication to follow in 2010; with Bob Boughton editing the papers from a special stream he had organised on Adult and Popular Education. This four-language format, combined with a special thematic stream, would become a regular feature of TLSA conferences, with another special stream on Adult & Popular Education in 2011 (ed. Bob Boughton); on ‘State, People and Peace Building From Below’ in 2013 (ed. Antero da Silva); and on ‘1975: 40 Years On’ in 2015 (ed. Clinton Fernandes). In each of the years following our conference, the TLSA has published a four-language refereed conference proceedings, which has been distributed free of charge to East Timorese universities, libraries and other education institutions. These have also been made freely available online. 1 In 2013, Hannah Loney became one of the key conference organisers, and editor of the English language papers. Aside from those mentioned above, other key contributors to organising the TLSA conferences over the years have included Marcos Amaral, Helen Hill, James Scambary, and Sarah Smith. Throughout this time, UNTL has been the host and major co-sponsor of the TLSA conferences, providing venues, staff time, and logistical support. TLSA conferences would not have been possible without UNTL’s partnership and support, and particular thanks are due to the former Rector, Professor Aurelio Guterres. We also thank Swinburne University of Technology and the University of Lisbon for their active contributions. The TLSA has never sought nor received funding from the governments of Timor-Leste, Australia or Portugal to run its conferences, though it enjoys good relations with each, and is grateful to the Australian Embassy for hosting several of its conference receptions. Funding from the Office of the Presidency of the RDTL is a notable exception. The Presidency is an institution separate from and independent of the government of the RDTL; it sponsors its own excellent research and analysis department, and has also been a generous supporter of the TLSA since 2013. We take this opportunity to express our gratitude to the Office of the Presidency, with a particular acknowledgment of Josh Trindade, and to also thank The Asia Foundation (TAF) for its support of our 2013 conference. Finally, the TLSA’s longstanding collaboration with Victoria University and Helen Hill has seen the TLSA research conference linked with VU/UNTL development conferences in Dili on each occasion, allowing for a greater critical mass of scholars, NGO researchers and development professionals to attend both events. The Evolution of the Timor-Leste Studies Association The 10th anniversary of the founding of the TLSA is a good occasion to reflect on the past decade, take stock of the present and assess the future. The TLSA is a non-hierarchical, decentralised network of scholars with a shared interest in Timor-Leste. Consisting of a biannual conference, a webpage, an

1

See http://tlstudies.org/Publications.html

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email list, and a dedicated body of like-minded researchers, active chapters of the organisation exist in Dili, Lisbon, Melbourne, Darwin and Brasilia. Timor-Leste Studies is a type of area studies, with great internal heterogeneity; TLSA scholars have come from very diverse fields. The 255 papers published in the refereed conference proceedings from 2009 to 2015 cover a multiplicity of subjects such as agriculture, adult education, culture, food, gender, media, military history, identity, international relations, religion, resource economics, war crimes and many others. Thus, the TLSA brings together a group of distinct academic fields united by a shared commitment to understanding Timor-Leste. Shared commitment and scholarly diversity have typically resulted in the testing of grounded disciplinary research against detailed observation in Timor-Leste. It has also led to fruitful inter-disciplinary collaborations. Timor-Leste Studies also implies a shared interest, with varying degrees of intensity, in Timor-Leste’s national and local histories, languages, people and cultures. In one way, however, Timor-Leste Studies is unlike other fields of area studies. The TLSA was established in June 2005 by scholars who were themselves involved in the international solidarity campaign for independence. One of the reasons for founding the TLSA was to move Timor-Leste studies from the colonial setting of Indonesia studies, where it had, with a few honourable exceptions, been incorporated during the occupation. As such, the Association retains that campaign’s ethos of friendship across borders, freedom of expression, self-determination, and opposition to illegitimate authority. Such an ethos is manifest in four ways. (1) The TLSA has no hierarchy of language: papers are published in Tetun, Portuguese, English, and Indonesian. The TLSA believes that this is the best way to create an international community of scholarship. (2) The TLSA conference has no hierarchy of rank, in sharp contrast to the deferential demeanour shown by junior scholars to senior professors in some other disciplines. Papers are scheduled for delivery based on theme alone, students and senior academics mingle cheek-by-jowl, and robust debates are common regardless of seniority. There are no keynotes, nor opening addresses. (3) The TLSA prefers technical coordination to command authority. Scholars are encouraged to form their own panels and streams, and the Association tries to facilitate rather than dictate, as far as possible. (4) The TLSA has never been able to afford live translation, nor has it seen live translations as essential to a democratic and participatory research culture. Instead, the TLSA encourages its members to participate in other language panels by learning the official and working languages of Timor-Leste. Though this approach has sometimes been seen as controversial, and undoubtedly has drawbacks, we believe it places native English speakers on a level footing with non-English speakers, who are invariably required to accommodate foreign languages at academic conferences. This is a particular power-dynamic that governs much of the academic world, but is rarely named as such. The TLSA welcomes all attempts to deliver papers in a second language, no matter how haltingly, in the belief that it offers the more authentic path of intercultural communication. Conference Presentations and Published Papers: 2009-15 Table 1 shows the growth in papers presented at TLSA conferences in Dili since 2009. Alongside an overall trend to a larger conference, other features may be noted. Especially clear is the dramatic growth in the number of papers presented in Tetun since 2009, which has increased sixfold over the four conferences: from 9 papers in 2009, to 57 papers in 2015. The clear growth in Tetun-language scholarship is a very welcome development that contributes to Timor-Leste’s nation-building project. Notably too, the conference has become less Anglophone over time, dropping from 69% of papers presented in English in 2009, to 57% in 2011, 49% in 2013, to 47% in 2015. Similarly, the percentage of papers presented in Timor-Leste’s two official languages of Tetun and Portuguese has risen from 22% in 2009, to 39% in 2011, 48% in 2013, and 49% in 2015. The TLSA welcomes these trends as measures of an increasingly confident and assertive academic culture in Timor-Leste.

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Table 1-Timor-Leste Studies Association conference – papers presented at conference 2009 78 9 16 9 112

English Tetun Portuguese Indonesian TOTAL

2011 61 27 15 4 107

2013 68 37 29 3 137

2015 78 57 24 7 166

180 160 140 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 2009

2011 English

2013 Tetun

Portuguese

2015

Indonesian

In terms of published papers, growth has also been noticeable, if less dramatic. Table 2 details the languages of the four published conference proceedings. Here the dominance of the two European languages in academic publishing is more evident, though the number of Tetun papers published has certainly increased since 2009, and remains a strong priority for the TLSA. We have welcomed the feedback from UNTL scholars that published research on Timor-Leste has been especially valuable in teaching East Timorese students, irrespective of the language of publication. Table 2 - Timor-Leste Studies Association conference – published papers

English Tetun Portuguese Indonesian TOTAL

2009 31 5 15 5 56

2011 40 7 11 2 60

2013 39 12 18 3 72

2015 43 9 10 5 67

Since 2005, the TLSA has had the opportunity – rare among other disciplines – to physically create the field of Timor-Leste Studies – with a conference, webpage and email lists creating the infrastructure facilitating the more important building blocks of academic culture: students, supervisors, international networks, and new collaborations which build a culture of research excellence. 10

As this volume was being prepared, we learned of the passing of Benedict Anderson, a great scholar of nationalism and the most prominent Indonesia specialist to challenge American policy on East Timor. At our request, his friend and collaborator, Arnold Kohen, contributed a paper in his memory. We were delighted to read about ‘the real excitement in Ben’s voice when he learned of the existence of the Timor-Leste Studies Association’, and we share his view that ‘rigorous scholarship and critical analysis can play a pivotal role in helping Timor-Leste reach its potential in the years to come.’2 The TLSA hopes to continue its contribution to the research culture of Timor-Leste, and to building a thriving association, both within Timor-Leste and internationally. We welcome and encourage the development of new ‘chapters’ of the Association in all parts of the world. On the 10th anniversary of the Association, we celebrate the creation of an area studies association for Timor-Leste.

2

See Arnold Kohen’s paper in this volume.

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Timor-Leste iha contextu local, rejional no global Editor ba artigu lia-Tetum Antero B. da Silva

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2 Balansu femininu e maskulinu iha kosmolojia Timor nian (existensia Liurai feto sira Timor nian) Antero Benedito da Silva Sosiedade asia kompostu husi tradisaun familia rua: matrilineal e patrilineal. Matrilineal refere ema grupu ida ne’ebé husi ran husi viz avo feto ne’ebé hanesan (Mackerras 1995, 48). Patrilineal refere ba ema grupu ida ne’ebé iha relasaun-ran viz avo mane, iha timor, sira mak lidera uma-lisan. Colin Mackerras nota katak Minangkabau (Sumatera) sira pratika sistema familia matrilineal. Feto sira ne’ebé mai husi linea avo feto nian, hela hamutuk iha Rumah adat nu’udár unidade ekonomia basiku-liu iha Minangkabau (Mackerras 1995, 48). Bainhira feto sira kaben sira kontinua hela iha Rumah Adat avo feto nian, no mane sira kontinua parte ba sira nian Rumah Adat (Mackerras 1995, 49). Mane sira laiha responsabilidade domestika no ekonomia ba ninian oan no nian fen, maibe visita sira nian fen iha tempu kalan. Tia (Mamak) iha Rumah Adat mak responsabiliza ba ekonomia no servisu hotu Rumah Adat nian, no mane sira bele fo presente ba sira nian oan sira, ne’ebé parte ona ba Rumah Adat feto nian bainhira sira sei kosok-oan (Mackerras 1995, 49). Iha kazu Minangkabau knar feto nian boot-liu mane sira tanba responsabiliza Rumah Adat. Mane sira kontribui ba ekonomia iha Rumat Adat sira nian inan nian, maibe laiha kbiit iha Rumah Adat. Kultura Minangkabau kontraria ho Xinese sira nian sistema familia. Bainhira kaben feto sira hela hamutuk nia-laen iha mane ninian inan-aman nian uma tanba oan mane deit mak kontinua linea familia nian, ne’ebé nian objektivu mak kontinua ejiste no moris diak (prosperu). Oan mane Xinese sira mak organiza ritual ba bei-ala sira, no hare ninian inan-aman nian moris loron-ikus nian. Feto-foun sira nian obrigasaun primaria mak serve ninian banin sira. Oan mane sira kaben jerasaun ba jerasaun, kontinua hela iha sira nian inan-aman (viz avo mane) nian uma, dapru ida deit no responsabilidade finansa komun, maibe oan mane boot mak xefia sira. Segregasaun generu mosu bainhira banin feto mak supervisa feto-foun sira, hodi hamenus komunikasaun entre fen no laen. Feto xinese sira moris ba benefisiu familia nian, ne’ebé benefisiu-liu mane sira (Mackerras 1995, 51-53). Feto Xinese sira nian knar mos barak mak domestika, duke ba liur, kompara ho feto Minangkabau sira, ne’ebé halo knar nu’udár lider klan ninian. Friederic Durand (2009) mak temi kona-ba knar Liurai feto sira nian ne’ebé halao servisu publiku, iha Timor-Leste. Mgr. Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo iha nian livro: Os Reinos antigos de Timor (2011) lista detalla-liu tan naran reino sira timor nian ho sira nian Regulo balun ne’ebé mak feto, maske la halo analiza kona-ba relasaun poder entre feto no mane. Durand (2009) no Ximenes Belo (2011) sai referensia primaria iha estudu ida ne’e. Helen Hill, akademiku Australina hakerek artigu resente konaba relasaun feto no mane iha servisu lor-loron hodi konklui katak lista servisu feto nian barak-liu mane sira nian. Feto halo servisu iha toos no natar, kuru be no hili ai-tein, soru tais no tein, halo dose, faan sasan sira iha merkadu no koidadu labarik sira. Mane sira halo servisu iha toos no natar, kasa, faan karau no kuda, tuku-besi, tesi-ai, futu manu e joga karta. Hill argumenta katak pratika ida ne’e hanesan lolos deit nasaun sira iha pasifiku. Maske Timor-Leste asseguru ona assuntu estratejiku sira relasiona ho feto, nasaun ne’e sei atraza-liu iha servisu pratika sira. Mane sira halo ona servisu reproduktivu nian, maibe sei limita deit ba hanorin labarik mane sira iha moris lor-loron (Hill 2011, 216-17). Kausa ida mak Timor-Leste mos hetan influensia husi Portuguese ne’ebé ho kultura semi-feudalismu iha epoka kolonial nian. Kompania Portuguese sira interese-liu ba servisu mane sira nian duke servisu feto sira nian. Maske feto sira halo servisu domestika iha uma, sosiedade la-konsidera ida ne’e nu’udár servisu, maibe dehan katak feto sira hela iha uma deit katak la halo servisu. Ne’e katak sosiedade la konta feto sira nian servisu domestika no servisu seluk ne’ebé sira halo afavor mane sira (Hill 2011, 216). Autor argumenta katak kosmolojia Timor nian afavor balansu knar femininu no maskulinu, ne’ebé iha pratika justifika husi; Dahuluk, ejistente Lisan Matrilineal (Galolen, tetum Terik, no Bunak) no patrilineal (eg. Mombae, Makasae, Fataluco no Naueti). Daruak, feto lubun ida ne’ebé assume kargu Liurai Feto inkluindu iha komunidade sira ne’ebé patrilineal iha Reino Antigo sira timor nian, maske hetan evolusaun ba kultura feudal nian. Iha lisan Fetsa-Umane familia patrilineal nu’udar mos sistema ida ne’ebe hatudu balansu, dependenti e mutual entre kna’r feto no mane.

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Demografia Timor antigo Maske komunidade umana horik nanis ona iha rai-ketan Timor kuaze tinan 35,000-50,000 ba leten, katak antigu liu, kompara ho rai-ketan Sunda kiik sira nian (Hagerdal 2012, 15), Timorense sira la hakiak kultura hakerek no lé. Nune’e susar tebes ba ita ohin loron atu hatene kona-ba posisaun feto ida komunidade antigo timor nian ho lolos. Iha dalan hat mak ita bele uza hodi halibur dadus, ne’ebé karik laos kompletu maibe bele tulun ita hodi estabelese konesementu basiku ruma kona-ba estrutura sosial no relasaun kbi’it (relacao poder) iha sosiedade Timor antigu nian. Dalan sira ne’e mak: istoria oral, etnografia antropologu uluk sira, estudu arkeolojika, no analiza kona-ba relasaun feto no mane iha sosiedade akual liu husi lisan uma-fukun no fetsa-umane sira. Faktu hatudu katak maioria sosiedade Timor nian pratika kultura patrilineal, no matrilineal mak iha Uma-Lisan sira: Galolen, Bunak no Tetum Terik hodi halo ekuilibra ho sira seluk mak moris iha kultura patriarkal, ne’ebé mos la signifika mane sira hanehan feto sira nian direitu. Populasaun antigu timor nian moris husi kasa animal fuik, kuu-aifuan fuik sira, kaer ikan no agrikultura (Durand 2009, 25). Aihoris dominante-liu mak: Palmeria sagu (metroxylon sagu), talas (taro) (Colocasia esculenta), tua akar midar (arenga pinnata), no dala barak inklui lagrima job nian; Lagrima job (coix laccryma so--cereal) neebé bei-ala sira uza duni maibe nian moris fuik deit (17400 years ago) (Durand 2009, 25). Populasaun sira halo ona fornu husi rai (xanarai) hatudu kultura tein ne’ebé oioin ona (culinarias complexas) (Durand 2009, 25). Tinan rihun antes Ano Domino timor oan sira halo ona kontaktu ho nasaun sira seluk iha Asia hodi aprende kona-ba tuku-besi, hetan tambor (Drumb) modelu Dong Son Vietname no sira mos faan aikameli (Santalum album) ba Reino antigu Sri Wijaya, Majapahit hodi lori ba India no Xina. Textu Xinese nian Tao-I-Chih-Luch (Testamunhas of insular nations) 1250: “ Iha foho lolon sira ne’e aikameli moris buras-los. Ai ne’e uza hodi troka ho osan mutin, besi, bikan fatuk, hena ne’ebé halo ho algudaun husi India, no mos hena taffeta ho kor oioin (Durand 2009, 36). Laiha dadus unifika kona-ba populasaun Reino sira Timor nian, maibe: Dom Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo (2011) identifika habitants Reinos balun mak total maizumenos 600-750,000 finais sentenariu 19 nian (1850-1891), maibe iha periodu entre tinan 1860 a 1912 akontese revolta iha Vemasse, Lermean no Saniry (1867); Revolta Balibo husi Dona Maria Pires Cova (1868) ne’ebé Portuguese mobiliza 2000 resin militar hodi halakon Cova; Revolta Moradores iha Dili 1887; Revolta Reino de Maubara; no Funu Munufahi mesak deit mak hamate ema 20000. Iha periodu ida ne’e mos akontese funu iha fatin seluk inkluindu Funu Bina-Buraboo (Revolta Dom Simao Vessoru) nian 1901 ne’ebé mos hamete ema barak maibe la rejistu, Iha periodu tinan 1926-1937, konsekutivu Governadores Portuguese nian dezenvolve politika realokasaun komunidade ‘aldeias indiginas’ ba area determinadu sira iha terras baixos hanaran: Knua indigenas, ne’ebé mos kausa ema lubun mak mate. Povoação ida naran Burabohae iha Posto Tualo lakon ninian populasaun 500-1000, alias mate massal tanba hetan moras iha fatin realokasaun ba area tasi, Como-Oli tinan 1930 nune’e. Posivelmente fatin seluk mos esperiensia situasaun trajiku hanesan ne’e iha periodu refere, hodi kontribui ba reduzasaun populasaun timor nian. Enkuantu tinan 1930 populasaun Timor nian mak 472,221 numeru ida ne’ebé reduzida ona husi maizumenos 750,000 (1891), no Funu mundial daruak mos hamate 60000 ate 80,000 populasaun. Bainhira funu hotu, Portuguese sira halo sensus no identifika katak total populasaun mak 433,412, katak timor lakon tan 40,000 iha funu mundial daruak. Revolta 1959 pelemenos ema 1000 mak mate no kuaze 70 pessoas mak deportadu ba Portugal no ba Africa. Dalaruma populasaun barak mos mak mate entre periodu pos-guerra nian, husi funu ida ba funu seluk tanba hamlaha no moras ne’ebé la identifika, hodi influensia tanba sa mak populasaun timor nian 650,000 iha inisiu tinan 1974. Lista Habitantes Reino sira nian tinan 1850 to’o tinan 1891 mak hanesan tuir mai ne’e: Reino Aileu rejistu 13,000 habitantes tinan 1850; final sentenariu XIX (1890an) Alas nian populasaun 40,000; Balibo 12,000 habitantes tinan 1769; Reino de Saniri-Balibo 12,000 habitantes 1850; Reino CovaBalibo 8,000 habitantes tinan 1890s; Reino Batugade (anynim); Reino de Barique 15,000 habitantes tinan 1850; Reino de Bibico-Barique 4,500 habitantes 1850; Reino de Baucau 2,000 habitantes 1891; Bobonaro (Bobonaro, ai-assa, Marobo, no Hauba); Cailaco 36,000 habitantes 1850; Dili Motael 3,000 habitantes 1858; Reino Hera 1800 habitantes 1850; Reino Ermera 2,000 habitantes 1850; Reino Fatumaca 3,000 habitantes 1891; Reino Fatuberliu 4500 habitantes 1850 (Reino Claca no Caicassa: 14

anonym); Fatumean (anonym); Fatululic (anonym); Fohorem (anonym); Deribate-Hatolia 12,000 habitantes 1850; Reino de Leimean 5500 tinan 1850; Reino Mauhubo (Mau-Ubo) 2,000; habitantes1891; Hatudo (anonym); Reino de Laclo 5500 tinan 1850; Reino de Laicore 1200 tinan 1850; Reino de Laclubar 16000 tinan 1850;Reino de Funar 6000 tinan 1850; Reino de Lacluta 11000 tinan 1850; Reino de Laga 21000 tinan 1850; Reino de Larisula (anonym); Reino de Laleia 28800 tinan 1850; Reino de Cairui 4500 tinan 1850; Reino de Lautem e Moro (Sarau) 35,000 e Reino de Faturo 32,000 tinan 1850; Reino de Lequica 7000 e Reino de Boibau 4500 tinan 1850; Reino de Lolotoy (anonym); Reino de Maturrufo-Lospalos 18,000 tinan 1850; Reino de Luro 3000 tinan 1891; Reino de Manatuto 9000 tinan 1850; Maliana mak Regulado Memo (anonym), Reino de Maubara 2000 tinan 1883; Reino de Maubesse (anonym); Reino de Oecusse 29000 tinan 1850; Reino de Ossoroa e Ossu de Cima (anonym); Reino de Remexio Caimauc 7000 e Reino de Remexio Manumera 7000 tinan 1850; Reino de Manufahe 36000 tinan 1850 e Reino de Faturo 2000 tinan 1883; Soibada-Reino de Samoro 27000 tinan 1850; Reino de Suai 38000 tinan 1850; Reino de Turiscai 18000 tinan 1850; Reino de Foholau 1800 tinan 1850; Reino de Failocor 20000 tinan 1850, Reino de Vemasse-Ade 30,000 tinan 1850; Reino de Ossoquel 1200 tinan 1850; Reino de Venilale 42000 e Bercoli 5500 tinan 1850;Viqueque 36000, Luca 38000 e Bibiluto 9000 tinan 1850; Zumalai Raimean 30000 e Fatulete-Luli (anonym) tinan 1860, Vessoru no Matebian (anonym) (Ximenes Belo 2011). Karik populasaun reino rua ikus ne’e inklui ona ba Reino Luca iha periodu ida ne’e, hafoin submisaun liu husi sirkulasaun presente (Rota). Balansu feminimu e maskulinu iha kosmolojia Timor nian Ita seidauk hatene se deskrisaun visitantes antigu sira mai timor ne’e representa sosiedade tomak timor nian. Iha uma-fukun balun iha Timor laran, ita bele hetan alokasan fatin ba feto no mane, ezemplu Odamatan Mane no Odamatan feto nian, ne’ebé maizumenos hatudu tratamentu hanesan ba feto sira no mane sira. Iha sistema fase karau-nian ain, kultura Naueti, feto sira no jerasaun foun sira simboliza fertilidade no regenerasaun, no sai atensaun iha serimonia no sira mak importante-liu. Naueti, Uaimá no Makasa’e hakiak istoria antigu relasiona ho sira nian orijin husi foho-Matebian tutun ne’ebé reflete sira nian presensa antigu iha Illa ida ne’e. Estrutura sosial politika ukun timor nian diferenti husi Reino ida ba Reino seluk. Frederic Durand, historiador Franses nian temi kona-ba Wewiku-Wehali ninian dominu iha Rai Klaran Illa Timor inkluindu area Tasi Norte no Sul (maioriataria area Tetun Terik, Bunak, Kemak, Mombae, Tokodede no Reino Samoro), mak ninian influensia boot liu (Durand 2009). Ohin loron sosiedade matrilineal sei hetan iha Tetun terik, Bunak sira, ne’ebé feto sira iha kbiit boot liu. Wehali konsideradu nu’udár rai feto nian (female land), ne’ebé haleu ho foho mane sira nune’e mos haleu ho tasi-mane parte sul no tasi feto iha parte norte rai-ketan nian. Parte Sul Belu (iha Kupang) ne’ebé sai sentru ba Reino Wewiku-Wehali ninian karater matrilineal no sira mak sei hatutan posisaun politika to’o ohin loron (Hagerdal 2011). Posivelmente expressaun termu Liurai mai husi influensia dominu Tetun Terik no Wewiko-Wehali nian, ne’ebe Matebian sira konsidera nu’udar Feto-san (jerasaun feto nian) iha sira nian tradisaun lisan. Durand haktuir katak estrutura politika Timor nian kompostu husi Liurai ne’ebé eleitu husi Datuuain sira, ne’ebé iha mandato kaer relasaun Externa; Dato sira mak forma Asembleia Konsultativu ida ne’ebé responsavel ba assuntu interna, Ema babain, no Atan sira. Liurai sira hakruk ba desisaun DatoUain sira nian, tanba ne’e, Durand bolu Republika Aristokrata (Durand 2009, 44-97), katak republika ida ne’ebé liderada husi ema matenek sira. Ema babain sira mos, bainhira iha kualidade no hatudu lideransa, sira mos iha posibilidade atu sai datu ou Liurai. Gunn mos konfirma katak atu konprende diak-liu dinamika sosiedade timor nian, importante atu komprende sira nian sistema politika. Liurai ou Raja kaer poder supremo, ba ninian povu, no nian suksesor sira various husi Reino ida ba seluk, maibe em prinsipiu hereditary katak husi jerasaun ba jerasaun. Bainhira laiha oan mane, feto sira kaer ukun. Tuir Liurai mak dato sira, Toumougon no Labo (atan) (Gunn 1999, 35). Durand mos argumenta katak relasaun ida akompana mos ho Fetosa-Umane. Umane sira ne’ebé oferese feto, sira nian estatus superior-liu iha parte balun kompara ho feto-san sira ne’ebé oferese mane ne’ebé hametin tan ukun reino timor nian. Feto-san sira mos laos komplimentariu iha relasaun ida ne’e tanba iha parte seluk sira mos umane ba sira nian feto-san sira. Maske nune’e, barlaque nu’udar tradisaun komunidade patrilineal, duke matrilineal. Iha ne’e posivelmente Durand no Gunn halo analiza klean-liu ona baseia ba modelu ukun 15

Wewiku-Wehali nian ba kultura seluk minoria iha Timor-Lorosae. Iha Ponta Leste, Matebian (Makasae-Naueti) la hatudu iha Mapa ida ne’ebé Portuguese produz iha final sekulu XIX nian (Durand 2009, 96), maske Dom Carlos F Ximenes Belo (2011) haktuir katak Liurai Portuguese nian fo premiu ba Reinu Matebian, no ejiste karik lisan Matebian nian kona-ba ukun, antes sira halo tratadu ho Reino Luca no Vemasse. Historia oral lokal nian mos koalia kona-ba Reino Bina-Buraboo nian jurisdisaun mak komunidade naueti ho nian jerasaun sira mak tuur iha Kiakoki Kasabau-Borabo’o (Likaiboka) nu’udár Segundo Reino boot hafoin Matebian, ne’ebe naksobu tinan 1901. Balun mak iha Beli-Darlari ne’ebe mos maun-alin ho Luca no balun deslokadu ba Beaco no fatin seluk iha Kaibada Naueitu no seluk tan. Naueti sira bolu Ana-Asukai Ana-Ulu, oan mane boot ne’ebé iha direitu atu sai nu’udar lider uma-lisan. Maske nune’e, ukun ne’e laos automatika. Tio sira (orijin) no fetosan sira hotu nian reprensentante tuur iha oin mak halo eleisaun ba Oan Mane sira, maske oan mane boot mak iha posibilidade boot-liu sai lider uma-lisan nian. Hafoin hili oan mane, Umane no fetosan sira hili Liannain husi oan mane sira hodi tomakonta tesi-lia iha knua nian laran. Oan mane boot no Lia-nain mak sai servidor atu hare tuir fetosan no tane-as tio sira Uma-Lisan ninian. Iha kultura Sarau (Fataluku) nian, estratifikasaun sosial baseia ba klan mak Ratu (Rahu-Maun) ne’ebe iha posisaun aas no maoria iha rai ne’ebá, Pach (Alin), no akanu (ema seluk/ema babain). Klan sira ne’ebé konsideradu Ratu (maun) mak kaer ukun iha sosiedade Fataluku nian. Komunidade Patrilineal Historia oral, partikular-liu kona-ba geneolojia origin uma-fukun patriarkal sira nian, feto sira barak liu nakfilak-an husi aihan ou animal sai menina-feto bonita, hafoin kaben ho mane klosan sira. Ita foti ezemplu balun hodi esplika kona-ba ida ne’e. Komunidade makasae-Matebian, Maluro haktuir sira nian istoria oral katak sira nian avo feto mai husi Kakatua bin-alin nain hitu (7) ne’ebé nakfilak-an sai feto bonita hitu, no ida ikun mak kaben ho sira nian avo mane Maulero, hodi nian bei-oan sira ohin loron hela haleu Foho Matebian, iha Maluro Lospalos no Laleia-Vemmase nian. Uma-fukun ida naran UmaTimur, iha Vessoru haktuir katak Lakeru ida mak nakfilak-an sai feto bonita ida hodi kaben sira nian viz avo mane. Nune’e lulik lakeru, ka la han lakeru tanba konsidera nu’udar sira nian orijin. Iha Laga, komunidade balun ninian avo feto mai husi lafaek hitu, no ida ikun mak nakfilak-an ba feto bonita hodi kaben sira nian avo mane. Historia hirak ne’e haktuir kona-ba enkontru mistiku entre ema umana no natureza, ne’ebé karik hateten kona-bá intimasaun relasaun ne’e, hodi konserva vida umana iha tempu uluk nian. Entre komunidade umana no natureza-aihoris, anin, rai, tasi no fitun, fulan no Loro, la iha separasaun entre mundu nakukun no mundu naroman, maibe iha relasaun metin. Iha momentu balun ema bele sai ba animal sira, no iha momentu balun animal no aihoris bele nakfilak ba ema kriatura. Komunidade Matrilineal Ohin loron komunidade sira ne’ebé moris iha lisan matrilineal mak Galolen iha Manatuto, Komunidade Bunak, no Komunidade Tetun Terik iha Suai, Balibo, Atambua e Same. Kontraria ho istoria oral husi Matebian nian, istoria oral Galolen nian haktuir katak feto bonita nain tolu hela iha rai naran Malarahun. Feto ne’ebé boot liu mak hela iha Uma-Fuku Dirihun. Loron ida mosu manu aman mutin ida, mak nakfilak-an ba Mane Bonito ida. Mane ne’e mak kaben ho feto boot ne’e hodi rai ne’e hanaran Manututo (Manatuto). Sira nian jerasaun fahe ba fatin barak iha rai Timor. Tanba feto sira mak hela uluk iha rai ne’ebá, nune’e feto sira mak kaer kbiit no hein uma-fukun iha komunidade Galolen. Bainhira mane sira kaben sira tenki muda ba sira nian fen ninian uma-fukun. Sira nian oan hotu tuir lisan fen sira nian, no oan mane sira kontinua respeita sira nian feto sira ninian autoridade. Bainhira, fen sira mate karik, osan sira sei tuur hamutuk, halo desisaun, se sira nian aman bele hela nafatin ho nian oan sira ou fila hikas ba ninian feto sira. Komunidade Tetun Terik Fatuberliu nian istoria oinseluk oituan maske sira mos matrilineal. Bainhira feto no mane sira kaben, feto sira mak iha kbiit liu iha uma-fukun sira nian, no mane sira kontinua parte ba ninian uma-fukun orijinal. Sira tenki fahe oan, no feto sira iha direitu hetan barak liu mane sira. Se oan barak, mak mane sira hetan ida deit, no restu feto nian hotu. Situasaun ida ne’e hamosu resistensia husi mane sira, no ikus mai mane sira bele hetan direitu ba oan rua, husi oan barak.

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Testamuna etnografiku kona-ba feto Timor Testamuna antigu ida kona-ba lalaok feto sira nian mak husi hakerek Dao Yi Zhi nu’udar Xinese ida ne’ebe visita Timor tinan 1350, tanba hakarak hatene ejistensia sandalu iha timor. Dao Yi Zhi hakerek konaba feto Timor nune’e: The women are shameless. The tribal chiefs are fond of food, wine and sex, and when sleeping they do not cover themselves so that those who get infected [by diseases] die for the most part…Tradusaun autor nian: Feto timor sira laiha moe. Liurai sira gosta mak hahan, tua no seksu, no bainhira toba sira la taka isin nune’e sira ne’ebé hetan moras mate barak tebes (Hagerdal 2011).

Observasaun Yi Zhi nian haktuir momos kona-ba “nai-ulun/liurai” nu’udár sujeitu-aktor iha istoria interasaun ho Yi Zhi, iha knua sira ne’ebé nia visita. Feto ninian posisaun mak oferese aihan ba visitante sira no oferese seksu ba mane sira, no dehan katak feto timor sira laiha moe, maske molik deit. Karik ida ne’e signifika katak iha epoka ne’ebá feudalismu komesa sai kultura politika ida ba sosiedade balun iha Illa Timor. Timor oan sira seidauk fo importansia ba hatais, no sira seidauk kreativu iha soru tais. Maixumenos tinan atus ida tuir fali, Italianu Antonio Pigafetta (circa 1491-1534), ne’ebé visita mos Reino Amanubang iha Kupaun no reino sira iha area tasi nian, hodi haktuir ninian observasaun ne’ebé maizumenos hanesan ho Yi Zhi ninian: Pigafetta hakerek: The chief with whom I went to speak only had women to serve him. [The women] all go naked, just like the other [women on the other islands]…Nai-ulun ne’ebé hau koalia ho, feto sira deit mak serve nian. (Feto sira) hotu molik, hanesan mos feto sira iha illa seluk.

Hagerdal (2012, 17), antropologu Olanda nian, iha ninian publikasaun foin lalais ne’e: The Lords of Land, the Lords of Sea (Liurai rai nian, Liurai Tasi nian) hato’o ninian observasaun: “The alleged nudity of the women (and, apparently, the men) is more puzzling, when regarding the long sarongs worn more recently, but it corroborates a Franciscan travel account from 1670…deskrisaun feto molik (no mane molik) sai aiknanoik bainhira ita hare ba sarong naruk sira ne’ebé sira hatais foin-lalais ne’e, maibe ida ne’e inkorpora iha Franciscana ida ninian viajem tinan 1670.” Maske antropologu sira ne’e halo deit deskrisaun ba feto sira ne’ebé servisu iha Liurai sira ninian uma, partikularliu Reino Amanubang no sira la hare relasaun feto no mane iha sosiedade tomak. Sira hatoo ona deskrisaun ida maizumenos los, kona-ba epoka kultura feudalismu ne’ebé hatuur posisaun feto nian nu’udár traballador iha dapru no objetu seksu no sensu furak iha uma, maibe deskrisaun ne’ebé mos limitadu ba Reino sira ne’ebé visitante sira nee sama-ain ba, no la hatoo deskrisaun ida kona-ba Timor tomak. Nai-feto Timor nian iha sekulu XII-XIX Feto lubuk ida mak kaer ukun nu’udár Nai-Feto iha sentenariu XVII-XIX nian. Reino Ambeno mos dehan katak lidera husi Rainha ida 1641 no hela iha Nuno-Heno (aktual Padeai), Oecusse. Pe. Frei Antonio de Sao Jacinto mak sarani Rainha ne’e ho nian oan mane Dom Pedro tinan 1641, ne’ebé tinan 1703 revolta kontra Portuguese (Ximenes Belo 2011, 256). Revolta ida ne’e konesidu ho funu kontra finta. Governador Portuguese Antonio Coelho Guerreiro mak hahu fahe presente ba Reinos sira ne’ebé dehan katak loyal ba koroa Portugues tinan 1701-1703, ho hamasu titulu militar: Brigadeiro, Coronel/a, Tenenti Coronel, Capitao, Major, Sargento, Cavo (Durand 2009, 63). Hafoin ida ne’e Portugues sira hahu kolekta riku-soi liu husi politika finta. Liurai sira la haksolok ho politika kolekta riko-soi ida ne’e, hodi halibur malu iha Camenaca, halo juramentu hemu-ran, no foti kroat hasoru ukun kolonial nian husi tinan 1719-1769, durante tinan 50 nian laran. Iha periodu ida ne’e no tinan limanulu tuir fali, Reino rua, Luca no Venilale ne’ebe iha relasaun ho Luca mak hatudu lideransa feto ne’ebé dominante tebes. Entre tinan 1642 a 1645, Padre Antonio de S. Domingos, OP sarani liurai feto Luca nian, ho nia oan mane menor idade ida (Durand 2009, 327). Tinan hirak tuir fali 1670 dehan katak Liurai feto ida mak ukun Luca no Nai Feto ne’e hasorumalu dala tolu ona ho Dominicano sira maibe nia husu fali mak Jesuita sira nian presensa (Durand 2009, 330). Liurai feto Maria lidera Reino Luca nian ne’ebé kaer ukun entre 1779-1810, revolta Portuguese nian dominu tanba Portuguese husu reino (imperiu kiik-oan 17

sira) hodi selu finta (taxa). Funu ne’e hanaran “a guerra dos malucos/bulak sira nian funu” (Durand 2009). Frederic Durand haktuir: De 1779 ate aos anos 1810, o reino de Luca na costa sull resistiu a Portugal no que foi chamada ‘a Guerra dos malucos’. No final desse periodo, a luta foi dirigida pela Rainha D. Maria. Convictos da sua capacidade de Resistencia, os timorenses conservaram a tendencia de nao obedecer a coroa portuguesa. Em 1810, apenas 16 reinos timorenses ainda pagavam a finta (Durand 2009, 71).

Tanba funu Luca lakon Venilale parte ba ninian jurisdiasaun, ho Venilale sai Reino independente. Mgr. Ximenes Belo, identifika Luca nu’udár Reino ida ne’ebé iha Costa Sul ne’ebé feto lubun ida mak Lidera: 1) Rainha Nai Lou Baria Sak hetan sarani 1642-43. 2) Nai Lurai Lequi Sak mak ukun Luca 1670; 3) Nai Liurai Lulequik I (antes 1702). 4) Rainha Dona Ana do Amaral (1815) 5) Rainha Dona Maria do Amaral (1826-1850) 6) Rainha Dona Rosa do Amaral (1881) (Ximenes Belo 2011, 330-336). Dokumentu Portugues ida loron 28 fevereiru 1815 lista Reino Timor nian hamutuk 55 no Reino 13 (sanulu resin tolu) mak lidera husi feto: 1) Reino de Ala Coronela Rainha Dona Liberata da Costa; 2) Reino de Erimeira (Ermera) Coronela Rainha Dona Dam; 3) Reino de Samosas (Samoro) Coronela Rainha Dona Guimar de Amal (Guiomar do Amaral) 4) Reino de Bibico Coronela Rainha Dona Mariana da Costa. 5) Reino de Luca Coronela Rainha Dona Anna do Amaral 6) Reino de Laclo Rainha Dona Rosa de Carceres 7) Reino de Dotte (Dotic) Coronela Rainha Dona Catharina de Carvalho 8) Reino de Laycore Coronela Rainha Dona Anna da Rosa 9) Reino de Vemmsae Coronela Rainha Dona Simao dos Santos Pinto. 10) Reino de Bibiluto Coronela Rainha Dona Isabel de Carvalho de Silva 11) Reino de Funar Coronela Rainha Dona Esperanca dos Santos Pinto 12) Reino de Elaco (Clacoc) Coronela Rainha Dona Vicente da Costa 13) Reino de Larantuca Coronela Rainha Dona Lourenca Goncalves (Ximenes Belo 2011, 36-37). Maske Vemasse no Venilale ne’ebé ninian kultura patriarkal, feto balun mak kaer ukun nu’udár Nai Feto. Iha periodu 1815, Dona Simoa dos Santos Pinto kaer knar Rainha iha Reino Vemasse 1815 (Durand 2009, 307). Reino Venilale ne’ebe hamutuk Luca ate 1810 mos hetan ukun husi Nai Feto nain tolu: Dona Catarina de Freitas (1808-1812); Dona Izabel Guterres (1874, maibe iha period 1881 Dona Izabel Guterres simu juramentu hamutuk ho Dom Duarte Guterres hodi sai Liurai iha Reinho Venilale. Feto ida tan mak ukun Venilale Dona Maria Freitas Guterres no feto ikus liu mak Dona Ursula Guterres (1897) (Durand 2009, 313-315). Tinan 1871 Dona Maria Micaela Doutel da Costa mak Lidera Reino Balibo, no simu juramentu husi autoridade Portugues Governador Joao Climaco de Carvalho iha Batugade (Ximenes Belo 2011,118). Besik Balibo mak Reino Cova (Kowa) ne’ebe tinan 1870 lidera husi Rainha Dona Maria Pires ne’ebe dehan katak Liurai Portugal fo presente ofisial ho Grau Torre de Espada tanba ninian esforsu eroika atu obedese ba ukun Portuguese nian, ne’ebé ikus mai presente ne’e la intrega. Dona Maria Pires ho apoiu Reino sira seluk, ataka tranquera Cova, sunu e hatun bandeira Portugues. Tanba Rainha nian oan mane ida Braz Feliciano Ribeiro Pires hetan edukasaun iha Dili, entaun Dona Pires ikus mai obedese fila-fali ukun Portuguese nian. Maibe tinan 1895, dala ida tan Reino Cova oho Capitao Portuguese Eduardo da Camara no ninian ulun tara ba au-hun (Ximenes Belo 2011, 120). Hera ne’ebé ninian jurisdisaun inklui Atauro lidera husi Dona Izabel tinan 1726 (Ximenes Belo 2011, 151). Laclubar dehan katak parte ba Samoro, maibe tinan 1850 Ministro da Marina Portugal hatoo informasaun katak Reino Laclubar iha ema 16,000 no ninian regulo selu finta 12$900 reis, no ema nain 5 (lima) nu’udar auxiliariu. Tinan 1883 Liurai feto ida mak ukun Reino Laclubar Coronel Rainha ne’ebe simu juramentu husi Liurai Portugal liu husi Governador Dom Sebastiao Tavares (Ximenes Belo 18

2011, 185). Dona Maria ne’ebé revolta kontra dominu Portuguese nian no duni sai ema mutin Portuguese sira iha Lacluta tinan 1812 (Ximenes Belo 2011, 189). Liquica nu’udár Reino ne’ebé patriarkal maibe tinan 1883 Nai Feto ida naran Dona Gracia da Costa Rodrigues mak simu juramentu sai nu’udar Coronela no tinan 1891 feto ida tan Dona Usula da Costa sai Rainha iha Liquica (Ximenes Belo 2011, 214). Besik mai Liquica mak Reino Maubara ne’ebé Rainha Dona Maria Izabel mak simu juramentu husi Liurai Portugal liu husi Governador Celestino da Silva hodi kaer ukun tinan 1897. Durand mos halo kritika ida katak Portuguese sira hahu halo intervensaun uza kultura patriarkal no dominu mane sira, hodi hamenus papel feto nian iha jestaun reino timorenses sira nian, hahu husi sekulu XVIII nian. Bain-hira dato-sira hili tiha Liurai feto ida, entaun Portugues sira impoin sira nia kultura no indika mane ida nu’udar regente (vice) ba ukun nain feto sira ne’e (Durand 2009, 97). Portuguese sira sirkula presente ba Reino sira ho titulu Coronel ba Liurai sira, no dato sira simu titulu militar Capitao, Cabo, maior e Sargento sira (Durand 2009, 97), nune’e sira halakon neneik papel feto sira nian iha sosiedade. Governu Portuguese fo juramentu ba Liurai Coronel Dona Senhorina Pimental sai Nai Feto iha Reino Foholau, Turiscao nian 1884 (Durand 2009, 298; Ximenes Belo 2011, 300). Reino sira ne’ebe Dom Ximenes Belo lista ona mak posivelmente sira ne’ebe submete ona ba ukun imperio portugues nian, maibe iha reino barak mos mak posivelmente seidauk submete no la mosu iha lista ofisial kolonial nian. Notas finais Timor tantu Lorosae (Timor-Leste) no Loromonu (Kupang) hetan regressu (hakiduk) kultural iha assuntu relasaun poder entre feto no mane tanba kultura militarismu Portuguese nian no pasifikasaun ba lideransa feto nian liu husi presensa ukun colonial nian no liu-husi relijiaun patriarkal sira tantu Katoliku no Islam ne’ebé maske minoria iha Dili laran deit. Jose ‘Josh’Trindade (Trindade 2011) halo analiza ba kultura Lulik timor nian, hodi hamosu kritika ne’ebe klean tebes hasoru presensa relijiaun. Tuir Trindade relijiaun katolika ne’e patriarkal. Primeiru, Biblia hakerek katak Maromak hasai husi Adao (mane) ninian ruin ida hodi hakiak feto. Feto ne’ebe Maromak kria ne’e ikus mai halo sala, tanba han sala aifuan ne’ebé Maromak bandu. Feto ninian situasaun sai at liu, bainhira nia fo mos aifuan hanesan ba Adao han, hodi hamosu pecado (sala) original. Feto ninian imajem identiku ho sala orijinal. Jerasaun ba jerasaun, feto sira lori nahatodan ida ne’e. Fiar ida ne’e kontraditoria ho fiar timor nian ne’ebe hare Maromak iha saseluk feto, maromak femininu. Daruak, Igreja mos haklaken hanorin ida aprofunda tan liu husi orasaun ne’ebé obrigatoria ba timor oan sira: Ami Aman iha lalehan….ne’ebé ilustra Maromak nu’udár personalidade mane ne’ebe halakon Maromak feto tuir kosmolojia Timor nian. Kontradisaun perspektiva Jose Trindade ho Igreja Katolika sai klean tebes, ne’ebé sujeitu ba analiza no debate iha tempu seluk. Enkuantu timor-oan sira simu fiar nain ida katak Maromak ida deit, monoteismu maibe feto sira ninian posisaun kiik-liu se laos marginal. Iha komunidade timoriana sira balun nian kosmolojia Maromak refere-ba Fulan no Loro (feminimu-maskulinu) kontinua sai tradisaun ba uma-lisan sira. Misionariu Katolika sira hahu sira nian evangelizasaun iha timor sentenariu XVI nian no mais tarde, Governador Celestino da Silva konstrui fatin ba Missao Jesuita no Canossiana sira iha Soibada tinan 1899, ne’ebe posivelmente kontribui ba pasifikasaun resistensia Nai-feto sira iha TimorLorosae (Durand 2009, 83), no sira hahu aprende idea ida katak feto sira subordinado ba mane sira. Referensia Durand, F. 2009, Historia de Timor-Leste: da Pre-Historia a Actualidade, Lidel, Lisboa. Gunn, G. 1999, Timor-Lorosae: 500 Years, Livros do Oriente, Macau. Hill, H 2011, ‘Gender Issues in Timor-Leste and the pacific Island: Pratical needs and strategic interest revisited’, iha Leach, M. et al. (eds) Peskiza Foun konaba Timor-Leste, TLSA, Swinburne Press, Hawthorn. Mackerras, C. et al 1995, Eastern Asia, Second Edition, edited by Colin Mackerras, Longman, Australia. Magalhaes, A. 2007, Timor-Leste: Interesses internacionais e actores locais, Vol.1, Da Invasao austral-Holandesa a decisao autralo-Indonesia de anexar 1941-1974, IPAD, Lisboa. Trindade, J. 2011, ‘Lulik: Valor Fundamental Timoroan nian, iha Peskiza foun konaba Timor-Leste’, iha Leach, M. et al. (eds) Peskiza Foun konaba Timor-Leste, TLSA, Swinburne Press, Hawthorn Ximenes Belo, C. 2011, Os Antigos Reinos de Timor-Leste, Edicao Tipografica Diocesana Baucau, Baucau.

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3 ‘Worldview’, epistemolojia no dezenvolvimentu ne'ebé sensitivu ba komunidade Deborah Cummins1

Iha 2011, hamutuk ho ekipa peskizadór sira iha Departamentu Dezenvolvimentu Komunitariu iha Universidade Nasionál Timor-Lorosa'e, ha'u servisu iha projetu peskiza ida ne'ebé investiga ema nia perspetiva kona ba oinsá dezenvolvimentu la'o iha komunidade nia leet. Ami nia ekipa peskizadór ne'ebé inklui dosente no estudante antigu sira, hala'o ne'e iha aldeia lima iha Timor-Leste, ho objetivu atu kompriende oinsá sira define boá dezenvolvimentu ne'ebé di'ak, oinsá dezenvolvimentu kontribui ba sosiedade nia moris di'ak, prosesu dezenvolvimentu sensitivu ba konflitu no hakbiit feto sira atu partisipa, no impaktu husi influensia esterna (hanesan NGO, Governu, UN no seluk-seluk tan.) Projetu ne’e di'ak tebes, ho ami nia ekipa peskizadór matenek sira. Tempu ne'ebá, ami hotu iha espetasaun boot katak rezultadu husi peskiza bele ajuda ami hodi halo advokasia atu bele hadi'a prosesu dezenvolvimentu iha komunidade nia leet. Maibé, bainhira ami halibur atu kompara dadus primeiru husi terrenu, ami hetan obstaklu boot. Kuaze iha fatin hotu-hotu, membru komunidade sira esplika de'it katak, dezenvolvimentu ‘buat ne'ebé governu halo’—liuliu atu harii infraestrutura. Maski peskizadór sira hotu haka'as-an atu ko'alia ho komunidade sira kona ba asuntu dezenvolvimentu umanu, ka dalan oioin ne'ebé sira bele uza ba dezenvolvimentu ekonomia lokál—bainhira sira uza liafuan ‘dezenvolvimentu’ komunidade sira sempre ko'alia de'it kona ba governu nia programa infraestrutura sira hanesan hadi'a dalan, harii ponte, ka loke eletrisidade iha nivel lokál. Primeiru, ami sente triste tanba hanoin katak ami sei labele uza dadus peskiza ne'e atu hadi'a ami nia advokasia kona ba prosesu dezenvolvimentu. Maibé depois, ami realiza katak rezultadu ne’e hatudu buat ne'ebé importante tebes: katak, prosesu boa dezenvolvimentu bele inklui buat barak: la'ós dalan ka ponte de'it. Sira lahatene katak aprosimasaun alternativa eziste duni. Tempu ne'ebá, buat ne'ebé maka halo ha'u rasik hakfodak maka rezultadu peskiza ne'ebé ami hetan diferente tebes ho rezultadu peskiza ne'ebé ema barak (inklui ha'u) hetan iha pasadu kona ba prinsípiu no pratika governasaun lokál (porezemplu Boavida dos Santos & da Silva 2012; Grenfell 2008; Cummins 2014). Bainhira ko'alia kona ba governasaun lokál, ha'u hatene katak povu iha área rurál bele ko'alia no halo analiza di'ak kona ba oinsá sira hakarak dezenvolve-an, no moris tuir lisan no prinsípiu demokrátika. Ha'u hatene katak sira refleksivu tebes oinsá sira nia kultura kontribui ba sosiedade nia moris di'ak. Klaru katak membru komunidade iha kapasidade duni, bele lori mudansa, reflesaun krítiku. Iha de'it problema maka liafuan dezenvolvimentu lakon nia nia signifikasaun. Agora, ha'u ladún hakfodak ho rezultadu peskiza ne’e. Bainhira ita konsidera istória dezenvolvimentu iha Timor-Leste tinan 15 liu ba, no moos durante okupasaun Indonéziu, dala barak sira interpreta lia fuan ‘dezenvolvimentu’ hanesan ‘dezenvolvimentu ekonomia’ de'it, no buka solusaun liu husi dezenvolvimentu infraestrutura. Ita bele haree ida ne’e iha programa ruma husi organizasaun internasionál, programa no aprezentasaun husi Governu Timor-Leste, no moos kampaíña advokasia balun husi sosiedade sivíl. Agora: ha'u hakarak esplika ho klaru. Ha'u la sujere katak diskusaun ruma ne'ebé foku ba dezenvolvimentu ekonomia no infraestrutura ‘sala’: ha'u la iha knaar atu hateten katak infraestrutura la'ós importante. Maibé, ha'u sujere katak diskusaun hirak ne’e la kompletu. Bainhira ita limita asuntu dezenvolvimentu ba asuntu ekonomia de’it, no depois buka solusaun infraestrutura, ita tau hamutuk objetivu projetu nian (dalan foun, uma foun) ho impaktu ne'ebé ita espera (promove ema nia moris). Karik nune'e, ita lakon oportunidade atu maneja ekonomia liu husi dalan ne'ebé liga didi'ak ho ita nia kontestu. Ita taka dalan ba diskusaun ne'ebé importante tebes kona ba oinsá ita nia prosesu dezenvolvimentu bele kontribui ba ema nia moris di'ak. Ita hanoin karik, iha konfuzaun ho liafuan ‘dezenvolvimentu’ bele hanesan semántiku. Ne’e liafuan de'it, loos ka lae? Maibé, iha realidade ne’e hanesan buat ne'ebé mak hafalun problema epistemolojia no normativu iha teoria no pratika dezenvolvimentu. Atu kompriende pontu ne’e, ita presiza konsidera istória dezenvolvimentu iha mundu tomak.

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Deborah Cummins Fundadór no Direitóra ba Bridging Peoples: www.bridgingpeoples.com

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Haree ba aspetu teoria no akadémiku, indústria dezenvolvimentu ne'ebé sei nurak. Foin hahú iha meados sékulu pasadu depois de segundu Funu Mundiál, bainhira rai kolónia barak husi Afrikana, Asia no parte seluk halo funu no konsege manan sira nia independénsia. Molok ne'ebé iha dixiplina kona ba ekonomia, lei no polítika, antropolojia, teoria kulturál, agrikultura no saúde—e moos kona ba kolonializmu. Maibé seidauk iha dixiplina kona ba dezenvolvimentu nian. Bainhira kolónia tuan konsege manan sira nia independénsia, maibé ho fronteira ne'ebé define husi kolonizadór sira ne'ebé ladún liga ho sira nia komunidade no identidade, no ho istória funu ne'ebé susar loos, sira hasoru dezafiu barak. Primeiru, ema hotu iha fiar boot iha estadu independente katak independénsia bele hadi'a buat barak. Maibé, ema lakon fiar hirak ne’e uitoan-uitoan, bainhira haree katak independénsia la signifika de'it futuru ne'ebé di'ak liu. Nasaun ne'ebé dezenvolve tiha ona (kolonizadór tuan sira) halo sistema polítika no ekonomia internasionál tuir sira nia interese de'it—la'ós nasaun foun sira nia interese. Importante moos katak iha nasaun ne'ebé foin hetan sira nia independénsia, benefísiu husi independénsia no soberania ho rikusoin nasaun nian la foo ba sidadaun hotu. Liberdade no independénsia ba ema barak la signifika hahán di'ak liu, saúde di'ak liu, servisu, ka edukasaun di'ak liu no loke ba ema hotu. Istori hatudu katak iha nasaun barak ne'ebé hetan sira nia independénsia, kontinua iha konflitu, disiqualidade no kiak barak. Iha kontestu ida ne’e, indústria dezenvolvimentu moris. Governu ne'ebé foin hetan independénsia koko halibur no uza sira nia podér soberania, kolonizadór tuan sira adapta polítika internasionál atu maneja realidade ne’e, sira uza osan doadór atu promove mudansa polítika, lei ka ekonomia iha nasaun foun, no teoria barak sei dezenvolve atu esplika oinsá ‘ajuda’ ka ‘kontrola’ sira. Tempu ne'ebé, teoria prinsipál mak teoria ‘modernizasaun’ (porezemplu Lipsett 1959; Apter 1965), ne'ebé basé ba hanoin ida katak karik nasaun foun bele dezenvolve sistema polítika no ekonomia ne'ebé hanesan moos nasaun europeia ‘Western’ sira nian, entaun sira bele tuir dalan progresu husi nasaun ne'ebé seidauk dezenvolvidu to nasaun ne'ebé dezenvolvidu. Asumsaun katak nasaun foun hetan estabilidade polítika no ekonomia, no loke ba influensia husi nasaun Europeia, Amérika, Austrália no seluk tan (importante liu ba sira iha tempu ne'ebá, tanba kontestu polítika ‘Cold War’). Maibé, hanoin hirak ne’e hotu ignora faktu báziku ida: katak prosperidade nasaun Europeia nian basé ba rikusoin ne'ebé sira hetan (ka na'ok) husi sira nia koloniál balun. Bainhira ema deskobre katak, iha aspetu pratika teoria modernizasaun la la'o ho di'ak, sira buka teoria seluk ho naran ‘teoria dependénsia’, ne'ebé foo sala ba prosesu modernizasaun (porezemplu Frank 1967). Husi tempu ne'ebé, siklu ne'e repete-beibeik. Prosesu modernizasaun kontinua, ema balun foo kritika makaas ba teoria no pratika ne’e, indústria dezenvolvimentu dehan katak sira aprende liu husi problema ne’e no buka solusaun seluk. Depois sira fila fali ba asumsaun iha modernizasaun nia laran: katak iha dalan evolusionary ne'ebé nasaun seidauk dezenvolvidu bele (no presiza) uza atu sai dezenvolvidu. Iha 1970 moos, ajénsia USAID promove movimentu ‘law and development’, basé ba lójiku hanesan—katak se sira bele kopia de'it sistema polítika no lei husi nasaun Amérika no Europeia, depois dezenvolvimentu bele la'o ne'ebé inkluzivu liu, no di'ak liu (porezemplu Merryman 1977). Sira moos soe teoria ida ne’e, bainhira sira aprende katak halo kopia deit husi instituisaun legál nasaun Amérika no Europeia ba nasaun seluk labele la'o (Trubek no Galenter 1974). Ikus liu, siklu ne’e repete beibeik ho teoria ‘good governance’, ka boa governasaun, ne'ebé dudu ideia katak karik nasaun seidauk dezenvolvidu sira bele dezenvolve sistema polítika no ekonomia ne'ebé basé ba prinsípiu boa governasaun (no doadór sira iha kbiit atu define saida mak di'ak ‘boa’, no saida mak la diak), entaun ne’e bele sai basé ba dezenvolvimentu ne'ebe di'ak liu, no inkluzivu liu (de Alcantara 1998). Ita la hakfodak katak teoria ne’e moos hetan kritika makaas, no besik atu hapara. Terminolojia foun, maibé ho ideia ne'ebé mak la diferente. Siklu polítika ne'ebé naruk liu ne’e demonstra katak asumsaun normativu modernista sa'e makaas iha sistema indústria dezenvolvimentu. Karik iha mudansa ruma iha parte balun tanba ema aprende liu husi esperiénsia, maibé sentru báziku iha indústria nia laran, no sistema ne'ebé doadór no organizasaun internasionál boot sira uza, kontinua nafatin. Iha implikasaun rua ne'ebé importante tebes ne'ebé ita bele haree liu husi istória dezenvolvimentu indústria. Primeiru, hanesan ita koalia tiha ona, indústria dezenvolvimentu nia foku atu promove sistema no instituisaun polítika liberál no kresimentu ekonomia signifika katak aprosimasaun alternativu—porezemplu, aprosimasaun ba ekonomia ne'ebé bele suporta ekonomia subsisténsia, la'o s foku ba kresimentu de'it—ladún hetan atensaun, ka rekursu atu halo peskiza no buka solusaun. Segunda, indústria dezenvolvimentu nia foku ba objetivu polítika no ekonomia signifika 22

katak ema ladún tau matan ba kontestu sosiál no kulturál, ho implikasaun katak sira la liga ho povu baibain nia moris. Implikasaun rua ne’e hatudu katak ita hotu lakon oportunidade importante atu aprende aprosimasaun no prosesu ne'ebé bele la'o ho di'ak iha kultura oioin, no oinsá mak ita bele hala'o dezenvolvimentu bazeadu ba ita nia rekursu, forsa, no matenek rasik, ne'ebé mak eziste tiha ona tuir kontestu moris komunidade nian. Entaun, saida mak ita bele aprende liu husi esperiénsia ne’e? Fila fali ba esperiénsia TimorLeste nian, haree ba tinan 15 liu ba ne'ebé foku de'it ba dezenvolvimentu hanesan ‘progresu’ (definisaun kloot), seidauk liga didi'ak ho povu baibain nia realidade kulturál ka sosiál. Ha'u sujere katak ne’e kontribui makaas atu kria, depois hametin, lakuna ne'ebé eziste entre Governu Timor-Leste no sidadaun baibain. Dala barak, ema kolia kona ba lakuna ne’e ho simples de'it: hanesan ‘estadu la marka prezensa’ iha suku Timor-Leste. Maibé, realidade komplikadu liu. Tuir loloos, ne’e normál atu ba aldeia ne'ebé remotas no hetan sinál kona ba programa ruma husi Governu no instituisaun seluk. Ita la ko'alia kona ba ‘pretensa’ estadu nian de'it, maibé reflete ba impaktu estadu nian iha suku sira. Lakuna ne’e aplika ba komunidade iha área urbanu no foho, maibé fasil liu atu haree konsekuénsia husi lakuna iha área rurál (populasaun maioria) (porezemplu Inoue 2013). Lakuna ne’e bele sai kauza ba frustrasaun komunidade no Governu sira, tanba membru komunidade sira foo sala ba Governu tanba sira la foo benefísiu di'ak ba sira, no funsionáriu Governu sira foo sala ba komunidade sira tanba ‘mentalidade dependénsia’. Ita bele haree konsekuénsia bainhira halo analiza kona ba oinsá halo prestasaun servisu, oinsá Governu nia meius ba povu baibain bainhira halo konsultasaun ka movimentu polítika, no moos ba komunidade sira nia atitude ‘dependénsia’ katak lakohi partisipa iha Governu sira nia programa se sira rasik la hetan benefísiu ruma. Projetu barak la implementa ka implementa maibé la ho di'ak tanba la liga ho suku nia kontestu, no iha impaktu menus tebes tanba povu baibain la iha dalan atu partisipa (porezemplu The Asia Foundation 2012). Se ita haree ba relatóriu ruma no prinsípiu ‘pratika di'ak’ ne'ebé organizasaun sira hamosu hodi enfrenta asuntu ida ne’e, ita hanoin katak problema ne’e tanba ema la implementa programa iha nivel lokál de'it. Maibé, se ita konkorda katak dezenvolvimentu indústria nia foku ba ‘progresu’ ne'ebé ignora kontestu sosiál no kultura kontribui ba lakuna ne’e, no se ita konkorda moos katak definisaun ba liafuan ‘bulak’ mak ‘halo buat hotu hanesan de'it mais ho esperansa atu hetan rezultadu diferente’, entaun ita bele dehan katak ita hotu ema bulak—ka buka prosesu alternativu. Bainhira ita ezamina asuntu ho di'ak, klaru katak problema ne’e la'ós kona ba implementasaun lokál de'it. Implementasaun lokál importante duni, maibé problema ne’e moos kona ba prosesu ne'ebé ita uza bainhira implementa—se ita foo importánsia no respeita ba komunidade sira nia kontestu kultura, no ita nia sistema bele suporte ita atu adapta ita nia servisu tuir komunidade sira nia kontestu. Ne’e signifika katak ita presiza muda ita nia hanoin kona ba kontestu hanesan buat ne'ebé ita bele konsidera ikus liu, no tau atensaun ba kontestu nu'udar baze ba buat hotu ne'ebé ita halo. Servisu ho dezenvolvimentu ne'ebé sensitivu ba komunidade presiza muda perspetiva hanesan ne’e. Dezenvolvimentu ne'ebé sensitivu ba komunidade uza prinsípiu Dezenvolvimentu Komunitaria barak, maibé la para ho komunidade de'it: buka dalan atu aplika prinsípiu ne’e iha nivel oioin. Ema barak hanoin Dezenvolvimentu Internasionál no Dezenvolvimentu Komunitaria kuaze hanesan, ho diferensa de'it katak Dezenvolvimentu Komunitaria la'o iha nivel lokál. Maibé, hanoin ida ne’e sala. Iha moos diferensa importante tebes entre teoria rua ne’e. Hanesan ita kolia tiha ona, teoria Dezenvolvimentu Internasionál forma atu bele esplika no ajuda nasaun esternu halo influensia iha polítika pos-kolonializmu. Teoria ne’e baze ba teoria kresimentu ekonómiku no liberalizmu polítika— aprosimasaun rua ne'ebé kontinua hetan influensia boot loos no asesu ba investimentu peskiza boot liu duke parte seluk iha indústria dezenvolvimentu nia laran. Maibé, teoria Dezenvolvimentu Komunitaria besik liu teoria Servisu Sosiál (Rothman 2008). Diferente ho Dezenvolvimentu Internasionál ne'ebé fiar katak sira hatene tiha ona objetivu ne'ebé ita presiza hetan. Prinsípiu Dezenvolvimentu Komunitaria orienta liu ba prosesu, buka oinsá bele liga ho kontestu komunidade nian no oinsá bele ajuda ema servisu hamutuk atu hetan sira nia vizaun rasik. Atu halo servisu ne’e, ita tau atensaun makaas atu kompriende dinámiku komunidade nian molok ita koko halo servisu, no depois servisu hamutuk no uza forsa komunidade nian (inklui forsa kulturál). Tanba dezenvolvimentu komunitaria foku ba nivel lokál, ema barak hateten aprosimasaun ne’e ‘mamar liu’, ka ‘difisil liu’ atu inkorpora iha pratika dezenvolvimentu ‘real’. Ne’e foti tempu naruk atu halo ho di'ak, susar atu aplika iha suku hotu-hotu (‘scaling up’), no ita determina objetivu liu husi prosesu koletivu (signifika katak soke objetivu eziste, ita presiza fleksivel hodi bele muda hamutuk ho komunidade.) 23

Maibé, iha ezemplu susesu ruma husi pratika dezenvolvimentu komunitaria ne'ebé hatudu katak se ita hakaas-an, ita bele ultrapasa obstaklu hirak ne’e (porezemplu Barefoot Guide Writers Collective 2015). Maibé, too agora, bainhira kazu Dezenvolvimentu Komunitaria hetan rekoñesementu kona ba sira nia susesu, ema foti de'it no aplika ideia ruma iha kontestu Dezenvolvimentu Internasionál. Depois liafuan no ideia ne’e lakon sira nia konteúdu, tanba ema gosta lia fuan ruma maibé ignora tiha prinsípiu no asuntu (ka ‘worldview’). Iha ezemplu barak. Ita bele haree ema barak uza fraze ruma hanesan ‘partisipatory’, ‘community-driven’, no ‘reziliensia komunidade’—ema barak inklui iha proposta ba doadór sira ka lista logframe—maibé la muda sira nia aprosimasaun servisu. Atu halo mudansa aprosimasaun servisu, ita presiza haree ba prinsípiu no aspetu epistemolojia iha lia fuan nia okos. Maibé se ita bele hatama komunidade nia prinsípiu no epistemolojia (la'ós lian fuan de'it) iha pratika dezenvolvimentu komunitariu? Oinsá se ita bele uza prinsípiu sira ne'e la'ós de'it atu servisu iha nivel lokál, maibé konsidera atu bele hadi'a ligasaun ne'ebé naksobu entre ukun na'in no membru komunidade, husi dalan rekoñese matenek lokál, kultura no sabedoria? Ita bele halo, se ita iha kometimentu atu servisu ho prosesu ne'ebé la haree ba liafuan de'it, mais haree ba aspetu prinsípiu no epistemolojia sira iha liafuan nia okos. Ita labele ta'uk koalia kona ba asuntu epistemolojia—ne'ebé dalan atu esplika oinsá ita kompriende ita nia mundu, se ita haree liu prosesu husi rai li'ur (Europeia, Amerika, Australia no nasun seluk de'it) ka inklui moos matenek husi ita nia kultura. No ita bele hahú, se ita husu ita nia-an pergunta foun. Pergunta hanesan: ‘oinsá ita hatene aprosimasaun ne’e loos’? ‘Oinsá ita hatene objetivu ne’e loos?’ ‘Ita hetan matenek husi ne'ebé, no husi se, bainhira ita halo dezeñu, planu, implementa no sukat ita nia servisu? Se ita nia resposta de'it ‘husi livru’, ‘husi matenek-na'in ida’, ‘husi doadór ida’, ka ‘husi pratika di'ak husi kultura seluk’, ita karik servisu iha nivel lokál maibé ita kontinua hola parte ba siklu polítika iha indústria dezenvolvimentu. Maibé: si ita nia resposta balun mak: ‘husi matenek lokál’ ka ‘husi membru komunidade sira’, ne’e karik bele hatudu dalan ne'ebé di'ak atu bele esplora.



Referensia

Apter, D. 1965, The Politics of Modernisation, University of Chicago Press, Chicago Barefoot Guide Writers Collective 2015, The Barefoot Guide 4: Exploring The Real Work of Social Change, freely downloadable from www.barefootguide.org. Boavida dos Santos, A. and Da Silva, E. 2012, ‘Introduction of a modern democratic system and its impact on societies in East Timorese traditional culture’, Local-Global Journal, vol. 12, pp. 206-220 Cummins, D. 2014, Local governance in Timor-Leste: Lessons in postcolonial statebuilding, Routledge, London and New York De Alcantara, C.H. 1998, ‘Uses and abuses of the concept of governance’, International Social Science Journal, 50: 105-114 Frank, A.G. 1967, Capitalism and underdevelopment in Latin America, Monthly Review Press, New York and London. Grenfell, D. 2008, ‘Governance, violence and crises in Timor-Leste: Estadu Seidauk Mai’, in Mearns, D. and Farram, S. (eds) Democratic governance in Timor-Leste: Reconciling the local and the national, CDU Press, Darwin. Inoue, H. 2013, ‘Transitional gap of governance: Social change and urban vulnerability in post-1999 East Timor’, in Loney, H. et al. (eds) Understanding Timor-Leste 2013, Timor-Leste Studies Association Conference Proceedings, pp. 234-238 Merryman J.H. 1977, ‘Comparative law and social change: on the origins, style, decline and revival of the law and development movement’, The American Journal of Comparative Law, 25: 457-49. Rothman, J. 2008, ‘Multi modes of community intervention’, in J. Rothman, J. Erlich, & J. Tropman (eds) Strategies of Community Intervention (7th ed), Eddie Bower, Peosta, IA, pp. 141—170. Seymour Martin Lipset 1959, ‘Some social requisites of democracy: economic development and political legitimacy’, American Political Science Review 53: 69-105 The Asia Foundation 2012, Community experiences of decentralised development, Dili, Timor-Leste Trubek, D.M. and Galanter, M. 1974, ‘Scholars in self-estrangement: some reflections on the crisis in law and development studies in the United States’, Wisconsin Law Review, 4: 1018-1062.

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4 Prezervasaun espresaun kultura Fataluku ne’ebé atu sai Lakon Kim Dunphy, Ildefonso da Silva, Justino Valentim, Maria Madalena dos Santos, Frederico Caetanom Thomas Lopes, Nelinha Pereira, Lucia Pichler, Holly Schauble no Tessa Dunphy Toumbourou1 Nasaun ida-idak iha kultura ne’ebé sai fundasaun ba povo nia moris. Tuir tradisaun Lautem, ami nia kultura fo posibilidade katak ami bele iha unidade no amizade forte. Kuandu ami lakon ami nia kultura, ami lakon ami nia identidade...Informasaun hotu ne’ebé ami foti liu husi projetu ne’e fo hatene mai ami kona-ba ami nia beiala nia kultura orijinál – Sr Justino Valentim, Peskizador, 1954-2014

Introdusaun Artigu ida ne’e aprezenta rezultadu husi projetu peskiza ida ne’ebé dokumenta ema Fataluku nia kultura ne’ebé atu sai lakon. Artigu ne’e komesa ho introdusaun ba kultura Timorense, no haree liu ba ema Fataluku. Tuir mai mak deskrisaun badak kona-ba metodolojia ne’ebé uza iha projetu peskiza, hafoin esplikasaun jerál badak kona-ba elementu kultura 30 ne’ebé identifika. Artigu ne’e diskute kestaun ne’ebé mosu kona-ba manutensaun patrimóniu kultura, no ikus liu hato’o rekomendasaun ba prezervasaun elementu sira ne’e, no oinsa aumenta elementu nia transmisaun. Kultura nia valór ba Timor-Leste Kostume kultura esensiál ba vida ida ne’ebé iha signifikadu no promove moris diak. Buat ne’e importante liu ba ema sira ne’ebé nia kultura hetan impaktu negativu husi forsa liur, hanesan kolonializmu iha nia forma hotu. Povo Timor-Leste hetan esperiénsia kolonializmu ho forma ekstrim liu hotu durante sékulu-sékulu, ho ninia impaktu ne’ebé relasiona ho kultura. Kolonizasaun nia impaktu ne’ebé kontinua nafatin sai makás liu tan tanba povo lakon sira nia ligasaun ba estrutura tradisionál, liuliu família boot nudar fundasaun ida, hanesan bainhira joventude muda ba Dili hodi buka oportunidade edukasaun no emprega ne’ebé minim loos (Scambary, 2012). Esperiénsia globalizasaun nian agora mós hala’o papél iha prosesu hamenus forma tradisionál ne’ebé uza atu espresa kultura. Tanba Timor nia indústria média no produsaun kultura públiku sei foun, influensia husi rai liur, liu-liu Indonesia, signifikativu loos (Sloman, 2009). Akontesimentu lakon matenek nain kultura nian, baibain katuas ne’ebé fahe matenek kona-ba elementu kultura ba ema idade natoon husi sira nia komunidade (Barnes, 2011; Yampolsky 2012), fó impaktu mós ba prosesu transmisaun elementu kultura, no mós elementu kultura nia kontinuasaun. Maski nune’e, enkuantu kultura tradisionál iha Timor-Leste nia sobrevivénsia hetan risku, povo nia ligasaun ho kostume kultura tradisionál seidauk para totál. Deste independénsia, komunidade iha Timor-Leste laran tomak involve iha prosesu ida ne’ebé ema akadémiku sira deskreve hanesan ‘lisan mosu fila fali’ (Hicks, 2007). Kultura Timorense oferese fonte identidade no estabilidade ne’ebé metin durante nasaun nia tempu istória uluk no to’o ohin loron (Brandao, 2011). Kultura no kostume tradisionál sei nafatin fornese maneira prinsipál atu resolve konflitu no harii pás iha komunidade maioria (Brandao, 2011). Evidénsia kona-ba espresaun kultura bele hetan iha produtu ne’ebé sei nafatin prodús ho liman iha rai laran tomak (Tatoli ba Kultura, 2012). Kostume ida ne’ebé sei forte loos mak soru tais ho liman. Tais mak hena ne’ebé forma baze ba roupa no hatais tradisionál, no hatudu símbolu úniku ba grupu kultura iha rai laran tomak. Forma múziku tradisionál toka iha instrumentu ne’ebé halo iha fatin lokál no mós dansa kultura nian mós kontinua hala’o papél forte iha Timor oan nia moris serimónia nian (Dunlop, 2012). Iha sosiedade Fataluku, adat nain sira mak kaer elementu kultura balun, no sira sei la hatutan to’o jerasaun tuir mai to’o iha idade boot – to’o adat nain konsidera katak jerasaun foun to’o ona idade ne’ebé signifika katak sira bele kaer koñesimentu ne’ebé kompleksu ka iha restrisaun (Yampolsky, 2012).

1

Many Hands International rekoñese ho agradese suporta ne’ebé projetu ne’e simu husi Embaixadór Amerika nia Fundu ba Prezervasaun Kultura 2012 – Embaixada Amerika, Dili, Timor-Leste, husi Sra Lina Andonovska tanba ninia matenek kona-ba múziku, no husi Mayra Walsh tanba nia halo tradusaun kapás

25

Hodi rekoñese katak presiza suporta, konserva no selebra patrimóniu kulturál úniku, governu Timor-Leste asina Konvensaun Internasionál ba Proteje Patrimóniu Kulturál Imateriál iha 2015. Interese no suporta ba adat no kultura ne’ebé aumenta buat ne’e fó oportunidade atu bele hamoris fila fali kostume kultura tradisionál. Projetu peskiza ida ne’e nia objetivu mak atu azuda prosesu ne’e liu husi dokumenta elementu husi povo Fataluku nia patrimóniu kulturál ne’ebé atu sai lakon, no fornese rekomendasaun hodi suporta sira nia transmisaun. Informasaun demográfiku populasaun Fataluku Fataluku mak grupu lingua no kultura ne’ebé boot liu hotu iha Munisípiu Lautem (uluk bolu Distritu Lautem), ho populasaun porsentu 69 (ema nain 48,910) ne’ebé koalia Fataluku, no sira hela barak liu iha Postu Administrativu (uluk bolu sub-distritu) iha parte leste: Lospalos, Lautem, Luro no Tutuala. Imajen 1- Mapa Munisípiu Lautem ne’ebé hatudu postu administrativu Lospalos, Lautem, no Tutuala

Fonte informasaun: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Laut%C3%A9m_District#/media/File:Sucos_Lautem.png

Métodu Projetu nia parseiru Many Hands International (MHI) mak komesa halo projetu ida ne’e, sira ONG ida bazeia iha Australia ne’ebé promove kultura nia papél iha dezenvolvimentu sustentavel. Projetu ne’e hala’o hamutuk ho Sekretáriu Estadu ba Kultura (governu Timor-Leste) no simu suporta husi Munisípiu Lautem; Departamentu Edukasaun iha Munisípiu Lautem; organizasaun komunidade naran Konsellu ba Kultura Fataluku; no UNESCO Jakarta. Prosesu rekrutamentu no husu lisensa Primeiru MHI nia ekipa peskiza husu lisensa iha administradór sira atu bele hala’o peskiza iha Munisípiu no Postu Administrativu ida-idak iha Lautem. Tuir mai, ekipa hasoru malu ho Xefe Suku no Xefe Aldeia sira hodi husu lisensa atu hala’o peskiza, no mós atu buka hetan no rekruta matenek nain kultura nian. Peskizadór sira sei husu partisipante atu fó lisensa hodi sira bele grava no fahe informasaun, no peskizadór nota partisipante nia rekomendasaun kona-ba nivel asesu ne’ebé ema públiku bele hetan ba informasaun ne’ebé sira fó sai. 26

Peskiza nia partisipante no fatin Peskizadór haforsa a’an atu buka hetan informasaun iha suku no aldeia hotu iha postu administrativu Lospalos, Lautem no Tutuala. Sira identifika elementu iha suku 15 no aldeia 23. Informasaun iha peskiza ne’e simu husi partisipante peskiza mane nain 64 no feto nain 84, no partisipante sira identifika sira nia a’an rasik, ka lideransa lokál identifika sira, nudar matenek nain kultura nian. Rezultadu Peskiza ida ne’e dokumenta elementu espresaun kultura Fataluku hamutuk 30 tuir UNESCO nia kategoria patrimóniu kulturál lima: Tradisaun no espresaun orál; Arte aprezentasaun; Kostume sosiál, rituál no eventu selebrasaun; Koñesimentu no kostume kona-ba ambiente natureza no universu; no mós Matenek kona-ba halo produtu tradisionál. Buat ne’e laos dokumentasaun kompletu kona-ba kultura Fataluku nia elementu hotu-hotu. Peskizadór vizita suku hotu, hamutuk sanulu-resin-hitu, iha postu administrativu tolu, maibé iha suku rua (Maina I no Mehara) la iha elementu kultura ne’ebé dokumenta tanba iha rituál ne’ebé só hala’o iha tempu espesífiku iha tinan ida, no sira nia rituál no kostume balun konsidera hanesan tei, ka lulik, entaun la bele fahe ho ema seluk. Peskizadór la dokumenta mós atividade barak ne’ebé presiza koordinasaun grupu boot, hanesan dansa. Imajen 2 hatudu elementu nia fatin fahe tuir suku. Rezumu badak kona-ba elementu ida-idak sei hakerek iha kraik tuir elementu nia kategoria. Ami nia database online (dadus iha internet) fornese informasaun detalhu liu inklui deskrisaun, fotografia no video kona-ba elementu ida-idak (Many Hands International, 2015). Imajen 2- Elementu kultura tuir suku (fatin mak maizumenus deit)

Tradisaun no espresaun orál Vaihoho mak poezia tradisionál (ka dadolin) ne’ebé bele koalia ka bele kanta, no dala barak uza formatu bolu no hatán. Bainhira kanta, bele kór boot ka kór ki’ik mak kanta ho maneira la uza instrumentu (ka ho Ingles bolu a capella). Vaihoho nia naruk bele muda husi estrofe ida to’o estrofe barak, no dala barak relasiona ho tempu ko’a hare. Peskiza ida ne’e dokumenta vaihoho tipu oi-oin, inklui oron tafa kanta ba fahe hare; lipal vaihoho nu, kanta ida ba feto nia folin ne’ebé kanta bainhira halo negosiasaun ba kazamentu; iha-rala vaihoho, kanta balun kona-ba domin; halu vaihoho, kanta ida 27

kona-ba Indonéziu nia invazaun ba Timor-Leste, ne’ebé uza metafora ai boot monu ba rai; no vaihoho iharala, kanta kona-ba orfanatu funu nian. Arte aprezentasaun Múziku ne’ebé aprezentadór Fataluku toka hakerek tuir lingua Fataluku. Dala barak múziku ne’e iha ritmu irregulár, ne’ebé dala barak halo tuir vaihoho nia maneira kanta, duke tuir ritmu toka espesífiku. Peskizadór haree katak la dun iha padraun kona-ba oinsa toka instrumentu – instrumentu nia afinasaun la hanesan husi tokadór ida ba tokadór seluk. Instrumentu hotu-hotu nia afinasaun besik ba E-flat, karik hodi bele hanesan ho kantór Fataluku nia varia vokál baibain. Maioria instrumentu iha funsaun primáriu hodi hata’uk no duni sai animál no manu fuik atu sira la han natar ka toos, maibé instrumentu sira mós toka hodi halo tokadór kontente ka uza iha serimónia ruma. Peskiza ne’e buka hetan instrumentu huu anin (wind instruments) balun. Ida mak oil-oil, fafu’ik au, ne’ebé bele bolu mós ruru veve, no iha tipu oin rua. Tipu oin ida mak instrumentu badak ho kuak haat ba liman fuan no bainhira toka tenke toka rua dala ida, no tipu oin seluk mak instrumentu naruk ne’ebé toka ida deit, kaer ho maneira vertikál, no huu iha huu fatin. Instrumentu ida tan mak trombeta au ho naran keko, ho nia luan fatin halo ho ai-tahan akadiru. Instrumentu ida ne’e kaer ho maneira orizontál no toka uza dada iis tama no dada iis sai hodi fó sai múziku lian oi-oin. Instrumentu ida naran fara-fara nia modelu atu hanesan ho keko, maibé fara-fara iha ibun-fatin ne’ebé la hanesan. Ninia ibun-fatin iha ai-tahan akadiru ne’ebé ki’ik no maran, no buat ne’e rai iha kuak fatin ki’ik iha pipa au nia leten. Ita toka fara-fara liu husi kaer instrumentu ho maneira vertikál no huu iis ida naruk loos. Instrumentu ida fali mak moto me’n-me’n, no ida ne’e atu hanesan ho instrumentu ida ne’ebé ho lian Ingles bolu oboe, ho ninia apitu au ida ne’ebé tau iha pipa au ida fali nia laran. Husi instrumentu hotu ne’ebe peskizadór buka hetan, moto me’n-me’n mak instrumentu ho varia lian múziku boot liu. Pepur mak arpa ibun (ka ho Ingles, jaw harp) ne’ebé halo husi au mihis. Instrumentu ne’e tokadór tau ba ninia ibun no huu, uza ninia ibun rasik hodi troka instrumentu nia lian, no iha tempu hanesan tokadór nia liman seluk dada tali ida hodi kria lian múziku. Ita bele toka puhu-puhu, trombeta kakun (conch-shell trumpet), liu husi huu anin ba kuak ida iha kakun nia sorin nakloke ho meik, no kaer kakun ne’e orizontál. Sira toka puhu-puhu atu bolu ema mai hamutuk, no mós peskadór uza instrumentu ne’e hodi bolu anin mai iha sira nia ró nia laan hodi azuda sira nia viajen. Peskizadór dokumenta instrumentu perkusaun ida deit, kakal, mak xilofone ai, ho ai pokura tolu ne’ebé tara ho maneira orizontál, no ai ida ho lian tun liu mak iha leten no ai ida ho lian aas liu mak iha kraik. Kostume sosiál, rituál no eventu selebrasaun Projetu peskiza ne’e dokumenta rituál balun. Rituál sira ne’e inklui ueutana aia leleira, rituál hodi bolu udan mai; lipal fa’i, rituál ba kazamentu tradisionál ne’ebé involve kanta lipal vaihoho nu bainhira halo negosiasaun ba feto nia folin; orontafa, rituál ba fahe hare hamutuk; le masule, rituál ida hodi hamoos no lansa uma lulik; nololo, rituál benvindu ida ne’ebé halo iha serimónia; no lonia nalaka, rituál májiku tradisionál ne’ebé uza hodi kura ema ka si’ik saida mak atu akontese iha tempu oin mai. Koñesimentu no kostume kona-ba ambiente no universu Fataluku mak lingua orál ida, entaun istória, valór no koñesimentu kona-ba rai ne’ebé importante ba sosiedade Fataluku sei fahe tuir maneira orál, uza forma rata-lolo; ka ho Tetun dehan istória tradisionál kriasaun nian. Dala barak rata-lolo konta iha uma laran, husi inan-aman ba sira nia oan. Istória sira ne’e naruk, dala barak han tempu oras rua ka tolu hodi konta, no sira hato’o kona-ba Timor-Leste nia orijen, akontesimentu naturál, hahalok ema nian, no komunidade lokál nia kostume. Peskiza ida ne’e dokumenta rata-lolo hamutuk sanulu-resin-tolu, inklui istória kona-ba Timor-Leste no suku lokál, no mós foho, bee matan no fitun leste nia orijen. Matenek kona-ba halo produtu tradisionál Peskiza ida ne’e dokumenta tékniku kasa oi-oin, no barak liu mane mak halo. Sira uza lasu oi-oin, ne’ebé bolu hiil, atu kaer animál boot no animál ki’ik. Uza pai ho vaka hiil, lasu, hodi kaer bibi-rusa no fahi fuik; cua hiiI fa’i, ne’ebé halo ho au, hodi kaer laho tanba sira han hare no batar ne’ebé foin ko’a; no roso hina, lasu hanesan luhu ne’ebé soru ho ai-tali tahan hodi kaer ikan iha tasi. Ema uza coro, diman ne’ebé halo ho au, hanesan buat kro’at ida ne’ebé bele soe hodi kasa 28

animál boot hanesan bibi-rusa, fahi no karau. Fe-fa’i, rama-inan no rama-isin, uza atu kasa animál fuik no atu tuu ikan. Tutufa, pipa huu, halo husi ai au ne’ebé bele naruk ka badak, no uza atu kasa manu fuik, meda, laku, fahi ki’ik no niki. Peskizadór dokumenta mós tipu nian fa’i oi-oin ne’ebé homan ho ai-tali tahan. Produtu homan inklui leu hina, luhu rai sasán; pari hina, kakehe homan; neru moko hina no leu hina, lafatik hodi fila foos ka musan; meci leu moko hina, luhu at kaer ular meci; likas hina, luhu boot klarek ida; rai soko hina, bote ida ne’ebé uza atu tula ai-han bainhira lao dook; no ulu halivan hina, produtu ki’ik homan ho ai-tali tahan hodi kaer hussar fatin. Ida tan ne’ebé projetu peskiza dokumenta mak puhu fa’i, olaria, ne’ebé halo ho liman uza tahunurak no rai-henek mutin, no tein iha fogeira iha liur. Sanan olaria sira ne’e uza hodi tein no rai hahán. Peskizadór observa produtu seluk ne’ebé halo ho liman hanesan ililaka sese, huru ai; no mós ke’u fa’i, produtu ne’ebé halo husi lenuk nia kulit ne’ebé ema bahat hodi halo korrente no asesóriu. Cain fa’i mak maneira tradisionál hodi halo ahi no involve kose fatuk-kilat ho besi ka fatuk-kilat seluk hodi hetan ahifunan. Ai-moruk tradisionál ho naran ete asa fa’i, halo ho materiál husi ai-laran hodi kura moras oi-oin. Sisiran sile, testil ne’ebé halo husi anukai ii, ka ho Tetun dehan kabaas halo ho liman, mak materiál ne’ebé peskizadór inklui iha prosesu dokumentasaun. Kabaas ne’e hafahe husi nia musan no ti’i to’o sai kabaas-lahan naruk. Kabaas-lahan ne’e sei fase ho tinta ne’ebé mai husi produtu ai-moris naturál, ahi-kadesan no tahu-nurak, hafoin mak tesi ba atis ai simples ida no soru hodi sai hena ho kór oi-oin. Lee ia valu, ka uma lulik, halo ho ai lolon boot ho uma-kakuluk du’ut, no inklui mós eskultura no pinta ne’ebé reprezenta grupu uma-hun (ka suku) ida nia motivu. Husi elementu hotu ne’ebé peskiza ida ne’e identifika, lee ia valu mak ida ne’ebé aumenta deste independénsia. Diskusaun Dezafiu no rekomendasaun kona-ba kostume patrimóniu kultura Peskiza ida ne’e dokumenta kostume kultura Fataluku nian hamutuk 30 tuir UNESCO nia kategoria kultura patrimóniu lima (Tradisaun no espresaun orál; Arte aprezentasaun; Kostume sosiál, rituál no eventu selebrasaun; Koñesimentu no kostume kona-ba ambiente natureza no universu; no mós Matenek kona-ba halo produtu tradisionál) ne’ebé ativu ka membru komunidade bele hatudu. Matenek nain kultura nia idade médiu jeralmente mak tinan 59, no elementu balun iha ema nain ida ka rua deit ne’ebé mak hatene ativu kona-ba buat ne’e. Elementu sira barak la halo beibeik iha moris kultura nian no la fahe ba jerasaun foun, ka jerasaun foun la aprende. Matenek nain kultura nia idade ne’e mak fó preokupasaun boot tanba iha Timor ema baibain moris to’o tinan 67 (World Bank 2015), no hanesan Yampolsky hakerek (2012), elementu kultura balun la fahe tutan to’o jerasaun tuir mai nia idade boot ona. Elementu kultura nia matenek nain sira besik hotu konsidera katak sira nia elementu atu sai lakon. Matenek nain kultura sira hato’o katak iha limitasaun ba transmisaun elementu kultura. Limitasaun sira ne’e inklui persepsaun husi joventude ho idade oi-oin, liu-liu labarik estudante sira, katak kultura no kostume tradisionál tuan ona ka la relevante ona, no mós katak eskola han tempu ne’ebé karik joven sira bele uza atu aprende kostume kultura. Matenek nain kultura nota mós katak materiál ne’ebé bele hetan husi ai-laran menus loos (hanesan ai, ai-tali tahan, animál boot hodi kasa), no presiza buat ne’e atu halo instrumentu no produtu tradisionál, no mós hodi uza ba rituál, entaun situasaun ne’e fó impaktu boot. Tan nune’e, iha nesesidade urjente atu buka maneira ne’ebé ativu liu hodi transfere koñesimentu kona-ba kultura patrimóniu. Peskiza ne’e oferese rekomendasaun tolu hodi responde ba situasaun ne’e. Primeiru mak inkluzaun aprendizajen kulturál iha eskola nia kurikulum, ne’ebé karik bele azuda tau foku ba informasaun ne’e no mós azuda aumenta ninia valór. Segundu, promosaun oportunidade emprega uza aset kultura nian, porezemplu atividade turizmu kultura ka eco-turizmu karik bele halo ema barak liu hakarak aprende no halo tuir tradisaun kultura. Halo festival no estabelese sentru kultura ho atividade espesífiku karik bele hato’o kontribuisaun. Kria ligasaun ho sentru kultura iha rejiaun no internasional, galleria arte no festivál múziku bele mós sai dalan ida hodi fasilita rekomendasaun ida ne’e. Terseiru, kuandu hala’o projetu atu aumenta protesaun ka haburas fila fali ailaran no área tasi ibun ne’ebé kontein materiál ba instrumentu, produtu no rituál kultura, buat ne’e bele hamenus dezafiu sira ne’e balun. Konkluzaun 29

Estudu ida ne’e buka hetan no dokumenta elementu 30 husi Fataluku nia patrimóniu kultura ne’ebé moris hela. Elementu sira ne’e oferese informasaun úniku kona-ba ema Fataluku nia ideia, kostume no istória. Sira hatudu mós nesesidade urjente atu aumenta elementu sira ne’e nia transmisaun, tanba matenek nain kultura nian barak liu hato’o katak kostume sira ne’e besik atu sai lakon. Ami nia peskiza konfirma buat ne’e, ho rezultadu ne’ebé hatudu problema tanba matenek nain kultura ne’ebé ativu hela oituan deit, sira nia idade boot ona, no la dun iha oportunidade diak atu halo transmisaun. Importante liu mak inisiativa hodi jerasaun idade boot sira bele simu suporta atu fahe kostume kultura sira ne’e ne’ebé úniku no importante, no jerasaun idade natoon sira bele simu enkorajen atu fó valór no aprende kona-ba buat ne’e. Referénsia Barnes, S. 2011, ‘Origins, precedence and social order in the domain of Ina Ama Beli Darlari’, Land and Life in East Timor, ANU Press, Canberra. Brandao, C. 2011, Culture and its impact on social and community life: a case study of Timor-Leste, Policy Brief No. 5, Belun, Dili. Connelly, S. 2003, ‘The right to read: work of the Mary MacKillop Institute of East Timorese Studies’, Mary MacKillop Institute Of East Timorese Studies, www.marymackillopinternational.org.au/LiteratureRetrieve.aspx?ID=243, viewed 30 August 2009. Drysdale, J. 2007, ‘Sustainable development or resource cursed? An exploration of Timor-Leste’s institutional choices,’ PhD thesis, Fenner School for Environment and Society, ANU. Dunlop, R. 2012, Lian Husi Klamar – Sounds of the Soul: The traditional music of Timor Leste, Tekee Media Inc, Sydney. Dunn, J. 1996, Timor: A people betrayed, ABC Books, Sydney. Glover, I. 1986, ‘Archaeology in Eastern Timor, 1966-67’, Australian National University, Canberra. Government of Timor-Leste 2010, Timor-Leste Census, Government of Timor-Leste, Dili. Hicks, D. 2007, ‘Community and nation-state in East Timor’, Anthropology Today, 23(1): 13-16. Hohe, T. 2002, ‘The clash of paradigms: international administration and local political legitimacy in East Timor’, Contemporary Southeast Asia, 24(3): 569-589. Lewis, M.P. 2009, Ethnologue: languages of the world, 16th edition, SIL International, Dallas. Many Hands International 2015, ‘Preserving the endangered cultural heritage of the Fataluku people, 2012-2015’, Many Hands International, Malebourne, http://manyhands.org.au/our_activities/2013_projects/research_project_preservation_of_endangered_forms_of _fataluku_cultural_expr Accessed 12 January 2016. McWilliam, A. 2011, ‘Fataluku living landscapes, in A. McWilliam and E. Traube (eds) Land and life in East Timor, ANU e-Press, Canberra. --- 2013, ‘Cultural heritage and its performative modalities: imagining the Nino Konis Santana National Park, East Timor’, in S. Brockwell, S. O’Connor, and D. Byrne (eds) Transcending the culture-nature divide in cultural heritage: views from the Asia Pacific region, ANU e-Press, Canberra. Niner, S. 2012, ‘Barlake: An exploration of marriage practices and issues of women's status in Timor-Leste’, LocalGlobal: Identity, Security, Community, 11: 138-153. O’Connor, S, Pannell, S. and Brockwell, S 2013, ‘The dynamics of culture and nature in a ‘protected’ Fataluku landscape’, in S. Brockwell, S. O’Connor, and D. Byrne (eds) Transcending the culture-nature divide in cultural heritage: views from the Asia Pacific region, ANU e-Press, Canberra. Pannell, S. 2011, ‘Struggling geographies: rethinking livelihood and locality in Timor-Leste, in A. McWilliam and E. Traube (eds), Land and life in East Timor, ANU e-Press, Canberra. Rappoport, D. 2015, ‘Music as evidence of settlement: the case of diphonic singing in Eastern Indonesia (Eastern Flores, Eastern Timor)’, Asia-Pacific Linguistics, Language Documentation and Cultural Practices in the Austronesian World, papers from 12-ICAL, vol. 4, College of Asia and the Pacific, ANU. Scambary, J. 2012, ‘Conflict and resilience in an urban squatter settlement in Dili, East Timor, Urban Studies, 50(10). Sloman, A. 2009, ‘A hybrid popular culture: Indonesian pop music and television still have a significant influence in East Timor’, Inside Indonesia, 96: Apr-June. Trindade, J. and Castro, B. 2007, ‘Rethinking Timorese identity as a peacebuilding strategy: the Lorosa’e - Loromonu conflict from a traditional perspective’ Final report to GTZ/IS. Tatoli ba Kultura 2012, Research project by Griffith University and the Secretary State for Culture in Timor-Leste. Retrieved from: http://davidpalazon.com/tatoli-ba-kultura/ UNESCO (n.d). Intangible cultural heritage domains. Paris: UNESCO. Retrieved from http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/doc/src/01857-EN.pdf World Bank 2015, Life expectancy at birth, total (years), Retrieved from: http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.DYN.LE00.IN/countries/TL?display=graph

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Yampolsky, P. 2012, ‘Intangible cultural heritage in Nino Konis National Park, Lautem district, Timor Leste’, report to the NGO Cives Mundi, Soria, Spain. (unpublished).

31

5 Tetu-gés: Influénsia portugés ba estrutura Tetun Catharina Williams-van Klinken ho John Hajek Tetun eskrita, tuir modelu foun Molok povu Timor-Leste hili independénsia iha tinan 1999, ema ladún uza Tetun-Dili hodi hakerek, só igreja katólika mak hakerek barak. Komesa iha tempu ne’ebá, iha testu bara-barak ho lian Tetun, inklui testu formál hanesan iha jornál ho relatóriu, ho mós hakerek informál hanesan iha Facebook ho SMS. Iha mós testu barak tan ne’ebé ema tradús hosi lian seluk, liuliu hosi inglés ho portugés. Tradusaun ho mós testu formál seluk baibain hatudu influénsia maka’as loos hosi portugés. Ita bele haree influénsia ne’e iha tradusaun tuirmai. 2 Iha ne’e, Tetun fahe tuir liña para fasilita komparasaun ho inglés, no lia-fuan hosi portugés hakerek halo metan. Ita haree katak, hosi lia-fuan hotu-hotu, só 34% de’it mak hosi Tetun. Maibé la’ós lia-fuan de’it mak hosi portugés, estrutura mós tuir estrutura língua Europa nian. Tradusaun ne’e ‘bá loos, mai loos!’ Nune’e ita bele dehan, Tetun hanesan ne’e, ‘Tetun tradusaun’. Iha artigu ne’e, autór sira esplika Tetun tradusaun ne’e nia karakterístika oinsá.

Enkontru Komisaun Dezenvolvimentu Distritu 3

(KDD) ba dala rua (II) mak enkontru ida ne’ebé organiza hosi Koordenador KDD ho partisipasaun membru KDD hodi diskuti no analiza Relatóriu no Sumáriu Proposta Projetu ne’ebé mak prepara hosi Sekretariadu KDD. -Objetivu final husi enkontru KDD mak aprova sumáriu proposta projetu hodi prodúz ezbosu Planu Investimentu Distritál (PID). --

The second District Development Commission (KDD) meeting was chaired by KDD coordinator with participation from KDD members to discuss and analyze report and summary of project proposal which was prepared by KDD secretariat and to make a decision. The final objective of KDD meeting is approval of a multiproject proposal summary for producing a draft of District Investment Plan (PID) for the following year.

Tansá mak ‘Tetun tradusaun’ ne’e importante?

Autór sira koko tiha ona lee testu hanesan ne’e ho ema barak, no maioria ladún kompriende. To’o graduadu hosi universidade mós ladún kompriende. Situasaun ne’e mosu mos iha lian seluseluk (ez. Wurm ho Mühlhäusler 1982), maibé sai problema boot, tanba hakerek-na’in ho tradutór barak hakerek Tetun tuir modelu ida-ne’e. Nune’e, di’ak liu estudante iha eskola ho universidade aprende atu kompriende Tetun tradusaun. Maibé sira mós presiza aprende, oinsá atu hakerek Tetun tuir estrutura Tetun lo-loos. Karakterístika Tetun orál nian

2

Testu ne’e hosi: Boletín Mensál Governasaun Lokál, Volume V, Edisaun 3, Jullu–Agostu 2012 (http://www.estatal.gov.tl/Documents/DNDLOT/Media/Bulletin/2012/Bulletin%20Jullu-Agostu,Tetun.pdf). Versaun inglés hosi: ‘Local Governance Monthly Bulletin’, iha website hanesan. 3 Ortografia testu ne’e ho ezemplu seluk tan iha artigu ne’e tuir orijinál.

32

Tetun ne’ebé ita ko’alia loroloron iha karakterístika balu ne’ebé hanesan ho língua orál seluseluk, maibé ema ladún gosta bainhira hakerek iha situasaun formál. Primeiru, Tetun iha estrutura fraze ne’ebé fiksu. Fraze Tetun nian barak tuir estrutura sujeituverbu-objetu (ez. José han keiju.). Ita bele mós tau objetu uluk (ez. Keiju, José la han.) Maibé atu tau verbu molok sujeitu, baibain la bele. Ezemplu, ita la bele dehan *Keiju han José ka *han keiju José. Kuandu ema hakerek, sira gosta iha fleksibilidade uitoan. Segundu, bainhira ita ko’alia kualkér lian, ita baibain temi sé mak halo buat ruma. Maibé bainhira ita hakerek iha situasaun formál, ita dala barak lakohi temi beibeik sé mak halo. Portugés, inglés ho lian Indonézia iha dalan oioin atu lalika temi sé mak halo. Porezemplu, ita bele uza pasivu (ez. This bridge was built in 2010.), estrutura impesoál seluk (ez. It took a long time to build this bridge.) ka substantivu abstratu (ez. The building of the bridge took six months.) Iha lian Tetun, susar atu la temi sé mak halo, tanba la iha pasivu, la iha estrutura impesoál, no substantivu abstratu uitoan. Terseiru, bainhira ita ko’alia, ita baibain fó informasaun foun neineik, tanba se ita tau informasaun foun barak iha fraze-oan ida nia laran, ema sei la kompriende. Tuir Catharina Williamsvan Klinken ho Olinda Lucas nia peskiza (seidauk publika), bainhira ema Timor konta istória, baibain iha de’it informasaun foun ida ka rua iha fraze-oan ida nia laran. Só hahú parágrafu foun mak dala ruma iha informasaun foun tolu ka haat. Iha ezemplu tuirmai, ko’alia-na’in fó informasaun oin rua kona-ba mana ne’e: nia halo saida (deside telefone nia kolega), ho mós fatin (iha nia servisu-fatin). Maibé nia la aumenta tan informasaun seluk hanesan tempu, kolega nia naran ka informasaun kona-ba servisu-fatin. Se hakarak aumenta, ita uza fraze-oan foun. (1)

Mana ne’e Info. tuan

deside telefone nia kolega 1. halo saida

iha nia servisu-fatin. 2. fatin

(Hosi testu oral)

Influénsia hakerek Bainhira ita hakerek lian Tetun, iha influénsia oioin ne’ebé dada ita atu inventa estrutura foun ne’ebé ita la uza bainhira ita ko’alia. Primeiru, to’o agora hakerek-na’in ho tradutór sira hotu-hotu aprende lian seluk iha eskola, la’ós Tetun. Nune’e, ita hotu aprende lee ho hakerek tuir modelu lian seluk nian, no ita baibain uza modelu ne’e bainhira ita hakerek Tetun. Linguista sira mos nota tendensia ida nee iha lian seluk. Por ezemplu, bainhira ema hakerek lian Kwéyòl iha St Lucia, sira tuir karakteristika Ingles barak (Garrett 1999), no lian Japaun hetan influensia makaas hosi Xina liu hosi modelu hakerek (Thomason 1988, 80) Segundu, testu hakerek, barak loos mak tradusaun, liuliu hosi inglés ho portugés. Se tradutór ladún domina prosesu tradusaun, ka tradús lalais de’it, entaun baibain tuir de’it estrutura orijinál. Terseiru, bainhira ita hakerek relatóriu ka notísias, ita baibain koko atu fó informasaun barak iha fraze ida nia laran. Ezemplu tuirmai fó informasaun oin hitu kedas: ema nia kargu, naran ho kualifikasaun, ho mós sé mak rona, fatin, loron ho data. (2)

Lia-fuan ne’e hatete hosi Informasaun tuan SH 3. kualifikasaun

xefi ekipa advogadu Major A nian 1. kargu

ba jornalista 4. ronana’in

iha Hotel Timor, 5. fatin

Benevidos Correia Barros 2. naran

Kinta

15/3.

6. loron

7. data

(Hosi STL 2007)

Ikus liu, bainhira ita hakerek relatóriu, ita dala barak lakohi temi beibeik, sé mak halo buat ruma. Nune’e, se ita hakerek ho lian portugés, inglés ka Indonézia, ita baibain uza pasivu barak (ez. Este ponte foi construido, la’ós Eles contruiram este ponte), no gosta uza substantivu abstratu (ez. a construção do ponte). Tuir mai ita sei haree sub-kategoria gramatikál foun rua ho estrutura foun neen ne’ebé hakerekna’in balu komesa uza ona iha lian Tetun tanba fatór hirak ne’e. Sub-kategoria gramatikál foun rua



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Tetun-Dili foti lia-fuan barak tebetebes hosi portugés. Iha Williams-van Klinken nia lista lia-fuan 15.000 (seidauk publika), 45% foti hosi portugés. Ita rasik uza barak ka uitoan, ne’e depende ba situasaun. Tuir autór sira nia peskiza, bainhira ema ko’alia halimar iha foho, lia-fuan hosi portugés la to’o 10%, bainhira padre fó omília 10%, bainhira ema ko’alia halimar iha Dili 10-20%, no iha jornál 30-40%. Iha tradusaun, porsentu portugés bele aas liu tan, hanesan ita haree iha ezemplu primeiru iha artigu ne’e, ho 65%. Entre lia-fuan barak hosi portugés ne’e, maioria substantivu (ez. meza, governasaun), verbu (ez. kanta, alkansa), adjetivu (ez. bonitu/a, independente) ho advérbiu (ez. agora, afinál). Hosi adjetivu ho advérbiu, iha sub-kategoria foun rua ne’ebé ita uluk la hetan iha Tetun. Ida mak advérbiu ne’ebé remata ho –mente, hanesan globalmente ho ofisialmente. Advérbiu sira-ne’e kuaze tama de’it iha testu eskrita no bainhira ema boot ko’alia iha situasaun formál. Liu hosi advérbiu ne’e, ita bele fó informasaun foun ho komentáriu (ez. infelizmente) dala ida, hanesan iha ezemplu (3). Bele mós hatudu kontestu (ez. teknolojikamente) ho badak. Nune’e, advérbiu ho –mente ne’e halo ita bele hakerek badak liu, no mós tuir estrutura portugés ka inglés nian. (3)

Infelizmente, projeitu lei ida ikus ne’e mos nia kualidade ladun diak.

(Hosi STL 2007)

Sub-kategoria ida seluk mak adjetivu ne’ebé bazeia ba substantivu. Adjetivu sira-ne’e mós uza liuliu iha testu eskrita no iha situasaun formál, tuir estrutura portugés ho inglés nian. Baibain ema ko’alia, sira uza mak substantivu. Ezemplu, ita bele uza adjetivu agríkola ka substantivu agrikultura nian, bele uza adjetivu Aziátiku/a ka substantivu Ázia nian. ‘Pasivu’ Iha konstrusaun foun ida ne’ebé atu hanesan pasivu (Williams-van Klinken 2010). Foufoun, iha 2002, ami nota de’it iha jornál, iha kontestu rua. Primeiru mak iha espresaun Lia-fuan ne’e hato’o hosi ... , ka expresaun seluk ne’ebé atu hanesan, bele haree ezemplu (2) ho (4). Segundu mak iha fraze-oan relativu (ho ne’ebé), baibain iha fraze kompleksu loos, hanesan ezemplu ida tuirmai. (4)

Lia fuan hirak nee hatoo hosi membru CNIC, Faustino Cardoso, semana liu ba iha nia konkursu wainhira sai orador ba Primeiru Kongresu nebee halao hosi Komisaun Advokasi Sívika iha eis salaun CNRT. (Hosi STL, 2005)

Agora dadauk, estrutura ne’e mosu mós iha fraze-oan prinsipal, hanesan iha ezemplu tuirmai. (5)

Proposta ba lei tolu ne’e prepara husi Ministério da Administração Estatal e Ordenamento do Territorio (MAEOT) (Hosi www.estatal.gov.tl)

Hakerek-na’in sira uza estrutura ‘pasivu’ ne’e tanba iha vantajen oioin. Primeiru, ita bele halo sujeitu naruk loos, hanesan Ministério da Administração Estatal e Ordenamento do Territorio (MAEOT) iha ezemplu (5). Se tau sujeitu naruk iha fraze nia oin bele, maibé ladún furak, tanba konstituinte naruk baibain tau ikus. Segundu, sujeitu ne’e bele hato’o informasaun foun. Baibain sujeitu hatudu ba ema ruma ka buat ruma ne’ebé ita hatene ona, la’ós ba buat foun. Maibé iha ezemplu (4), ko’alia-na’in nia naran ne’e informasaun foun. Tuir estrutura Tetun nian, informasaun foun baibain tau depois de verbu. (Bele mós tau primeiru, maibé se nune’e, tenke tau mak: ez. Membru CNIC, Faustino Cardoso, mak hato’o ...). Temi ema nia lia-fuan foin temi sé mak ko’alia

Bainhira ita ko’alia Tetun, se ita ko’alia tuir ema seluk nia lia-fuan, ita sempre temi uluk sé mak ko’alia, foin temi nia lia-fuan (sitasaun). Ezemplu, Nia dehan, ‘Hau bá ona.’ Maibé bainhira hakerek, ema baibain temi ko’alia-na’in ikus fali, tuir estrutura ne’ebé baibain uza bainhira hakerek lian Indonézia, portugés ho inglés. Autór sira analiza sitasaun iha jornál oioin iha tinan 2010. Só 4% de’it mak tuir estrutura Tetun (sujeitu-verbu-objetu), ez. Nia dehan, ‘...’ . Iha 47% mak temi ema nia lia-fuan, depois ko’alia-na’in ho verbu, hanesan ezemplu (6). 34

(6)

‘Amá, hau iha nee,’ hau hataan ba Amá nebee horiohin hamriik iha liur hodi bolu hau. (Hosi istória eskrita)

Alternativu ida tan mak temi ema nia lia-fuan, depois verbu, no tau sujeitu ikus fali. Maski kontra loos estrutura Tetun, maibé 37% uza estrutura ida-ne’e, hanesan ezemplu tuirmai. (7)

‘Eletrisidade ...’ dehan deputadu bankada Fretilin FJ ba jornalista sira iha uma fukun Parlamentu Nasional, Segunda (15/12).

Ikus liu, 7% temi ema nia lia-fuan (ho sitasaun direta ka indireta), depois uza fraze foun hodi fó-sai sé mak ko’alia, hanesan iha ezemplu (2) ho (4). Tanbasá mak hakerek-na’in sira prefere liu fó ema nia lia-fuan uluk mak foin temi sé mak ko’alia? Razaun ida mak influénsia lian seluk, tanba iha lian Indonézia, portugés ho inglés, jornalista dala barak fó sitasaun uluk mak foin fó-sai sé mak dehan. Ne’e mós fó importánsia liu ba ema nia liafuan. Substantivu abstratu uza ho livre liu

Tetun-Dili iha substantivu abstratu uitoan de’it mak huun Tetun duni. Substantivu abstratu ne’e, baibain verbu ka adjetivu ne’ebé ita bele mós uza nudar substantivu, hanesan moras ho tulun. Atu uza nudar substantivu, ita baibain presiza temi ida ne’e sé nian, ezemplu Sira nia moras todan loos; Laptop Toshiba nia di’ak ho nia aat mak ne’e. Tetun mós foti substantivu abstratu barak hosi portugés. Barak ema matenek uza bainhira ko’alia loroloron, la’ós de’it iha situasaun formál, hanesan estabilidade ho influénsia. Bainhira hakerek buat ruma formál, autór sira uza substantivu abstratu barak liu tan. Substantivu abstratu hosi portugés, la presiza temi sé nian. Porezemplu, ita la presiza temi sé nia autórizasaun ka sé nia fraternizasaun. Nune’e, ita bele hatama informasaun barak iha fraze-oan ida nia laran, ita la presiza temi sé mak halo, no ita bele tradús tuir estrutura portugés, inglés ka lian Indonézia nian. Verbu-sujeitu



Iha lian Tetun, ita baibain temi sujeitu lai mak foin verbu. Tetun Terik iha de’it verbu ida mak bele uza iha estrutura verbu-sujeitu, ne’e mak iha; ez. Iha problema barak. Maibé agora TetunTetun-Dili iha verbu portugés balu, ho mós verbu Tetun balu, mak bele mosu antes sujeitu, hanesan akontese ho mosu. Estrutura ne’e mosu la’ós de’it iha hakerek ka iha situasaun formál, maibé ema balu ko’alia halimar mós uza. Estrutura ne’e ami nota ona iha 1999, maibé karik agora espalla liu. (8)

Nia ... tauk, tan atu akontese buat ruma la di’ak ba nia oan feto ka.

(Hosi testu orál)

(9)

Tekitekir halibur hamutuk ho anju nee anju lubun boot ida ne’ebé hahii Maromak. (Hosi Lucas 2:13, Lia Fuan Di’ak ba Imi)

Liu hosi estrutura verbu-sujeitu ne’e, ita bele tau sujeitu naruk ikus. Adjetivu katak...

Iha konstrusaun foun ida tan ema tau adjetivu primeiru, depois katak ho fraze-oan. Ami hetan ezemplu primeiru iha tinan 2007, no to’o agora, ema kuaze uza de’it bainhira hakerek, tradús, no iha notísias, hanesan iha ezemplu tuirmai. (10)

Importante katak orgaun soberania hotu respeita prinsipiu separasaun poderes. (Hosi STL 2006)

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Tuir estrutura Tetun orál, adjetivu tenke ikus, hanesan ne’e: (11)

Orgaun soberania hotu tenke respeita prinsípiu separasaun poderes. Ne’e importante.

Substantivu barak tu-tuir malu

Bainhira ko’alia, ema dala barak uza substantivu rua tuir malu, hanesan inan-aman ka fahi oan. Tolu mós iha, ez. diretora fundasaun Alola. Liu tolu kuaze la iha. Maibé iha testu eskrita, bele barak liu, para hatama informasaun barak liu iha fraze-oan ida nia laran. Ezemplu tuirmai iha substantivu haat: membru komisaun Politika Nasionál CNRT nian, diretór departamentu justisa PNTL, lista deputadu Parlamentu Nasionál Timor Lorosa'e nian. Se temi CNRT ka PNTL nia naran kompletu karik, substantivu barak liu tan. Haree fali testu primeiru Agora ita haree fali ba testu primeiru iha artigu ne’e. Iha parágrafu ida de’it ita bele nota ‘Tetun tradusaun’ nia karakterístika barak. Enkontru Komisaun Dezenvolvimentu Distritu (KDD) ba dala rua (II) mak enkontru ida ne’ebé organiza hosi Koordenador KDD ho partisipasaun membru KDD hodi diskuti no analiza Relatóriu no Sumáriu Proposta Projetu ne’ebé mak prepara hosi Sekretariadu KDD. Objetivu final husi enkontru KDD mak aprova sumáriu proposta projetu hodi prodúz ezbosu Planu Investimentu Distritál (PID). Primeiru, ita haree nia lia-fuan. Testu ne’e iha lia-fuan hamutuk 53. Hosi 53 ne’e, 18 (34%) de’it mak hosi Tetun, seluk hosi portugés. La’ós ne’e de’it, maibé verbu, substantivu ho adjetivu hotu-hotu hosi portugés. Tetun kuaze uza ba lia-fuan ligasaun nian de’it. Maski lia-fuan Tetun uitoan liu, maibé tradutór uza fali lia-fuan Tetun balu ne’ebé ita baibain la uza bainhira ita ko’alia halimar. Iha ezemplu rua: Nia uza no duké ho, no uza ba dala rua duké segundu. Segundu, iha adjetivu distritál envezde substantivu distritu. Terseiru, iha estrutura ‘pasivu’ rua. Rua-rua ne’e mosu iha fraze-oan relativu nia laran, ez. ne’ebé organiza hosi.... Ikus liu, tradutór ne’e uza substantivu tolu-haat tu-tuir malu para hatama informasaun barak dala ida. Ezemplu balu iha substantivu tolu (Sumáriu Proposta Projetu, ezbosu Planu Investimentu Distritál). Ida iha haat (enkontru Komisaun Dezenvolvimentu Distritu). Hosi ezemplu ne’e ita bele haree katak Tetun ne’ebé mak ema uza iha tradusaun ho testu eskrita, bele sees dook loos hosi Tetun ne’ebé mak ita ko’alia loroloron. Nune’e ‘Tetun tradusaun’ ne’e sai asuntu ida importante ba edukadór sira. Referénsia



Garrett, P. B. 1999, ‘”High" Kwéyòl: The emergence of a formal creole register in St. Lucia’ iha J. McWhorter, Language change and language contact in pidgins and creoles, John Benjamins Publishing Company, Amsterdam: 63-101. Thomason, S. G. ho T. Kaufman 1988, Language contact, creolzation, and genetic linguistics, University of California Press, Berkeley. Williams-van Klinken, C. 2010, ‘Voice and valency in Tetun Dili’ iha M. C. Ewing ho M. Klamer, East Nusantara: typological and areal analyses, Pacific Linguistics, Canberra. Wurm, S. A. ho P. Mühlhäusler 1982, ‘Registers in New Guinea Pidgin’ iha J. Ellis ho J. Ure, Register range and change, Mouton, Berlin.





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6

Koitadu! Nusaa mak hau la liu fali ezame? Leoneto da Silva Ribeiro ho Melky Fridus Ladis Costa Akoyt Introdusaun Tetun hanesan lian ofisial ida iha Timor Leste. Nunee Dili Institute of Technology (DIT) hanorin Tetun durante trimestre tolu iha tinan primeiru ho total kreditu 12, kada trimestre hanorin kreditu 4. Iha trimestre primeiru, materia nebee hanorin mak Tetun ba Eskola ho Servisu 1 (Williams-van Klinken, da Silva Ribeiro ho Tilman 2015). Materia nee foun. Hosi tinan 2004 too 2014 uza livru Tetun 1 no Tetun 2 (Williams-van Klinken 2008a; 2008b), ho kreditu 2 deit. Objetivu hosi materia foun nee atu aumenta estudante nia konhesimentu kona ba Tetun, metodu estudu, no abilidade hakerek iha kontestu servisu nian. Topiku hanorin mak hanesan istoria Tetun, ortografia, oinsaa aprende liafuan foun, oinsaa deside objetivu, diferensa entre koalia formal no koalia halimar, oinsaa liga fraze kona ba tempu, oinsaa hakerek istoria, oinsaa buka informasaun iha livru ka artigu, oinsaa aponta informasaun hosi livru ka artigu, oinsaa hakerek rezumu, oinsaa rona hodi aponta, no liafuan hodi deskreve. Iha trimestre segundu, materia nebee hanorin mak Tetun ba Eskola ho Servisu 2 (Williams-van Klinken et al 2015). DIT iha dosente full time nain tolu hodi hanorin Tetun ba estudante sira. Dosente sira nee uza metodu oi-oin hodi hanorin. Materia balu, dosente mak aprezenta, balu estudante sira aprende rasik liu hosi ezemplu ho analize. Aleinde aprezenta teoria ho ezemplu, dosente sira mos foo ezersisiu oi-oin ba estudante atu bele pratika rasik. Balu estudante sira halo mesak, balu rua-rua, no balu tuir grupu. Por ezemplu, estudante tenki buka dalan sanulu hodi liga fraze kona ba tempu, buka diferensa entre testu formal ho informal, prienxe kestionariu hodi hatene metodu nebee efetivu liu ba sira atu estuda, halo ditadu hodi hatene estudante sira konhesimentu kona ba ortografia Tetun, no halo ezersisiu eskrita oioin. Ba kada kapitulu sira mos tenki hataan pergunta revizaun. Iha avaliasaun oin rua ba materia ida nee, hanesan 60% ba servisu uma lima no 40% ba ezame final. Iha servisu uma primeiru, ami husu estudante sira atu hakerek sira ida-idak nia planu semanal. Servisu uma segundu, haruka estudante sira halo lista ba liafuan foun, kompletu ho nia kategoria gramatika, signifikadu, no ezemplu iha fraze. Iha fali servisu uma terseiru, estudante sira tenki hakerek istoria ida iha situasaun formal no ida seluk iha situasaun informal. Servisu uma haat, estudante sira hetan artigu ida hosi dosente, depois aponta artigu nia pontu prinsipal, detalhu ho informasaun bibliografia. Iha servisu uma ida ikus, dosente foo artigu ida ba estudante sira hodi halo rezumu. Pergunta peskiza nian Maski dosente sira hakaas aan atu hanorin uza metodu oi-oin, maibee estudante barak la liu materia Tetun. Autor sira buka atu hatene nia razaun. Tuir ema barak nia esperiensia, fator prinsipal nebee iha impaktu ba estudante nia susesu mak sira nia motivasaun. Realidade hatudu katak estudante DIT barak laduun foo importansia ba materia Tetun. Hanesan estudante balu dehan ‘Ami hatene ona, tanba Tetun nee ami nia lian rasik.’ Afinal ida nee la loos. Iha nasaun seluk estudante aprende lian ofisial lor-loron hahuu hosi eskola primaria too remata eskola sekundaria. Bele mos, dosente sira hanorin la diak, ka materia la diak. Atu evita ida nee, dosente sira husu ona feedback hosi estudante sira, no implementa ona sira nia sujestaun nebee mak diak. Aleinde fator rua nee, bele mos iha problema ho avaliasaun. Ida nee problema duni. Estudante barak la hatene oinsaa atu prepara ba ezame, no la iha estratejia diak atu halo ezame. Atu hadia situasaun nee, dosente sira hanorin duni kona ba prosesu nee. Dezafiu seluk mak nee: estudante sira toman liu atu dekor deit materia nebee dosente sira foo, maibee iha materia Tetun, avaliasaun barak liu bazeia ba pratika. Estudante sira tenki analiza, esplika, no aplika buat nebee sira aprende. Relasiona ho fator sira nee maka dosente sira koko ona hadia materia, metodu hanorin ho metodu avaliasaun, maibee la iha impaktu nebee boot ba estudante sira nia rezultadu. Nunee, autor sira hakarak buka hatene hosi parte estudante nian, fator saida mak impede sira atu la liu ezame Tetun,

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ezemplu sira nia abitu estudu ho kapasidade lian seluk. Ho nunee, dosente bele hatene liu oinsaa atu tulun estudante atu estuda ho diak. Metodu peskiza Iha peskiza ida nee, autor sira uza kestionariu hodi husu informasaun. Kestionariu nee foo ba estudante 78 nebee foin remata trimestre primeiru iha DIT. Sira nee hotu remata tiha ona Tetun ba Eskola ho Servisu 1 (ho kreditu 4) no hetan A–D. Sira mai hosi departamentu 8, feto nain 30 no mane nain 48, maioria tinan 20 ba leten. Dadus kestionariu nee, ami foti iha loron 3 too 9 Junhu 2015. Ami mos haree ba lista prezensa Tetun ba Eskola ho Servisu 1 nian atu hatene estudante tama aula dala hira, ho mos ba rezultadu ezame admisaun ba Ingles ho Portuges. Informasaun hosi fonte hirak nee ami kompara ho rezultadu ikus ba Tetun. Fator nebee iha impaktu ba rezultadu ezame Tetun Tuir ami nia peskiza hatudu katak iha fator haat nebee foo impaktu ba estudante nia rezultadu ezame Tetun mak hanesan tuir mai nee. Estudante hela ho see Fator primeiru nebee foo impaktu ba estudante nia rezultadu ezame mak estudante hela ho see. Hanesan ita hotu hatene katak estudante nebee estuda iha Dili laos deit Dili oan (sira nebee moris no boot iha Dili). Maibee estudante barak mos mai hosi munisipiu 12 seluk. Nunee, iha estudante balu hela ho inanaman rasik no balu seluk hela ho familia, hela mesak ou hela ho ema. Hosi total respondente, iha estudante nain 27 mak hela ho inan-aman rasik, nain 43 hela ho familia seluk (hanesan maun, biin, tia ka tiu), nain 7 hela mesak, no nain 1 hela ho ema. Estudante nebee hela ho inan-aman rasik, 48% hetan valor A ka B iha materia Tetun, 22% deit mak hetan D (la liu). Estudante nebee hela ho familia, 12% deit mak hetan valor A ka B, no 38% hetan D. Rezultadu nee hatudu katak estudante nebee hela ho inan-aman rasik, hetan valor diak liu ba materia Tetun. Ida nee tanba saida? Dalaruma tanba baibain estudante sira nebee hela ho sira nia inanaman rasik la presiza servisu makaas iha uma, nunee sira livre liu atu estuda. Ou karik tanba estudante sira hetan motivasaun makaas hosi inan-aman, no la senti dook hosi familia. Bele mos sira nia Tetun diak liu estudante sira nebee mai hosi distritu, tanba sira hela kleur ona iha Dili. Maneira estuda Fator segundu nebee foo impaktu ba estudante nia rezultadu ezame mak maneira estuda. Iha prosesu aprendizajen estudante balu aprende ho lalais durante sira nia estudu. Iha balu fali, lao neneik liu. Nunee iha materia Tetun, ami hanorin maneira estuda oi-oin, ho intensaun hakarak ajuda estudante para bele susesu. Estudante ida-idak baibain iha maneira estuda nebee la hanesan. Iha estudante balu prefere liu rona dosente nia esplikasaun depois sira komprende no bele estuda ho diak. Estudante balu fali, se rona deit, sira sei haluha lalais. Importante liu ba sira mak depois de rona tenki pratika. Nunee, sira sei la haluha bainhira mosu iha ezame. Iha livru Tetun ba Eskola ho Servisu 1, ami hanorin ona kona ba maneira estuda oin tolu (haree, rona, no halo). Ami hakarak hatene tuir, estudante sira uza maneira nebee hodi estuda. Hosi total respondente, iha estudante nain 29 dehan sira uza maneira estuda oin 3 (haree, rona, halo), nain 26 uza maneira estuda rona, nain 14 uza maneira estuda halo, no nain 5 deit mak uza maneira estuda haree. Estudante nebee dehan sira uza maneira estuda tolu nee hotu, 52% mak hetan valor A ka B, no 17% deit mak hetan D. Sira nebee uza maneira estuda ida deit, 12% hetan valor A ka B, no 58% mak hetan D. Rezultadu nee atu dehan mai ita katak estudante nebee uza maneira estuda tolu (haree, rona, no halo) hetan valor diak liu ba materia Tetun. Ida nee karik tanba sira uza duni maneira tolu nee, nunee sira nia estuda sei efetivu liu duke lee liu deit. Por ezemplu, se estudante ida uza deit maneira estuda rona, nia sei haluha lalais deit tanba la halo apontamentu hodi haree fila fali. Fator nee mosu bebeik iha peskiza seluk, por ezemplu tuir Schmelzer (1987, 261-266) ho mos Moniri (2006, 135-140), estuda ho efetivu sai hanesan xave ida ba estudante universitariu sira nia susesu iha ezame.

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Oras estuda Fator terseiru nebee foo impaktu ba estudante nia rezultadu ezame mak oras estuda. Hosi total respondente, iha estudante nain 38 mak dehan sira estuda materia Tetun menus hosi oras ida kada semana, no nain 35 estuda oras ida ba leten. Estudante nebee mak estuda oras ida ba leten, 41% hetan valor A ka B, 27% mak hetan D. Maibee estudante nebee estuda menus hosi oras ida, 16% deit mak hetan valor A ka B, 39% hetan D. Rezultadu nee hatudu katak estudante nebee estuda Tetun oras ida ba leten kada semana, hetan valor diak liu duke sira nebee estuda menus hosi oras ida. Nee mos fator importante ida tuir peskiza nebee halao ba estudante 242 hosi Fakuldade Medisina iha Universidade Kashan Pakistan (Moniri 2006, 135-140). Valor ezame admisaun Ingles ho Portuges Aleinde fator sira nebee temi ona iha leten, valor ezame admisaun Portuges ho Ingles mos iha relasaun ho estudante nia valor ezame Tetun. Iha nee, ami halo komparasaun entre estudante nia valor ezame admisaun Portuges ho Ingles ho valor ezame Tetun. Komparasaun nee hatudu katak estudante nebee hetan valor ezame admisaun Portuges ho Ingles diak liu, sira mos hetan rezultadu diak liu iha Tetun. Ida nee bele akontese tanba razaun oi-oin: karik sira badinas liu, hatene estuda ho efetivu liu, hatene tekniku nebee diak ba ezame, ka iha interese ba estuda lingua. Bele mos sira nia eskola anterior diak. Bele halo nusaa mos, rezultadu ezame admisaun sai fator ida nebee importante teb-tebes ba estudante nia susesu iha universidade iha nasaun sel-seluk (Robert Taylor, komunikasaun pesoal). Fator nebee la foo impaktu ba rezultadu ezame Tetun

Iha mos fator balu nebee la iha impaktu ba estudante sira nia rezultadu Tetun. Estuda iha tempu saida Ami husu pergunta ida nee tanba karik iha diferensa entre estudante sira nebee estuda iha kalan antes toba no estuda iha dadeer-saan nakukun. Maibee la iha diferensa entre rua nee. Sira nia valor kuaze hanesan deit. Prefere liu atu estuda iha nebee Iha nee ami hakarak hatene tuir karik fatin estuda mos bele foo impaktu ba estudante sira nia valor ezame Tetun. Maibee rezultadu la hatudu nunee, tanba estudante nebee prefere estuda iha uma, sira nia valor kuaze hanesan deit ho sira nebee prontu estuda iha kualker fatin Kada materia estuda semana ida dala hira Baibain frekuensia estuda mos influensia ba estudante nia rezultadu ezame. Ami husu frekuensia estudu ba materia seluk, tanba karik ida nee bele hatudu, estudante nee badinas ka lae. Afinal frekuensia estuda materia seluk la iha impaktu ba rezultadu Tetun. Estudante nia materia favoritu saida Ami husu estudante nia materia favoritu, tanba tuir ami nia hanoin karik iha estudante balu, sira nia materia favoritu laos Tetun, nunee sira la liu iha ezame Tetun. Maibee rezultadu hatudu oin seluk. Estudante balu nebee dehan sira nia materia favoritu Tetun mos hetan valor hanesan ho sira nebee materia favoritu laos Tetun. Tan nee, materia favoritu la sai fator nebee foo impaktu ba rezultadu ezame. Estuda ho see Tuir ami nia hanoin, estudante balu susar uituan atu estuda mesak. Nunee, liu hosi pergunta ida nee ami hakarak atu hatene karik sira la liu ezame tanba estuda mesak. Afinal rezultadu hatudu katak estudante nebee estuda mesak mos valor hanesan deit ho estudante nebee estuda iha grupu (nain rua ba leten).

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Konkluzaun Estudu pilotu nee hatudu buat balu nebee ajuda estudante hetan rezultadu diak ba Tetun, hanesan hela ho inan-aman, uza metodu estudu oi-oin, estuda liu oras ida kada semana, no hetan rezultadu diak ba ezame admisaun Portuges ho Ingles. Ami hanoin iha peskiza tuir mai, ami mos hakarak hatene kona ba estudante nia eskola anterior. Tanba estudante sira remata hosi eskola oi-oin, nunee sira mos iha konhesimentu nebee la hanesan. Aleinde ida nee, ami mos hakarak hatene estudante sira rona Tetun iha situasaun formal ka lae. Ezemplu, sira lee iha uma ka lae, sira baibain rona notisia iha TVTL ka lae, sira partisipa iha konferensia ruma hodi rona ema koalia Tetun formal ka lae, sira baibain tuir misa Tetun hodi rona padre nia omilia ka lae. Pergunta ida tan mak estudante nia inan-aman nia nivel edukasaun. Tuir peskiza iha fatin seluk, se estudante nee mak ema primeiru iha familia laran atu tama universidade, susar, tanba la iha ema ida atu hatudu dalan ba nia. Referensia Schmelzer, Ronald V., Claire D. Schmelzer, Robert A., Figler ho William G. Brozo 1987, ‘Using the critical incident technique to determine reasons for success and failure of university students’, Journal of College Students Personnel, 28(3): 261-266. Moniri, Rezvan., Hashemiyeh, Ghalebtarash ho Gholam, Mussavi 2006, ‘The reason of educational failure among paramedical students in Kashan University of Medical Sciences’, Iranian Journal of Medical Education, 6(1): 135-140. Williams-van Klinken, Catharina 2008a, Tetun 1, Dili Institute of Technology, Dili. www.tetundit.tl. --- 2008b, ‘Tetun 2’, Dili Institute of Technology, Dili. www.tetundit.tl. Williams-van Klinken, Catharina, Leoneto da Silva Ribeiro, Cesaltina M. Tilman 2015, Tetun ba eskola ho servisu 1, Dili Institute of Technology, Dili. www.tetundit.tl. Williams-van Klinken, Catharina, Leoneto da Silva Ribeiro, Cesaltina M. Tilman, Teofilo A. Maia, Melky F. Ladis Costa Akoyt 2015, Tetun ba eskola ho servisu 2, Dili Institute of Technology, Dili. www.tetundit.tl.

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7 Fatin hodi halimar iha Timor-Leste: Projetu halimar fatin Lospalos James Nash no Sr. Ildefonso da Silva Introdusaun Artigu ida ne’e nia objetivu mak atu esplika projetu peskiza ida kona-ba labarik nia halimar fatin iha Timor-Leste. Iha artigu nia laran autór fó koñese kona-ba atividade halimar no métodu ‘aprende bazeia ba halimar’ nia valór. Tuir mai autór haree ba mudansa iha edukasaun pre-eskolár iha Timor-Leste. Ne’e hotu tiha, ita sei haree ba rezultadu projetu peskiza no hato’o sujestaun no rekomendasaun konaba oinsa halo halimar fatin ne’ebé úniku tuir kultura no fó labarik sira oportunidade atu tuir atividade halimar oi-oin. Informasaun husi peskiza seluk kona-ba edukasaun pre-eskolár hatudu katak atividade halimar importante tebes ba labarik nia dezenvolvimentu. Alende ne’e, peskiza foun hatudu katak labarik nia dezenvolvimentu bainhira sira sei ki’ik fó impaktu boot ba sira nia moris bainhira sira sai ema adultu. Projetu peskiza ida ne’e halo iha tempo diak tanba agora dadaun Timor nia setór edukasaun pre-eskolár aumenta boot hodi responde ba nesesidade populasaun. Antesedente: Atividade Halimar nia Valór Halimar mak parte ida iha labarik sira nia moris ne’ebé importante tebes. Halimar mós fundamental iha labarik sira nia prosesu dezenvolve sira nia isin, hanoin, emosaun no abilidade halo kolega (ka saúde sosiál). Dezenvolvimentu sira ne’e mak fundasaun importante bainhira labarik sai ema adultu. Peskiza barak hatudu katak labarik ne’ebé halimar ho kreativu no pozitivu sei hetan moris diak bainhira sira sai boot. Labarik sempre hakarak halimar. Atividade halimar hatudu labarik sira nia abilidade atu dezenvolve no haburas rasik sira nia hanoin no isin. Kapasidade atu komprende no rekoñese labarik nia abilidade ne’e mak parte importante iha edukasaun jardín infantíl. Jardín infantíl fornese abilidade báziku iha area hanesan lee, hakerek no hatene númeru. Jardín infantíl mós fatin iha ne’ebé mak labarik sira komesa koñese ema foun no fatin foun. Ba labarik ki’ik buat ne’e mak esperiénsia foun loos. Labarik hakarak uza atividade halimar hodi aprende kona-ba ideia no fatin ne’ebé sira deskobre. Jardín infantíl nia halimar fatin ne’ebé kapás no halo labarik kontente mak fatin ne’ebé labarik sira bele uza atu aprende no dezenvolve sira nia a’an liu husi halimar. Halimar fatin ne’ebé fó oportunidade ba labarik sira atu halimar ho maneira oi-oin sei ajuda loos labarik nia dezenvolvimentu. Maneira halimar oi-oin ne’e bele inklui halimar ativu hanesan desportu no halimar halai, halimar livre no kreativu, nomos halimar imajinasaun no teatru. Loron-loron labarik iha Timor-Leste han tempo barak halimar ho ativu no livre. Bainhira sira halimar hanesan ne’e sira aprende abilidade importante barak. Ita sei bele fó suporta ba atividade halimar ne’e liu husi halo halimar fatin iha jardín infantíl. Halimar fatin ne’e bele aumenta labarik nia edukasaun no dezenvolvimentu ho maneira ne’ebé kreativu, apropriadu no halo labarik sira kontente. Edukasaun pre-eskolár iha Timor-Leste Edukasaun pre-eskolár iha Timor-Leste mak setór ida ne’ebé foun no aumenta boot lailais. Jardín infantíl iha sidade nomos iha foho sai sentru komunidade importante ba mestre no inan-aman ne’ebé hakarak tau foku ba labarik sira. Ho rekursu no treinamentu ne’ebé limitadu tebes, mestre sira fornese edukasaun pre-eskolár ba labarik barak. Mestre sira mós inklui atividade kultura kapás iha sira nia hanorin – dala barak sira hanorin kultura liu husi arte, kanta no dansa. Maibé iha problema rua. Primeiru, seidauk iha padraun nasionál ba edukasaun pre-eskolár, no segundu iha programa treinamentu oi-oin loos ba mestre jardín infantíl. Tamba nune’e, matéria hanorin iha jardín infantíl sira oi-oin loos, no mós jardín infantíl uza padraun oi-oin no maneira hanorin oi-oin. Durante ami hala’o peskiza ami vizita fornesedor treinamentu edukasaun pre-eskolár balun iha Dili. Fornesedor treinamentu ida-idak iha nia programa rasik. Balun haree liu ba aprende bazeia ba halimar, balun haree liu ba literasia no numerasia, no seluk tan haree liu ba promosaun lian lokál no lia-inan. Diak liu padraun ka kurikulum nasionál sei uza parte forte husi fornesedor treinamentu nia programa sira ne’e, no mós inklui maneira hanorin ne’ebé tau foku ba labarik (child centred teaching). 41

Setór edukasaun no Ministériu Edukasaun hasoru dezafiu barak deste independénsia iha 2002 no mós durante krize iha 2006. Situasaun ne’e signifika katak governu fó prioridade liu ba rekursu no programa edukasaun ba ensino báziku no ensino sekundáriu, duke ensinu pre-eskolár. Agora governu TL komesa fó prioridade no tau foku ba edukasaun pre-eskolár liu husi halo jardín infantíl ne’ebé rejistu ho governu. Prioridade foun mak atu estabelese: Edukasaun pre-eskolár ne’ebé efeitu, fornese fatin aprende ho kualidade diak, no tau foku ba dezenvolve abilidade lian no abilidade lee hodi promove tranzisaun ba eskola ensino báziku (Launder et al. 2014, 6)

Ministériu Edukasaun hakarak estabelese programa-estudu nasionál ba edukasaun pre-eskolár, rekursu hanorin nasionál, no mós treinamentu nasionál ba mestre sira. Buat ne’e sei uza métodu aprende ne’ebé bazeia ba atividade (activity based learning) (Launder et al, 2014 pájina 8). Ita bele hadi’ak no haburas métodu aprende ne’ebé bazeia ba atividade liu husi halo area halimar iha liur no halo halimar fatin. Halimar fatin hanesan ne’e sei fó oportunidade oi-oin atu labarik bele aprende no dezenvolve sira nia a’an liu husi atividade halimar. Kuandu halo area halimar iha liur, bele aumenta buat oi-oin ne’ebé kreativu, tuir kultura, no natural. Nune’e bele kria halimar fatin úniku ba Timor-Leste. Maibé iha dezafiu balun bainhira uza jardín liur iha jardín infantíl iha Timor-Leste. Ami kria ‘Projetu Halimar Fatin Lospalos’ tamba ami haree dezafiu ne’e no mós haree katak atividade halimar kreativu ne’ebé bazeia ba kultura importante ba dezenvolvimentu Timor-Leste, Projetu Halimar Fatin Lospalos Many Hands International (MHI) mak ONG ne’ebé servisu iha Lospalos no sira kria Projetu Halimar Fatin Lospalos. MHI nia objetivu mak atu fó forsa ba komunidade liu husi suporta koñesimentu kultura no hahalok kreativu. Projetu ne’e fó servisu ba ema nain rua. Primeiru mak James Nash ne’ebé arkitetu ida no mai husi Australian Business Volunteers. Segundu mak Ildefonso Da Silva ne’ebé MHI nia peskizadór kultura lokál no nia mós jogadór ida. Projetu ne’e halo observasaun no avaliasaun kona-ba fatin ne’ebé labarik sira gosta halimar, inklui jardín infantíl, ensino báziku no fatin públiku seluk. Ami identifika oportunidade no dezafiu bainhira halo diskusaun hamutuk ho labarik, mestre, inan-aman, administradór distritu lokál no administradór edukasaun lokál, no mós Xefe Suku. Projetu ne’e halo mós avaliasaun kona-ba ekipamentu no matéria ne’ebé uza hela iha halimar fatin, no mós identifika matéria konstrusaun no sasán seluk ne’ebé karik bele uza no bele hetan iha komunidade ka iha Dili. Projetu ne’e halo peskiza kona-ba tradisaun kultura lokál ne’ebé karik bele inklui iha halimar fatin nia dezeñu. Projetu mós halo matadalan ida ho títulu ‘Halo Espasu ba Halimar Fatin’. Matadalan ne’e esplika oinsa bele kuda jardín no ai-hun hodi marka area ida nia baliza, no mós hodi bele fó mahon ba halimar fatin. Projetu ne’e servisu hamutuk ho ONG ida iha Melbourne ho naran Playground Ideas (PGI – Ideia ba Halimar Fatin). PGI fó hanoin importante kona-ba dezeñu no prosesu atu halo halimar fatin. Sira fahe informasaun, rekursu no hanoin (Veerman, 2014). Se ema ruma hakarak aprende klean liu kona-ba tanba saida mak halimar importante, planeamentu halimar fatin, no oinsa halo ekipamentu halimar fatin, ami rekomenda Ita-Boot haree PGI nia rekursu. Ikus liu, projetu ne’e dezeña halimar fatin ki’ik rua iha Lospalos no agora dadaun ami uza dezeñu ne’e atu buka fundus hodi bele halo duni halimar fatin rua ne’e. Projetu nia Prosesu Projetu ne’e identifika oinsa labarik sira halimar iha Timor-Leste agora dadaun. Porezemplu, halimar bola no desportu, berlindes, sai ai-hun, buka fatin foun, duni malu, subar malu, múziku, kanta no pinta. Labarik sira matenek loos bainhira foti sasán ruma no troka sasán ne’e hodi sai boneka ka buat ruma ne’ebé bele uza halimar. Porezemplu, dulas roda, uza papelaun (kaixa) hodi halo kareta ka trek, ka uza buraisa hodi halimar. Ami mós observa labarik sira kria fatin ho sira nia imajinasaun. Dala ruma labarik sira uza ai-musan, nuu-kulit no au ba halimar tradisionál nian. Piaw no animal ne’ebé halo ho ai-tali mak alat halimar tradisionál ba labarik sira. Iha mós halimar balun hanesan popati-pati ne’ebé bele ajuda labarik sira ho abilidade matemátika. Ami haree mós katak labarik balun uza fatin públiku hanesan halimar fatin, porezemplu presipiu jardín, ai-hun boot no uma ka rai mamuk. Projetu ne’e mós identifika halimar fatin públiku no privadu ne’ebé susesu. Bainhira ami dehan halimar fatin susesu, ne’e 42

signifika katak halimar fatin ne’e fatin ida ne’ebé labarik bele uza hodi halimar ho livre no sira sente seguru. Labarik bele mós partisipa iha atividade oi-oin no uza espasu oi-oin iha halimar fatin sira ne’e. Halimar fatin susesu barak uza material konstrusaun ne’ebé relevante tuir kultura no/ka modernu no bele uza kleur. Halimar fatin balun uza material konstrusaun tradisionál ne’ebé fasil atu hafoun ka troka. Projetu ne’e mós identifika dezafiu balun bainhira haree oinsa bele uza area halimar iha liur iha jardín infantíl: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

La iha baliza ka lutu atu halo labarik sira seguru husi kareta, motor no animal oi-oin. La bele halimar iha liur tanba manas liu no la iha mahon. Sasán perigozu iha liur ka besik area halimar hanesan uma mamuk, lixu fatin no animal boot. Membru komunidade la hatene area halimar nia baliza iha ne’ebé. Membru komunidade uza area halimar fatin durante oras eskola nomos depois oras eskola. Problema nain ba rai husi tempo Portugés. Labarik nia oráriu iha jardín infantíl loron-loron limitadu ka tempo la dun naruk. Halimar fatin nia ekipamentu balun a’at ka susar atu halo manutensaun.

(Nash and DaSilva 2015, 4) Projetu ne’e kria matadalan ‘Halo Espasu ba Halimar Fatin’ hodi responde ba dezafiu sira ne’e. Pájina ne’e (Figura 1) husi livru matadalan hatudu oinsa bele resolve problem dezafiu ne’e liu husi kuda aimoris. Matadalan ne’e fó informasaun kona-ba oinsa bele kria baliza ba area halimar fatin se buat ne’e problema duni ba jardín infantíl ida. Atu kontinua ba etapa tuir mai no dezeña halimar fatin, projetu ne’e uza PGI nia rekursu no matadalan. Figura 1- Husi livru Matadalan hatudu oinsa bele resolve problem dezafiu ne’e liu husi kuda ai-moris.

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PGI rekomenda ita uza prosesu ho etapa lima hodi halo halimar fatin: Rona, Planeamentu, Dezeñu, Konstrusaun, Manutensaun (Veerman 2014). Prosesu ne’e mak sai matadalan ba Projetu Halimar Fatin Lospalos. PGI nia matadalan rekomenda katak ita halo halimar fatin ne’ebé refleta fatin lokál no kultura lokál - nune’e halimar fatin bele sai fatin ki’ik ne’ebé atu hanesan ho labarik nia moris atuál. Matadalan ne’e esplika katak importante halimar fatin fornese oportunidade atu labarik sira bele halimar ho maneira oi-oin. Sira deskreve tipu halimar oin haat ne’ebé tenke konsidera bainhira halo dezeñu ba halimar fatin. 1. Halimar Ativu hanesan halai, haksoit, sae, halimar boi, halo namdoras no halo rolu. 2. Halimar Desportu hanesan tebe bola, voleiból, haksoit tali ka buraisa, halimar subar. 3. Halimar Livre no Halimar Kreativu hanesan bainhira labarik sira esplora no halo interaksaun ho sasán modernu ka sasán natureza iha halimar fatin. Sasán ne’e bele tau metin iha fatin ka bele mós muda ba-mai, no labarik bele uza atu halimar buat oi-oin. 4. Imajinasaun no Teatru hanesan bainhira labarik sira uza sira nia imajinasaun atu halimar papél hanesan finje tein, lori kareta, sai toos nain, faan iha merkadu, ka halimar hanesan toka múziku, kanta lagu ka halo arte. (Veerman 2014, 23) Importante ita rekoñese katak fatin ba halimar ativu no desportu baibain tama iha halimar fatin nia dezeñu. Presiza fó suporta barak liu atu halo fatin ba halimar livre, halimar kreativu no halimar imajinasaun. Halimar oin tolu ne’e mak parte importante iha labarik nia dezenvolvimentu sentimentu no dezenvolvimentu hanoin (ka matenek). Fornese fatin ba tipu halimar oi-oin sira ne’e mak maneira diak ida atu uza espasu iha halimar fatin. Halo ligasaun entre fatin sira ne’e bele fó enkorajen ba labarik sira atu koko atividade foun no aprende buat foun. Projetu Halimar Fatin Lospalos uza mós matadalan seluk ho títulu ‘7Cs’ (C Hitu). Organizasaun ho naran Outside Criteria husi Vancouver, Canada mak hakerek matadalan 7Cs (Herrington et al 2007). Sira halo rekomendasaun hitu bazeia ba observasaun labarik sira halimar iha halimar fatin no mós bazeia ba peskiza sientífiku. Sira nia objetivu mak atu ‘halo ligasaun entre labarik nia halimar fatin iha liur no saida mak ita hatene kona-ba dezenvolvimentu labarik ki’ik’. Character (Karakter): Ideia ka ambiente jerál iha area halimar fatin. Context (Kontestu): Komprende ligasaun entre halimar fatin no ambiente iha area ne’e. Connectivity (Ligasaun): Hanoin kona-ba ligasaun entre atividade oi-oin iha halimar fatin. Change (Mudansa): Hanoin kona-ba tipu halimar oin hira mak labarik sira bele halimar iha halimar fatin no oinsa buat ne’e sei muda tuir tempo. Chance (Oportunidade): Refere ba oinsa labarik sira bele halo mudansa iha sira nia fatin. Buat ne’e bele inklui sasán halimar hanesan roda ne’ebé labarik bele dulas ba mai. Bele mós inklui buat ruma hanesan rai-henek, fatuk ki’ik ka didin jís ne’ebé labarik bele uza halo pinta. Clarity (Klaru): Hanoin kona-ba oinsa mestre komprende halimar fatin ne’e no mós oinsa labarik komprende halimar fatin ne’e. Tenke klaru halimar fatin nia parte oi-oin uza atu halimar saida. Challenge (Dezafiu): Ida-ne’e refere ba oinsa halimar fatin ida fó dezafiu fíziku nomos dezafiu hanoin ba labarik ne’ebé halimar iha ne’ebá. Buat ne’e karik bele inklui oportunidade ba labarik atu foti risku, hanesan sae aas ka haksoit tun.

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Figura 2 - Labarik halimar iha fatin públiku ne’ebé troka sai halimar fatin – Jardín Presepio

Informasaun Sientífiku kona-ba Halimar Organizasaun rua ne’ebé refere iha leten, ‘Playground Ideas’ no ‘Outside Criteria’, halo matadalan kona-ba oinsa dezenvolve halimar fatin. Informasaun iha matadalan rua ne’e bazeia ba observasaun, esperiénsia, no peskiza sientífiku kona-ba tanba sá mak atividade halimar importante ba ema nia dezenvolvimentu. Atividade halimar diak dezenvolve parte iha ita-nia kakutak ne’ebé kontrola ‘Funsaun Eksekutivu’. Funsaun eksekutivu nia definisaun mak prosesu hanoin ne’ebé ‘signifika katak ita bele halo planu, tau foku ba buat ruma, hanoin hetan instrusaun, no mós halo buat oi-oin iha momentu ida ho susesu’ (CDC 2015). Sentru ba Dezenvolvimentu Labarik ne’ebé bazeia iha Universidade Harvard iha Amerika dezenvolve tiha rekursu multimedia barak hodi bele komprende klean liu kona-ba atividade halimar nia papél iha labarik nia dezenvolvimentu hanoin bainhira sei ki’ik. Dezenvolvimentu abilidade hanoin no abilidade seluk bele fó benefísiu durante ema nia moris tomak. Abilidade ne’e mós fó benefísiu boot ba dezenvolvimentu sosiedade forte ida. Peskiza balun hatudu katak labarik ne’ebé simu oportunidade diak atu halimar hetan rezultadu diak liu iha sira nia moris bainhira sira sai boot. Peskiza ida halo estudu kona-ba labarik kiak ne’ebé hetan oportunidade atu tuir atividade halimar ne’ebé diak no estimula sira. Rezultadu hatudu katak bainhira labarik sira ne’e sai boot, sira manaan osan 42% boot liu duke labarik kiak sira seluk ne’ebé la tuir atividade halimar diak. Importante atu nota katak bainhira labarik sira sai boot sira la hasoru problema dezigualdade ka problema sosiál. Peskizadór hatete katak ‘rezultadu ne’e hatudu bainhira ita fó estimula ba labarik kiak ne’ebé sei ki’ik bele fó impaktu ba merkadu trabalho no hamenus dezigualdade’ (Gertler et al 2014, 1). Haree ba PGI nia website atu hetan informasaun seluk kona-ba tanba sá importante ba labarik ki’ik atu halimar no mós oinsa atividade halimar bele fó impaktu ba ita nia moris. (PGI 2015 a,b) Projetu nia Rezultadu: Halo Promosaun ba Halimar Fatin Tuir Kultura iha Timor-Leste 45

Projetu ne’e estabelese prosesu dezeñu uza konsultasaun atu halo halimar fatin rua. Projetu mós halo peskiza kona-ba posibilidade atu halo halimar fatin públiku no uza area halimar iha rai mamuk entre ensino báziku rua. Rezultadu husi konsultasaun ho inan-aman, mestre, no administradór sira mak informa planu ba dezenvolvimentu projetu ne’e. Mestre eskola apresia tebes oportunidade atu dezenvolve labarik nia abilidade oi-oin. Jardín infantíl estabelese ona fatin balun iha sala laran ne’ebé espesífiku ba dezenvolvimentu labarik nia abilidade fíziku no abilidade hanoin. Fatin ne’e inklui area ba moto fina, moto grossa, numerasia, lee no literasia, múziku no arte. Mestre sira gosta ideia kona-ba haluan espasu halimar ne’e atu nune’e bele tama mós iha area liur. Primeiru ami halo diskusaun ho ema oi-oin kona-ba oinsa labarik sira gosta halimar. Depois mak ami fahe labarik nia gosta no atividade halimar seluk ba grupu tema balun. Grupu tema mak: halimar ativu no sae-tun, halimar bola, halimar teatru kreativu, dansa no toka múziku, no halimar hakmatek atu bele aprende buat foun iha area liur. Ami koko maneira oi-oin atu dezeña area halimar no ikus liu ami hola desizaun no foti dezeñu ida ne’ebé inklui tipu atividade halimar oi-oin. Dezeñu ne’e mós inklui parte balun husi kultura no detalhu husi ambiente naturál lokál. Porezemplu halimar fatin inklui ekipamentu sae-tun ho dezeñu hanesan lafaek no karau ne’ebé halo husi roda tuan; foho ki’ik no kadoras ne’ebé halo tuir foho fatuk-ahu besik eskola nia fatin; palku ida ne’ebé labarik bele uza atu toka múziku, kanta no dansa; no mós uma adat ida ne’ebé atu hanesan ho komunidade nia jardín presipio. Halimar fatin ne’e hasoru dezafiu tanba besik estrada boot. Etapa primeiru iha prosesu halo halimar fatin ne’e mak kuda ai-moris. Inan-aman no mestre sira kuda ai-moris no ai-hun hodi kria baliza no fó mahon. Ami hili ai-moris ne’ebé diak atu halo fatin privadu, seguru, no mahon. Ami hili ai-moris sira ne’e bazeia ba informasaun husi inan-aman no ema lokál. Figura 3 - Konseptu planu ba Halimar fatin iha foun iha jardín infantíl komesa ho kuda ai-moris.

Material Konstrusaun no Abilidade Ami presiza halo peskiza klean kona-ba material konstrusaun no abilidade konstrusaun iha Lospalos no Timor-Leste hodi bele halo dezeñu ba halimar fatin ne’e. Prosesu peskiza ne’e inklui halo avaliasaun halimar fatin balun, ekipamentu halimar nian, no mós material konstrusaun uma tradisionál no modern. Ami tau foku ba material konstrusaun ida ne’ebé mak diak no ida ne’ebé mak la dun diak ka kria problema. Bele hetan ezemplu husi analiza halimar fatin iha Figura 4 no 5. Ami avalia material konstrusaun, inklui material konstrusaun tradisionál, hodi haree se bele uza atu halo halimar fatin ka lae. Iha proses avaliasaun ne’e ami haree problema balun ne’ebé baibain mosu ho ekipamentu halimar fatin. Ezemplu ida mak bainhira ekipamentu halimar halo ho besi. Besi material konstrusaun ida ne’ebé forte no bele uza kleur. Dala barak ema hanoin besi kapás loos atu uza bainhira halo halimar fatin. Halimar fatin balun iha Timor-Leste mak ezemplu diak ne’ebé hatudu katak bele 46

halo halimar fatin kapás ho besi, hanesan iha Jardín 5 De Maio iha Dili. Maibé atu uza besi presiza abilidade espesífiku. Jardín infantíl barak nia halimar fatin halo ho besi maibé ema solda besi ne’e la dun diak. Iha fatin barak mosu besi-teen no ne’e perigozu ba labarik sira. Maski nune’e, ami hetan mós jardín infantíl balun ho ekipamentu halimar besi ne’ebé diak loos. Halimar fatin sira ne’e halo ho kualidade diak no dala barak ema pinta besi hodi la bele mosu besi-teen. Labarik barak gosta halimar iha halimar fatin kapás sira. Ami hetan halimar fatin balun ne’ebé la presiza solda besi tanba sira só uza ai no besi bainhira presiza halo forte. Iha mós halimar fatin seluk ne’ebé uza pipa be besi ho pipa besi ne’ebé tau hamutuk hodi halo forte. Halimar fatin seluk tan la uza besi no fó oportunidade ba labarik sira atu halimar iha ekipamentu hanesan roda tuan ne’ebé ema pinta, konkretu ka sae ai-huun. Husi analiza báziku ne’e ita bele aprende katak kuandu hakarak uza besi atu halo halimar fatin, tenke uza besi ho kualidade diak, solda didiak, no halo manutensaun. Ezemplu seluk mak bainhira ema uza material ai-tali hodi halo halimar fatin. Ema barak uza material ai tali no ai-tali tahan iha Timor-Leste. Material ne’e bele hetan iha fatin barak, la karun, bele troka, no ema barak hatene halo konstrusaun uza material ai-tali. Material ne’e la bele uza kleur hanesan besi, no la forte hanesan besi, maibé material ne’e uza mós la hanesan. Porezemplu ita bele uza material ai-tali hanesan eskada, atu halo uma ki’ik ba labarik sira halimar iha laran, ka hodi halo lutu ki’ik ba area halimar rai-henek. Buat ne’e bele mós uza hanesan ekipamentu ne’ebé la metin, nune’e labarik bele kria rasik sira nia halimar fatin. Komunidade lokál hatene barak kona-ba material ai-tali nia kualidade no mós kona-ba oinsa aumenta nia forsa. Material ai-tali nian mós reprezenta fatin lokál ho diak no bele inklui tradisaun hanesan homan ka bahat. Komprende klean liu kona-ba material lokál mak tópiku ne’ebé diak ba peskiza seluk iha futuru. Bele hetan ezemplu husi analiza hamilar fatin iha Figura 4 no 5. Figura 4 no 5 - Ezemplu husi analiza halimar fatin iha

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Figura 6 - Halimar fatin ki’ik ne’ebé uza material tradisionál no mós material modernu.

Konkluzaun Halimar fatin mak fatin ne’ebé suporta labarik sira atu sai ema boot ne’ebé kontente, isin forte no matenek. Rezultadu peskiza hatudu katak atividade halimar bainhira labarik sei ki’ik importante loos atu harii sosiedade forte ida. Iha mundu internasional, ideia kona-ba halimar, halimar fatin, no oinsa buat ne’e fó impaktu ba ema kontinua muda no dezenvolve nafatin. Agora ema haree katak atividade halimar laos atividade ne’ebé sees husi prosesu aprende, maibé atividade ne’ebé kapás loos hodi labarik bele aprende. Ho rekoñesimentu hanesan ne’e, estrutura halimar fatin komesa muda atu nune’e labarik bele hetan esperiénsia oi-oin bainhira halimar iha ne’ebá. Labarik Timor-oan matenek loos halimar livre, no halimar livre importante loos ba labarik nia prosesu dezenvolve a’an. Maibé ita bele mós fó suporta ba labarik sira hodi sira bele partisipa iha atividade halimar oi-oin. Buat ne’e sei kria oportunidade ba labarik sira atu halo reflesaun, aprende, no simu komentáriu pozitivu bainhira sira 48

halimar no aprende. Rai Timor-Leste iha istória kultura ne’ebé kapás, grupu étniku oi-oin no rai geografiku ne’ebé furak tebes. Situasaun ne’e signifika katak iha buat barak ne’ebé bele uza hanesan ideia bainhira halo dezeñu ba labarik nia halimar fatin foun. Se ita foti Timor oan nia domin no orgullu ne’ebé sira sente ba sira-nia rai no tau sentimentu ne’e ba iha halimar fatin, entaun bainhira labarik sira halimar iha ne’ebá sira sei lori domin no orgullu ne’e ba oin. Figura 7 - Jardín ne’ebé labarik halo ho sira nia imajinasaun iha Lospalos

Referénsia CDC (Centre on the Developing Child, Harvard University) 2015 In Brief: Executive Function: Skills For Life and Learning. Retrieved September 2015 from http://developingchild.harvard.edu/resources/inbriefexecutive-function/ Gertler, P, Heckman, J, Pinto, R,Zanolini, A, Vermeersch, C, Walker, S, Chang, S, Grantham-McGregor, S2014, 'Labor market returns to an early childhood stimulation intervention in Jamaica' in Science. 30 May 2014: Vol. 344 no. 6187 pp. 998-1001.Retrieved Sept 2015 from http://www.nber.org/papers/w19185 Launder, D, Docking, K, and Carter, R, 2014, Support to Timor-Leste Early Childhood Education, MFAT, Ministry for Foreign affairs and Trade, New Zealand. Herrington, S, Lesmeister, C, Nicholls, J, Stefiuk, K, 2007, 7Cs: An informational guide to young children’s outdoor play spaces. Retrieved September 2015 from http://www.wstcoast.org/playspaces/outsidecriteria/7Cs.html Nash, J and DaSilva, I, 2015, Halo Spacu Ba Halimar Fatin, MHI, Many Hands International, TimorLeste.Retrieved September 2015 from http://manyhands.org.au/our_activities/2013_projects/stimulating_creative_play_in_early_childhood_lospalos_pla yspaces_project/ or http://issuu.com/playgroundideas/stacks/61a82e320115412e8b2b4e0a7ffccb3d PGI (Playground Ideas) 2015a, The Evidence. Retrieved September 2015 from http://www.playgroundideas.org/about-us/the-evidence/ PGI (Playground Ideas) 2015b, Why play? Retrieved September 2015 from http://www.playgroundideas.org/about-us/why-play/ Veerman, M, (2014) The Community Playground Manual- Five steps to a great space to play, Playground Ideas, Melbourne, Australia. Retrieved December 2014 from http://www.playgroundideas.org/build-aplayground/design-manuals/

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8 Ukun rasik an, dezenvolvimentu no prosesu harii paz Indíjena iha Timor-Leste Sophia Close Peskiza nia objetivu Agora dadaun iha mundu tomak eziste povu Indíjena liu millaun 370. Tanba aktivismu internasionál durante tinan naruk mak Nasoens Unidas aprova tiha ona Deklarasaun kona-ba Direitu Povu Indíjena ne’ebé aprova husi Assembleia Jerál iha 2007. Deklarasaun ida ne’e rekoñese povu Indíjena ninia direitu ba ukun rasik an hanesan parte ida husi ema hotu-hotu ninia direitu atu kontrola rasik nia dezenvolvimentu ekonomiku, sosiál no kulturál. Deklarasaun ida ne’e hateten katak dezenvolvimentu nu’udar dalan ida hodi implementa direitu ida ne’e ho paz no sustentabilidade. Agora dadaun iha mundu tomak ita gasta osan billaun ba billaun ba intervensaun dezenvolvimentu ba nasaun sira ne’ebé seidauk dezenvolvidu. Maske nune’e intervensaun hirak ne’e seidauk atinje sira nia rezultadu. Peskizadór barak, inklui husi Easterly (2006), Kothari no Minogue (2002), Moyo (2009), Rihani (2002), Ramalingam (2013), Sen (1999) halo mos peskiza kona-ba prosesu dezenvolvimentu ne’ebé la efetivu. Seluk tan, hanesan Anderson (1999), Collier (2007), Chand no Coffman (2008), Richmond (2005; 2015), Westoby no Dowling (2009) mós hateten katak iha ligasaun entre dezenvolvimentu ne’ebé la efetivu no kresimentu violénsia no konflitu iha mundu. Hau nia peskiza investiga asuntu hirak ne’e iha Timor-Leste. Maske ema Timor-Leste la dun uza linguajen ‘Indíjena’ hodi identifika-an peskizadór lubuk ida, hanesan Babo-Soares (2004), Cabral (2002), da Silva (2012), Trindade (2008, 2013), Ospina no Hohe (2002) no Tobias (2012) hateten katak iha duni ligasaun entre ema Timor-Leste ninia esperiénsia luta no konseitu ‘Indíjena’. Tuir hau nia peskiza rasik mos hateten katak ita bele haree katak konseitu Indíjena eziste duni iha Timor-Leste tanba ita bele haree sistema matenek lokál ne’ebé forte tebes no mós tanba kategoria Indíjena hotu ne’ebé Nasoens Unidas identifika bele mós aplika ba povu TimorLeste. Hau nia peskiza hatudu katak konseitu Indíjena fó dalan ida hodi ita bele komprende di’ak liu tan asuntu ukun rasik an no violensia iha Timor-Leste. Timor-Leste nu’udar sosiedade Indíjena ida ne’ebé frajil no foin husik konflitu. Timor-Leste iha istória kolonializmu, konflitu no violénsia ne’ebé naruk tebes. Dezde votasaun ba ukun rasik an iha tinan 1999 (ne’ebé suporta husi Nasoens Unidas) nasaun Timor-Leste hetan mós impaktu husi projetu dezenvolvimentu oin-oin. Projetu hirak ne’e iha impaktu oin-oin ba nasaun Timor-Leste, impaktu balu ne’ebé di’ak no balu ne’ebé la dun di’ak. Tuir La’o Hamutuk (2010:10) katak husi tinan 1999 to’o iha tinan 2009 Timor-Leste simu osan maizumenus US billaun $5.2 husi ajensia dezenvolvimentu internasional. Maske simu osan to’o billaun $5.2 tuir La’o Hamutuk katak so 10% mak konsege to’o iha Timor-Leste ninia ekonomia rasik. Durante tinan hirak ne’e indikadór sira ba saúde, edukasaun, infrastrutura no governasaun aumenta neineik maibé iha tinan 2013 populasaun 38.7% hela nafatin iha pobreza laran (UNDP, 2013). Hau nia peskiza ninia objetivu hodi komprende di’ak liu tan oinsá sistema dezenvolvimentu husi rai li’ur ne’ebé agora implementa hela iha Timor-Leste impaktu ba ukun rasik an Indíjena Timor-Leste nian. Metodolojia Husi tinan 2006 to’o iha 2010 hau servisu hamutuk ho programa Australian Aid (AusAid) iha TimorLeste. Husi tinan 2009 to’o iha 2013 hau halo peskiza ba hau nia PhD. Hau nia peskiza hakarak fó kontribuisaun ba area dezenvolvimentu no area harii paz liu husi análize Teoria Kritika Indíjena. Hau nia peskiza mós bazeia ba peskiza ne’ebé halo husi Babo-Soares (2004), da Silva (2012) no Trindade (2008; 2013) no hakarak atu haree oinsa sistema matenek lokál Timor-Leste ninia ligasaun ba konflitu no dezenvolvimentu. Hau mós rekoñese peskizadór Alfred (1999), Garroutte (2003), Nakata (2007) no Smith (1999) ne’ebé ajuda hodi hakle’an no esplika diak liu tan matenek Indíjena nian. Hodi hala’o peskiza ida ne’e hau rona istoria husi partisipante hamutuk 90. Partisipante kompostu husi ema Timoroan no mós ema internasionál ne’ebé servisu iha setór dezenvolvimentu nian iha Timor-Leste. Hau uza prosesu análize ‘abductive’ hodi análize dadus kualitativa no hodi harii hau 50

nia teoria, signifika katak hau nia teoria bazeia ba observa kedas kontextu Timor no liafuan ne’ebé partisipante sira fó mai hau. Iha prosesu hakerek hau uza liafuan barak no citacao husi partisipante sira hodi lee nain sira bele liga diretamente ho istória partisipante sira. Analyza Konflitu nu’udar buat ida ne’ebé dala ruma pozitivu no fó dalan ba sosiedade no ema ida-idak hodi muda nia moris. Hau uza teoria husi peskizadór ida naran Galtung (1969; 1990) nune’e hau nia peskiza mós rekoñese katak ‘konflitu’ no ‘violénsia’ hanesan buat rua ne’ebé la hanesan. Galtung esplika katak violénsia nu’udar ita nia hahalok fíziku, psikolójiku no verbal. Violénsia estruturál nu’udar prosesu indiretu ida ne’ebé akontese tanba inegualdade. Violénsia kulturál hanesan parte kultura ne’ebé uza hodi justifika ka lejitima violénsia estruturál ne’e. Violénsia direta, violénsia estruturál no violénsia kulturál eziste barak iha komunidade Indíjena Timor-Leste nia let tanba istória kolonializmu no tanba konkorrénsia ba podér no rekursus. Hau konkorda ho peskizadór Alfred (1999) no Turner (2006) katak violénsia hirak ne’e hamenus ukun rasik an no dezenvolvimentu Indíjena. Hau hala’o análize konflitu no paz ida ne’ebé kle’an no fokus ba periodu 1999 to’o agora. Liu husi análize ida ne’e hau haree katak inegualdade podér ne’ebe eziste nanis ona no haburas tan husi kolonialista Portugés no okupasaun Indonesia sai nu’udar abut ba konflitu barak ne’ebé agora eziste hela iha Timor-Leste. Ida ne’e hamosu relasaun moruk liu entre ema élite sira, sira nia apoiante no grupu, no mos povu Timor-Leste. Hau nia peskiza hatudu katak eziste hela problema barak ne’ebé bele hamosu violénsia inklui mos: pobreza; problema setór seguransa; problema rai, propriedade no nain ba rekursus; governasaun ne’ebé fraku no susar ba povu atu asesu; korrupsaun; diferensia polítiku entre élite no povu ki’ik sira; violasaun direitus umanus ne’ebé kontinua hela; menus seguransa ai-han no soberania ai-han; sistema justisa ne’ebé fraku; impunidade ba krime pasadu nian; menus seguransa ekonomia, dezempregadu barak; dependénsia maka’as ba setór petróleu no infrastrutura ne’ebé la to’o. Hau nia peskiza hatudu katak povu Timor-Leste iha sistema matenek Indíjena ne’ebé forte tebe-tebes no katak sistema hirak ne’e liga ba rai, família no ritual lisan ne’ebé halo hela. Sistema matenek indíjena eziste nafatin durante tempu kolonializmu no okupasaun. Dala barak sistema matenek indíjena foti no inklui konseitu balu husi ema li’ur no adapta konseitu foun ne’e tuir sira nia lisan rasik. Sistema Indíjena sira bele eziste hamutuk ho sistema modernu maibé kuandu laiha balansu entaun bele mosu violénsia. Prátika harii pas indíjena hanesan tara bandu, nahe biti no juramentu uza iha komunidade barak hodi muda konflitu. Prátika hirak ne’e hanesan prátika ne’e baratu, fasil atu asesu no fleksivel liu duke sistema modernu sira. Maibe iha parte seluk prátika indíjena sira presiza mos suporta husi grupu élite sira, rekursus, regulasaun apropriadu no edukasaun hodi nune’e bele la’o ho diak. Rezultadu Peskiza Bazeia ba esperiénsia ema Timor-Leste hau nia peskiza hatudu katak sistema dezenvolvimentu ne’ebé ita uza hela hamosu violénsia structural iha komunidade Indíjena nia let tanba la fó valór no la hakbiit sistema matenek Indíjena ka prátika harii paz lokal. Hau nia peskiza fó dalan oinsá dezenvolvimentu internasionál bele muda ninia hahalok hodi fasilita ukun rasik an indíjena iha Timor-Leste. Análize ida nee fokus ba kauza abut violénsia iha Timor-Leste liu husi haree kle’an kultura, podér no relasaun ema nian. Perspetiva Timoroan ne’ebé servisu iha setór dezenvolvimentu Kultura: Partisipante Timoroan barak esplika katak matenek no kultura Indíjena agora uza hela iha Timor-Leste. Ema Timor ho nia identidade oin-oin. Partisipante sira hateten katak iha sentimentu fahe malu entre komunidade no katak ida ne’e so bele hadi’a liu husi prosesu harii identidade nasionál liu husi diskusaun koletivu. Maioria partisipante fó valór boot ba rai nu’udar buat ida ne’ebé sagradu no hateten katak rai importante tebes ba identidade, kria relasaun ba malu no sentimentu ‘nain’. Sira hateten katak menus asesu ba rai kulturál nu’udar buat ida ne’ebé bele hamosu violénsia iha komunidade barak no hanesan mós problema ida ne’ebé bele impaktu negativu tebes ba dezenvolvimentu bazeia ba ukun rasik an no soberania ai-han. Partisipante barak hatutan katak polítika linguajen nasionál ne’ebé komplikadu, no polítiku tebes halo diskriminasaun ida ba Timoroan kiak ne’ebé laiha edukasaun. Wainhira la uza no haburas tan 51

lingua Indijena bele hakle’an tan inegualdade iha rai laran no bele hakbiit grupu balu liu fali grupu seluk. Tanba laiha linguajen ne’ebe hanesan entre sira, grupu élite sira no ema internasionál ne’ebé servisu iha setór dezenvolvimentu sei kontinua hodi foti desizaun ne’ebé la partisipativa no desizaun ne’ebé la livre no la bazeia ba informasaun dahuluk (free, prior and informed consent). Kbiit: Abut ba sistema matenek Indíjena Timor-Leste nian mak prosesu ida hodi halo balansu ba kbiit ka podér. Partisipante barak hateten katak tanba podér ka kbiit ne’ebé laiha balansu no mós konflitu ne’ebé uluk la resolve mak hamosu fali krize 2006. Tuir sira nia haree ita presiza resolve uluk inegualdade mak foin bele muda tiha kauza abut violénsia. Durante tempu Portugés no tempu Indonesia kbiit boot no podér atu foti desizaun rai hela iha ema estranjeiru nia liman. Kolónialista sira hakbesik an ba ema élite rai laran ne’ebé mós hakarak lori sistema matenek modernu domina fali sistema matenek Indíjena. Ohin loron prosesu foti desizaun iha Timor-Leste nafatin prosesu ida ne’ebé ‘husi leten deit’ (top-down), prosesu patriarkal no prosesu bazeia ba desizaun iha Dili. Situasaun ida ne’e kria divizaun entre sidadaun baibain no ema elite sira. Situasaun ida ne’e la fó valór ba matenek no kapasidade Timor-Leste nian, hatún komunidade nia lian no haburas tan violénsia estruturál. Inegualdade relasaun entre mane no feto mós hamosu tan violénsia estruturál no violénsia direta iha Timor-Leste. Inegualdade entre mane no feto kompleksu tanba sistema indíjena no sistema modernu hasoru malu. Foin mak ita respeitu matenek Indíjena Timor-Leste no mós respeitu igualdade jéneru mak mane no feto bele partisipa ativu iha prosesu foti desizaun. Husi partisipante sira mós identifika katak la’os deit korrupsaun ekonomiku ne’ebe sai hanesan abut ida ba inegualdade maibe korupsaun moral mós nu’udar problema bo’ot ida. Partisipante hatutan katak edukasaun ne’ebé inklusivu iha ligasaun ba polítika linguajen nasionál, prosesu hakbiit kapasidade ne’ebé sustentável no ba prosesu Timoroan sai nain ba dezenvolvimentu. Sira esplika katak agora dadaun sistema edukasaun hatutan tan violénsia estruturál no halo marjinalizasaun ba feto rural no ema kiak. Relasaun: Kolonializmu Portugés no okupasaun Indonesia ne’ebé akontese tinan naruk husik hela problema sosiál ne’ebé kle’an, komunidade ne’ebé trauma no menus fiar malu. Konflitu ne’ebé la resolve, no relasaun fraku ho ema internasionál ne’ebé servisu iha setór dezenvolvimentu nian sai hanesan kauza ida ba violénsia no mós bareira ida ba dezenvolvimentu efetivu. Duplikasaun servisu tanba laiha kooperasaun di’ak no relasaun ne’ebé fraku halakon rekursus no kometimentu komunidade dezenvolvimentu nian. Partisipante sira hateten katak fiar malu, sai nain no servisu hamutuk mak prinsipiu hirak ne’ebe importante tebes. Prosesu harii relasaun no kooperasaun di’ak iha abut kulturál ne’ebe naruk no bele mos fó benefísiu no kria ligasaun di’ak ba jerasaun futuru. Kuandu ko’alia ona kona-ba asuntu kapasidade iha diferensia bo’ot entre perspetiva partisipante Timoroan no perspetiva partisipante internasionál sira. Partisipante Timoroan hateten katak sira iha rasik kapasidade bo’ot hodi halo mudansa. Ida ne’e diferente tebes husi perspetiva ema internasionál sira ne’ebé barak liu negativu no haree katak kapasidade la dun barak. Ema Timoroan ida ne’ebé servisu iha setór dezenvolvimentu hateten ‘sira hatún ami nia kapasidade lokál, ami nia matenek lokál no ami nia esperiénsia lokál. Sira hamoe ita povu Timor, ita nia kultura no ita nia identidade.’ Konsultasaun no planeamentu ne’ebé ikus liu la rezulta iha dezenvolvimentu ruma bele hasai komunidade ninia expetativa no bele halo komunidade sira frustradu. Partisipante sira hateten katak dezenvolvimentu iha Timor-Leste la produtivu tanba prosesu la apár ho kontextu Timor no la bazeia ba prosesu no oráriu ne’ebé realístiku. Partisipante sira haree katak ida ne’e sai hanesan asuntu sistemátiku no katak dezenvolvimentu efetivu tenke bazeia ba fleksibilidade no tempu naruk. Partisipante fo sujestaun katak di’ak liu uza pratika lisan ne’ebé bele liga ema laran (Timoroan) ba ema li’ur (ema internasionál sira) hodi bele harii relasaun forte, jere mudansa no hamenus konflitu entre sistema matenek diferente no pratika kulturál ne’ebé la hanesan. Perspetiva ema internasionál servisu iha setór dezenvolvimentu Kultura: Iha jerál partisipante internasionál sira foti asuntu hanesan mos partisipante Timoroan sira so sira nia perspetiva mak diferente tebes. Ema internasionál ne’ebé servisu iha setór dezenvolvimentu hateten katak sira dala-barak la liga ho sistema matenek, kultura no identidade Timoroan nian. Partisipante balu hatudu sira nia frustrasaun tamba iha nivel sosiedade no identidade oin-oin ne’ebe kompleksu no hateten katak todan ba sira hodi haree no komprende didiak kultura Timor nian. Sira rekoñese katak atividade ka programa ne’ebé hatún ka representa bosok kultura sai hanesan risku no bele hamosu tan violénsia no katak presiza fleksibilidade no tempu naruk hodi bele komprende malu. 52

Kbiit no Podér: Maske ema internasionál ne’ebé servisu iha setór dezenvolvimentu haree Timoroan nia kapasidade hanesan menus liu sira hateten katak intervensaun ka programa ne’ebé hala’o durante tempu badak la bele hafórsa kapasidade no katak partisipasaun ativu husi komunidade no tempu naruk mak fundamental ba mudansa sustentável. Sira rekoñese katak sistema dezenvolvimentu ne’ebé kompleksu no prosesu ne’ebé la fleksivel hatún komunidade ninia kapasidade atu involve-an iha prosesu dezenvolvimentu. Ema internasionál ne’ebé servisu iha setór dezenvolvimentu nian mós hateten katak inegualdade jéneru, korrupsaun no prosesu foti desizaun ne’ebé sentralizadu tebes mós impaktu ba prosesu hatutan servicos ba povu, haburas violénsia estruturál no limite rezultadu dezenvolvimentu. Partisipante internasionál barak hateten katak tanba kbiit boot hodi foti desizaun rai iha ema élite sira no ema internasionál sira nia liman mak bele haburas liu tan inegualdade no violénsia estruturál. Ema internasionál ida ne’ebé servisu iha setór dezenvolvimentu esplika tuirmai: ‘Mai hau, relasaun entre ema mak importante liu. Relasaun nia funsaun mak hodi halo mudansa ba inegualdade podér ne’ebé agora eziste hela’. Konkordánsia ka akordu ne’ebé livre no bazeia ba informasaun sedu (free, prior and informed consent) hanesan dalan ida hodi halo balansu ba podér maibé ema internasionál ne’ebé servisu iha setór dezenvolvimentu identifika bareira barak ba implementasaun konseitu ida ne’e. Ema internasionál dala barak servisu hamutuk ho ema élite sira tanba fasil atu komunika no foti desizaun no tanba komunidade dook no iha kapasidade ne’ebé la to’o. Relasaun entre ema: Partisipante internasionál barak hare’e sira nia servisu fatin hanesan fatin ne’ebé kompetitivu tebes no fatin ne’ebé la fasilita kooperasaun di’ak no la fasilita sira atu atinje alvu dezenvolvimentu sustentável konjuntu. Sira senti relasaun ba malu hanesan relasaun kontra malu mak barak. Partisipante internasionál ne’ebé servisu iha setór dezenvolvimentu barak rekoñese katak sira presiza hadia sira nia saúde psikólojiku rasik mak foin bele mai hodi servisu iha ambiente kompleksu ne’ebe foin husik konflitu. Sira mos rekoñese katak presiza harii fatin seguru no inklusivu hodi komunidade bele partisipa aktivu iha diálogu konjunktu hodi muda no hamenus konflitu. Tabela ida ne’e hanesan sumáriu badak ba rekomendasaun sira husi Timoroan no ema internasionál ne’ebé servisu iha setór dezenvolvimentu hodi oinsá ita presiza muda sistema dezenvolvimentu agora nian

Ema Timoroan ne’ebé servisu iha Setór Dezenvolvimentu

Ema International Dezenvolvimentu

ne’ebé

servisu

iha

Setór

Kultura

Kultura

Rekoñese no fó valór ba sistema matenek Indíjena kompleksu

Komprende dinámika konflitu ne’ebé eziste agora dadaun no uza prosesu harii paz Indíjena nian

Rekonese katak identidade oin-oin eziste iha Timor-Leste no katak identidade ne’e liga ho area lokal

Selebra no kria ligasaun ho identidade oin-oin

Uza no fahe lingua lokal

Hasai sistema to’o no la fleksivel

Rekoñese no fó prioridade ba ligasaun ba rai no fatin

Aprende lingua lokál no fó prioridade ba edukasaun inklusivu Respeitu ema nia ligasaun ba rai

Kbiit no Poder

Kbiit no Poder

Rekoñese katak wainhira laiha balansu entre sistema governasaun indíjena no sistema governasaun modernu katak iha ne’e hamosu violénsia estruturál

Kapasitasaun institusionál dala barak haburas liu tan violénsia estruturál

Dependensia nu’udar typu violénsia estruturál

Tenke halo balansu ba muda inegualdade kbiit ne’ebé agora eziste 53

Igualdade nu’udar objetivu ida ne’ebé fundamental ba dezenvolvimentu inklusivu

Tenke implementa no legitimisa konkordánsia ne’ebé livre no bazeia ba informasaun sedu

Korrupsaun bele eziste liga ho ekonomia no mós liga ba moralidade

Tenke desentraliza kbiit no podér

Edukasaun bele suporta prosesu foti desizaun inklusivu

Inegualdade jéneru inegualdade jerál Tenki fasilita oinsá dezenvolvimentu

Relasaun

mós

haburas

Timoroan

sai

tan

tanba

nain

ba

Relasaun

Tenke iha prosesu hasai kapasidade ne’ebé Tenke rekoñese no servisu hamutuk ho kapasidade sustentável lokál Tenke hadi’a no kura trauma individual

Tenke harii fatin servisu ne’ebé la kompetitivu

Tenke iha konsultasaun ativu no partisipasaun ba ema hotu

Relasaun di’ak no saudavel individual importante tebes

Oráriu no komunidade

Presiza partisipasaun ativu

tempu

tenke

nato’on

ba

Presiza haburas tan ligasaun entre ema laran no ema liur hodi harii no sustenta ligasaun forte

Tenke fó kometimentu ba longu prazu hodi bele promove no asegura sustentabilidade

Tenke servisu ho kontextu Timor Konkluzaun no Importánsia husi Peskiza ida ne’e: Peskiza ida ne’e la hateten katak iha ligasaun entre violénsia hotu-hotu ne’ebé akontese iha komunidade Indíjena Timor-Leste nia laran no intervensaun dezenvolvimentu. Maske nune’e peskiza ida ne’e hatudu katak iha fallansu bo’ot rua iha sistema dezenvolvimentu ne’ebe agora dadaun implementa hela iha Timor-Leste. Fallansu primeiru katak sistema dezenvolvimentu agora la fó valór no la hakbiit sistema matenek Indíjena Timor-Leste nian. Fallansu segundu katak prosesu dezenvolvimentu ne’ebé agora aplika iha Timor-Leste aumenta violénsia estruturál iha Timor. Sistema harii paz indíjena dala barak la hetan uza hodi muda violénsia ida ne’e no dala barak kauza abut ba konflitu ne’ebé la hetan rezolusaun prevene komunidade hodi atinje ukun rasik an indíjena. Hanesan mos peskizadór Meadows (2008), Rihani (2002) no Ramalingam (2013) hau nia peskiza mós hatudu katak sistema dezenvolvimentu ne’ebé implementa agora dadaun falha tanba aplika hela modelu mekániku no simples ba mundu ne’ebé kompleksu tebes no la tuir liña ida deit. Tuir hau nia haree katak presiza iha mudansa fundamental ba ita nia teoria no pratika dezenvolvimentu. Prosesu dezenvolvimentu tenke muda an hodi servisu hamutuk ho sistema matenek Indíjena sira hodi buka solusaun integradu no kompleksu ne’ebé bazeia ba kontextu ida-idak. Presiza mós katak ita bazeia fali servisu ida ne’e ba kultura, podér no relasaun entre ema. Sistema ukun rasik an Indijena tenki bazeia ba prosesu foti desizaun ne’ebé livre no bazeia ba informasaun dahuluk (free, prior and informed consent). Hodi la’o ba oin ema indijena rasik mak tenki kaer no sai nain ba prosesu dezenvolvimentu hirak ne’e no tenki uza rasik sira nia prosesu harii paz Indijena nian hodi transforma konflitu. 54

Referensia Alfred, T. 1999, Peace power righteousness: an indigenous manifesto, Oxford University Press, Ontario. Anderson, M. B. 1999, Do no harm: how aid can support peace - or war, Lynne Rienner, Boulder. Babo-Soares, D. 2004, ‘Nahe Biti: the philosophy and process of grassroots reconciliation (and justice) in East Timor’, The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 5(1): 15 - 33. Cabral, E. 2002, FRETILIN and the struggle for independence in East Timor 1974-2002. Unpublished Ph.D Thesis, Lancaster University, Lancaster U.K. Chand, S. and Coffman, R. 2008, ‘How soon can donors exit from post-conflict states?’ Centre for Global Development Working Paper Number 141 (February 2008): 53. Collier, P. 2007, The bottom billion: why the poorest countries are failing and what can be done about it, Oxford University Press, New York. da Silva, A. 2012, ‘FRETILIN Popular Education 1973-1978 and its Relevance to Timor-Leste Today’, Unpublished PhD Thesis, University of New England. Easterly, W. 2006, The white man's burden, The Penguin Press, New York. Galtung, J. 1969, ‘Violence, peace and peace research’, Journal of Peace Research 6(3): 167-191. --- 1990, ‘Cultural violence’, Journal of Peace Research 27(3): 291-305. Garroutte, E. 2003, Real Indians: identity and the survival of Native America, University of California, Berkley. Kothari, U. and Minogue, M. (eds) 2002, Development theory and practice: critical perspectives, Palgrave, UK. La’o Hamutuk 2010, ‘Land justice in Timor-Leste’, The La'o Hamutuk Bulletin, no. 11, La'o Hamutuk, Dili. Meadows, D. 2008, Thinking in systems: a primer, Chelsea Green Publishing, White River Junction, Vermont. Moyo, D. 2009, Dead aid: why aid is not working an how there is another way for Africa, Allen Lane, London. Nakata, M. 2007, Disciplining the savages: Savaging the disciplines, Aboriginal Studies Press, Canberra. Ospina, S. and T. Hohe 2002, Traditional power structures and local governance in East Timor: A case study of the Community Empowerment Project (CEP). Geneva, Graduate Institute of Development Studies. Ramalingam, B. 2013, Aid on the edge of chaos: rethinking international co-operation in a complex world, Oxford University Press, Oxford. Richmond, O. 2005, The transformation of peace, Palgrave, New York. --- 2015, ‘The dilemmas of a hybrid peace: Negative or positive?’, Cooperation and Conflict 50(1): 50-68. Rihani, S. 2002, Complex systems theory and development practice: understanding non-linear realities, Zed Books, London. Sen, A. 2009, The idea of justice, Harvard University Press, Cambridge. Smith, L. 1999, Decolonizing methodologies: Research and Indigenous people, Zed Books, New York. Tobias, P. 2012, ‘Maintaining a civic nation’, in M. Leach et al. (eds) New Research on Timor-Leste, Timor-Leste Studies Association, Swinburne University Press, Hawthorn, pp. 330-335. Trindade, J. 2008, ‘An ideal state for East Timor: reconciling the conflicting paradigms, http://www.indopubs.com/An_Ideal_State_for_East_Timor.pdf. --- 2013, Matak-malirin, tempu rai-diak no halerik: expressions of what timorese longed-for, fought-for and diedfor’, in H. Loney et al. (eds) Understanding Timor-Leste 2013, Timor-Leste Studies Association, Swinburne University Press, Hawthorn, pp. 55-59. Turner, D. 2006, This is not a peace pipe: towards a critical indigenous philosophy, University of Toronto Pres, Toronto. UNDP 2013, Human Development Report 2013: Human Progress in a Diverse World, UNDP, New York. Westoby, P. and Dowling, G. 2009, Dialogical community development: with depth, hospitality and solidarity, Tafina Press, Brisbane and London.

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9 Subsidiu ba idozu: Hare’e fali politika ‘cash transfer’1 nao- kondisional iha Timor-Leste Therese Nguyen Thi Phuong Tam Antisidente Peskiza Nudar estadu demokratiku post konflitus, Timor-Leste (TL) sei infrenta defikuldade oi-oin atu asiste nia sidaduan vulneraveis sira hodi responde sira nia nesesidade ho satisfeitu nudar hatur iha konstituisaun RDTL espesifikamente mensiona iha artigu 20 20o, 21o no 56o. Respetivamente mensiona kona ba direitu idozu sira atu simu protesaun espesial ruma husi estadu. Estadu iha responsasbilidade atu promove no proteze ema difisientes sira. Estadu mos iha responsabilidade atu organiza sistema siguransa sosial hadi fornese ajudu posiveis ba nia sidadaun vulneraveis no marjinalizadu sira. To’o ohin loron sistema siguransa sosial evolui no habelar ona. Durante 12 anos pasadu governu implementa ona politika asistensia sosial oi-oin iha formas transferensia osan nao-kondisional no kondisional, ajudus aihan, ‘in-kind transfer’, no servisu‘work-for-cash’2. Esperiensia transferensia ‘cash’ iha nasaun seluk uza mos ba rekover krize ekonomiku ruma, dezastre naturais sira, ka responde ba kondisaun hafoin sai husi funu nian (Homes 2009). Iha TimorLeste Cash transfer konsege redus numeru pobreza exteme nune’e mos ajudu ba populasaun rendementus ki’ik sira. Hafoin konflitus internal iha 2006, hamosu internal displaced people (IDP)3. Ema nia uma barak maka hetan sunu no estragus. Responde ba situasaun ida ne’e governu implementa transferensia cash no programa work-for-cash ba populasaun vulneraveis sira: populasaun iha IDPs, petisionarius sira, no seluk tan asiste sira rekover fali husi saida maka sira lakon no dezenpregu sira. Iha 2008 hamosu programa hasae transferensia osan nao-kondisional ba idozu no veteranu sira. Mosu mos kritiku no komentariu oi-oin konaba programa hirak ne’e. Tan ne’e estudu kona ba impatu programa tranferensia osan persija avalia hodi hetan oinsa sidadaun sira, ukun nain sira, no benefisiarius sira hanoin kona ba programa ne’e. Desde implementasaun programa transferensia osan nao condisionadu ba idozus sira, seidauk halo estudu ida atu avalia programa ne’e nia impatu sira. Iha asuntus oi-oin foti husi publiku kona ba implementasaun programa ne’e : limitasaun kapasidade instituisaun governu, prosedur birokratiku nebe’e todan liu, asuntu transfaransia inklui manipulasaun de dadus iha nivel lokal no nivel benefisiariu ki’ik sira. Objetivu peskiza ida ne’e tenta atu hetan oinsa nia sustenabilidade no prospek politika transfer osan ba ferik no katuas sira nebe halo parte iha politika sosial iha nasaun depois konflitu hanesan Timor-Leste. Identifika mos dezafius no obstakulus mosu durante estabelesementu no implementasaun sistema ne’e, atu hetan karik utilizasaun subsidiu ne’e ho objetivu bele hadia prosperidade no moris diak idozus sira nian. Objectivu importante ida maka atu hetan karik utilizasaun subsidiu ne’e koloka iha finalidade nebe lo’os : atu redus impatu negativu ba pobreza ne’e. Pezkiza ne’e realizadu ho aproximasaun deskritivu no kualitiativu. Fatin Estudu : Sub-distritu Baucau, Ermera(Railaco), Viqueque no Maliana. Prosedur kolesaun de dadus: observasaun, semistructure interviewed no diskusaun grupu. Informantes : 3 husi sub-distritu :administrador, OGL 2, Xefi Aldeia nain 12, no ferik katuas nain 20, padre nain 2. (1) Baucau: Bahu, Uailili, (2) Viqueque: Luca, Mata hoi, Bahara wain, Malu-ru, Bee asu, Carau balu, Uma Uain Leten.(3) Ermera: Lihu, Talimoro, Taraso, (4) Bobonaro: aldeia Ritabou and Raifun. Konseptualizasaun Orijin konseitu direitu ba bem-estar bele deskobre husi obra matenek nain Thomas Marshall sinteza akresenta iha direitu sidadania baziku 3: direitu sivil or legal, politika ka direitu demokratiku no sosial ka direitu bem estar ba era foun husi sistema protesaun sosial nian (Marshall 1950). Konseitu Siguransa Sosial bazeia ba konseitu akresenta iha artigu 22 husi Deklarasaun Universal direitus Humanus nian, sidaun ida-idak iha direitu atu hetan siguransa sosial. ‘Social Protection Floor’ (Fundasaun ba

1

Program fo subsidu ba benefisiarius sira lu meius fo osan direitamente. Servisu iha projetu rurais sira nebe ho naran program 2-3 dollares 3 refuziadu iha kampu refuziadus oi-oin iha Dili laran depois akontesementu krizi militar e politika iha 2006 2

56

proteksaun social) hetan konfirmasaun husi Nasoes Unidus nebe’e kunhesidu nudar estrategia ida para enfrenta krizi ekonomika no finanseiru iha tinan 2008. Indexu Protesaun social (SPI) katak ajuda husi governu atu monitoriza sira nia progresu kona ba protesaun sosial. Bazeia ba komponentes tolu; primeiru, asuransia social, sengundu assitensia social , no terseiru programa ba merkadu traballo nian (Camnahas 2012). Mares & Carnes (2009) sublinha katak nasoens subdezenvolvidus sira seidauk iha padraun nebe’e lo-lo’os atu aplika politika protesaun sosial. Maibe direitu bem estar aplika no sistematizadu ona iha nasoens kapitalistas osidentais sira no marjinalizada iha nivel global. Liu-liu, bainhira hamosu aproximasaun ‘post development’, ema la fiar katak estadu bele responsavel ba bem estar nia ema sira. Nune’e Dean, (2007, 6) mos konklui katak : Papel prinsipal husi estadu providensia (welfare states) no politika sosial iha kontextu global la konsege ona distribui rekursus ka fornese direitamente ba nesesidade nia povu nian, maibe ajuda nia sidadaun maneija nia problema rasik. Administrasaun direitu bem estar tuir lolo’os, tenki fo dalan ba ajuda an rasik (self-provisioning), prudensialismu, no hamosu etiku individualistiku nebe haforsa responsabilidade pesoal. Preokupasaun ba nia sustentabilidade assitensia sosial iha Timor-Leste Desde Timor-Leste simu guvernu tranzitional husi Estadu Unidus, Ministeriu Solidariedade Sosial tipus asistensias sosial oin-oin; Programa bolsas ba inan no labarik sira, programa ajudu dezastre naturais sira, asistensia humanitaria ba IDP sira. Husi 2009 – 2010: cash for-work, programa empregu temporariu ba foin sae sira, fundus siguransa aihan nian, sosa aihan lokal atu suporta siguransa aihan nian, programa merenda escolar nian, transfer fundus ba IDPs sira, pagamentu ba petisionarius sira, pensaun ba veteranus sira, subsidiu ba idosos sira no disabilidade sira. Tabela 1- Kompara GDP nao –petroliferu vs Orsamentu Jeral do Estadu

2010

2011

2012

2013

2014

PIB nao Petroliferu

934.300.000,0

1.128.300.00 0,0

1.349.800.00 0,0

1.534.300.00 0,0

1.733.100.00 0,0

Orsamentu Jeral

760.300.000,0 (81%)

1.097.100.00 0,0 (97%)

1.197.600.00 0,0 (89%)

1.647.500.00 0,0 (107%)

1.500.000.00 0,0 (87%)

Fontes: Republica Democrática de Timor-Leste, State Budget 2015

Husi 2008, governu hahu hasa’e politika cash transfer nao-konditional ba idozu no veteranus sira. Program ida ne’e hetan kritika barak husi sosiedade sivil no mos husi Igreja4. Politika tranfer osan ne’e kusta tebes no lai iha garantia katak nia iha posibilidade para kontinua iha futuru. Iha tabela 1 hatudu katak despeza estadu kuaze hanesan ho PIB domestika nao-petrolieru. Ida ne’e signifika katak se bainhira ita la iha ona fundu petroliferu ita sei labele manten nivel protesaun sosial nebe’e halao dadaun iha rai laran. Tanba orsamentu estadu depende barak liu ba reseitas petroliferu nian nebe loron ida sei mohu. Lakuna entre politika no implementasaun Sistema Mekanismu transferensia osan ba idosos sira : iha 2014 kompostu husi sistema rua: (1) Pagamentu halao liu husi banku iha Municipius 6, (2) Seluk tan maka utiliza Sistema antiga: ministeriu finansa no MSS servisu hamutuk hodi selu benefisiarius sira. Area nebe la asesua ba estradas, ferik katuas sira tenki ba simu sira nia osan iha postu sud-distritus sira. Mekanismu pagamentu liu husi bank hahu iha tinan 2014 nebe halao iha districtus hanesan: Aileu, Dili, Baucau, Suai, Oecusse, Viqueque ho procesu tuir mai ne’e: Antes de pagamentu MSS publika uluk sira nia dadus fulan ida antes (dadus edital) hafoin sira entrega lista hirak nee ba chefe suco, iha nivel suco, chefe suco iha responsabiliza atu verifika ka identifika familia nebe karik muda sai

4

Peskizador halo audencia direitamente ho Bispo de Dioceze Baucau

57

ona husi sira nia hela fatin, ema nebe mate ona, ga naran balon nebe halo parte fali ba munisipiu seluk. Bainhira verifika tia MSS entrega fali ba banku atu transfer osan sira ba kada benefisiarius sira nia konta bankaria. Tabela 2 - Numerus Idozus no Desabilidade simu subsidius iha 2010 – 2013

Tinan

Mane

Feto

Total

2010

41.961

45.838

87.799 (8,2%)

2011

42.963

47.747

90.710 (8,5%)

2012

43.264

49.774

93.038 (8,7%)

2013

43.731

50.926

94.657 (8,9%)

Fontes: Husi Diresaun Nasional ba Seguransa sosial, Ministerio Social e Solidariedade

Faltas de kontrolu no monitorizasaun iha prosesu pagamentu nian: Akontese kazu barak nebe hatudu failansu tekniku no mos falta mornitorizasaun husi autoriadade lokal no mos husi orgaun kompetente. Ofisiais husi postu Administrativu Baucau hato’o nia preokupasaun hanesan tuir mai ne’e: Dadus dizabilidade sira sae makaas tebes ohin loron iha Sub-Distritu Baucau hamutuk 713 tuir dadus verifikasaun nina. Iha kasus hanesan sira nebe mate ona, sira mosu fali iha lista banku nian. Dadus barak konfusu no laloos, hannensan exemplu Sr. Sergio, advogadu ida, nia banin mane nunka simu nia direitu idozo nian bainhira nia sei moris too nia mate la simu buat ida. Hau deskonfia karik banku iha duplu konta bankaria maibe hau sidauk hetan evidensia loos.

Iha suco Beasu, banku la tun to’o ba suco ne’e, funsionariu banku nee hein deit iha postu sub-districtus selu idozos sira iha neba. Xefi Aldeia hateten katak ‘iha idozus nain 7 seidauk simu sira nia direitu de subsidiu, iha akontesimentu ida, idozus ida aluga kareta rasik ba postu sub-distritu simu nia osan idozus nian. Sira selu tia osan aluga kareta, klaru sira hela deit osan oituan liu. Iha mos experiensia katak, ferik ida nia desmaia no monu tanba nia forma kleur liu iha loron manas.’ Iha Uma Uain leten, sub-distrito Viqueque, BNCTL (National Bank of Timor-Leste) ba selu diereitamente iha fatin neba. Iha Watulari, chefe suco Matahoi haktuir katak : ‘iha hau nia aldeia, existe 578 idozus no disabilidade, idozus nain 39 seidauk simu sira nia osan tanba sira la bele lao ba postu pagamentu nian desde sistema pagamentu muda tia ona; benefisiarius sira hetan pagamentu direitamente husi banku.’ Failansu komunikasaun entre ministeriu financaas no autoridade lokal sira Xefi aldeia iha Maliana deskreve kata nia servisu administrativu relasiona ho karta deklarasaun nia halo: Bainhira benefisiariu ida mate, sira tenki entrega sira nia kartaun eleitoral, xefi aldeia tenki halo deklarasaun no haruka relatoriu ba MSS atu suspende tia nia pagamentu, maibe dala ruma MSS la hasai ema nebe mate ona nee nia naran husi lista refere. Hau tenki admiti katak hau kontinua asina lista atu nunee membru familia sira bele simu osan atu hadia rate no hadia labarik sira nia moris.

Em jeral, iha 2004, sub-distritu Baucau pur exemplu, lamenta barak liu kona ba mudansa sistema pagamentu nian. Instituisaun diferente iha Baucau iha lamentasoens hanesan katak : idozus balun mate ona maibe sira nia naran sei mosu nafatin iha lista MSS5. Iha parte seluk director ba assunto Idoso e Deficiente konfia katak politika selu liu banku mak loos no bele detekta falhansu barak, nia sublinha katak: ‘MSS6 sempre servisu hamutuk ho Estatal, STAE, Ministerio Saude, Banco.’ Impactu husi programa subsidiu ba Idozu sira

5 6

Ministeriu Solidariedade Sosial Ministeriu Solidariedade Sosial

58

Tuir relatoriu husi Banku mundial (2013) konklui katak hadia bem estar ema kiak liu iha nasaun ida ki’ik liu, tanba programa Cash Transfer ne’e em prinsipiu la alkansa duni ba maioria populasaun kiak sira. Iha 40% populasaun nebe moris menus husi 32 dolares kada fulan ba idozu sira so 5% deit no 1,1% kiak aat liu. Liu husi entrevista nebe deskobri katak entre idosos 20, nain 16 iha oan nain 1 to’o 3 iha servisu, 3 idosos iha oan nain 4 to’o 6 hetan servisu. Ida ne’e hatudu katak mais ou menus katuas no ferik sira iha potensia finanseiru husi nia oan sira. Iha parte seluk, ho montante susidiu nebe governu fo, maioria informantes husi peskiza ida ne’e lamenta katak osan nebe sira simu ne’e kiik tebes compara ho folin sasan sira iha merkadu causa husi inflasaun nebe sae ass tebes. Tuir sira nia hanoin subsidiu nebe sira hetan ladun ajuda sira buat barak. Avo feto ida ho tinan 64 iha suku Taroso, posto de administrativa Railaco hatuir katak: Ami simu osan husi governu, sim, mas osan ida ne’e lai iha liu valor. Hanesan ita boot hotu hatene, folin sasan agora sae makas. Kuandu hetan moras ami la bele depende ba tratamentu gratuitu iha hospital tanba tratamentu ne’e la efectivu liu. Alende ida ne’e mediku sira sempre haruka ami ba sosa tan aimoruk iha Famarcia.

Relasiona ho utilizasaun osan subsidiu ne’ebe hetan, iha observasaun oi-oin husi autoridade lokal no mos husi informantes rasik. Hanesan xefe Suco Luka, Districtu Viqueque hateten katak, em geral, tuir tradisaun Timor nian, osan nebe Idoso sira hetan sempre gasta ba obrigasaun tradicional nian katak gasta ba ‘lia’ mate no lia moris mak barak liu. Nia hanoin la diferente ho opiniaun administrador Viqueque nian: Politika subsidiu ida ne’e diak, maibe nia bele halo ema sai baruk ten, no dependente de mais ba, nia oan sira mos hein loos deit subsidiu nee. Atualmente osan targeta ba iiidosos sira maibe iha realidade sira la uza mesak. Sira tenki partilla ba sira nia oan sira no bei oan sira.

Tuir respostas husi informantes sira ne’ebe hatudu iha tabela 3 katak barak liu sira dehan usa osan subsidiu ba sosa aihan ho distribui fila fali ba sira nia bei oan sira. 14% dehan sira investi iha negosiu kiik, porsaun kiik liu mak investi iha edukasaun ba labarik sira ou bei oan sira. Tabela 3-Areas gastus kuandu simu subsidiu

Area gastus

Pursentu (%)

Sosa foos no aihan sira seluk

22,9

Fo ba sira nia bei oan sira

17,1

Rai osan iha banku

17,1

Investe iha negosiu produtivu ruma (kios, hakiak karau, 14,3 faan aihan...) Materiais nesesarias ba eskolas (hatais, kadernu etc...)

11,4

Gastus ba ‘lia’

11,4

Sosa aimoruk

5,7

Faktus hirak ne’e iha implikasaun nebe’e bo’ot tebes ba jestaun despeza uma kain nian. Gastus barak monu ba konsumu baziku. Ne’e signifika katak subsidiu so ajuda deit taka lakuna konsumpsaun ba neseidade baziku kauza husi inflasaun. Notas finais no Rekomendasaun 59

Programa protesaun social karakterizadu temporal no respode deit krize deseperadu ruma afeta ba nasaun nee. Assume katak subsidiu nee funsaun temporal ba flutuasaun presu no inflasaun iha TimorLeste. Programa asistensia sosiais balun falta avaliasaun no mekanismu monitorizasaun atu deteta mal jestaun ruma. Problema tekniku iha organiza, komunikasaun, kordenasaun bele hamosu lakon fiar ba malu no konflitus. Resitas idosos partilla mos ba membru familia sira seluk nebe moris hamutuk ho sira. Iha tendensia depedensia oan sira ba subsidius idozus hirak ne’e. Gastus ba subsidiu nee laos sempre ba finalidade diak, ema oituan liu investe sira nia osan iha insentivus produtivus ruma. Liu peskiza ida ne’e peskizador tenta hato’o sugestaun balun mai husi informantes sira no mos husi peskizador rasik. Ofisais observador guvernu local iha Maliana sugere katak subsidiu ba idoso sira diak liu halao pagamentu iha banku. Iha nivel sub-distritus, tenki iha nia fundus rasik atu nunee bele halo sira nia census rasik atu nunee sir abele kontrolu no monitor numerous uma kain iha aldeias iha sub-distritus. Too oras nee, sira hein deit ba lista populasaun husi xefi sucos sira. Husi parte peskizador nia mos sujere katak sistema teknika tomak nebe liga ho prosesu avaliasaun, pagamentu, kontrolu persisa hare fila fali. Formasaun regular ba funsionario sira servisu iha sistema ida ne’e precise fo atensaun didiak. ‘Social auditing’ bele uza ba program ida ne’e hodi identifika ero ou mal-jestaun, ou cazu korupsaun balun involvidu. Precisa mos kooperasaun metin entre institusaun sira no komunidade sira. Hadia mos koordinasaun no komunikasaun entre Ministerius Saude, Sosial no Solidariedade, no Estatal para kontrola prosesu verifikasaun documentu ba kliente sira no mos facilita prosesu pagamentu bele lao ho diak. Precisa peskiza ou estudu komparativu iha rai seluk hodi examina oinsa sira implementa sira nia program proteksaun sosial liu liu iha area ‘non-conditional cash-transfer’ nian. Establese estrategia balun atu advansa neinek ba politika ‘conditional cash transfer’(Torres 2010, Lindert& Vincensini, 2010) (transfere osan ho kondisaun) balun para hadia ekonomia populasaun nebe moris iha linha pobreza nia okos no encoraja benefisia sir abele investi sira nia osan iha insentiva nebe productive liu. Referensia Camnahas, Lourenco 2012, Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste: updating and improving the social protection index, Asian Development Bank, Dili. World Bank 2013, Relatorio sobre Sistema protecção social em Timor-Leste, World Bank, Dili. DNET (Direcção Nacional de Estatística Timor-Leste) 2011, Inquerito a protecçã Social em Timor-Leste, Ministerio de Finanças, Dili. RDTL (Republica Democrática de Timor-Leste) 2008, ‘Subsídio de apoia a idosos e Inválidos. Decreto-Lei No. 19/2008. Série I, No. 24’, Journal de República, RDTL, Dili. --- 2015, State Budget 2015, RDTL, Dili. ICG (International Crisis Group) 2013, ‘Timor-Leste: stability at what cost? Asia Report No 246’, ICG, Belgium. WHO (World health Organization) 2008, ‘Conditional Cash transfer: What is in it for health? Technical Briefs for policy-makers’, WHO, No.1. Homes, Rebecca 2009, ‘Cash Transfers in post-conflict contexts’, Overseas Development Institute, Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation, No. 32. Torres, Ana 2010, ‘The politics of Conditional Cash Transfers’, Comparative Politics Seminar, Yale University. Vindert, Kathy & Vincensini, Vanina 2010, social policy, perception and the press: An analysis of the Media´s treatment of conditional Cash transfer in Brasil. World Bank.





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10 Valóres konsuetudináriu (customary values) no influénsia globál iha atitude foinsa’e sira kona-ba jéneru no violénsia iha Timor-Leste Abel Boavida dos Santos ho Ann Wigglesworth Introdusaun Violénsia Doméstika (VD) ne’e kestaun boot ida, demonstra liu husi faktu katak sistema judiasiáriu iha Repúblika Demokrátiku Timor-Leste (RDTL) hare katak VD ne’e mak dala barak liu akontese. Husi kazu hotu-hotu ne’ebé aprezenta ba tribunál, kuaze metade ne’e mak kazu VD. Igualdade jéneru konsagra iha Konstituisaun. Lei Kontra Violénsia Doméstika (LKVD) ne’ebé pasa iha 2010 halo VD sai nudar ofensa kriminál ida. Maibé peskiza ida ne’e hatudu katak maioria populasaun iha koñesimentu ne’ebé menus kona-ba asuntu ne’e no posívelmente iha konflitu diretamente ho kultura Timóroan nian. Besik pursentu hitunulu (70%) husi populasaun Timor-Leste moris husi agrikultura subsisténsia (NDS, 2010) iha rede-servisu família boot no prátika konsuetudináriu (ka prátika tuir toman baibain/customary practices) oi-oin ne’ebé mak determina papél no relasaun tuir jéneru. Prátika konsuetudináriu la prontu akomoda norma internasionál kona-ba prinsípiu demokrátiku, direitu umanu no igualdade jéneru, ne’ebé foin lailais ne’e RDTL adopta. Tuir fiar kulturál Timór nian, feto sira hetan estatutu (status) sagradu ida liu husi elementu feminina divina ida, maibé maske sira iha podér iha kontestu rituál, jeralmente sira la iha lian (vóz) forte iha area públiku no polítiku (Niner 2013). Obra ida-ne’e bazeia ba estudu ida ba foin sa’e feto no mane, entre idade tinan 15 to’o 24 ne’ebé analiza kona-ba sira nia atitude relasiona ho igualdade jéneru no violénsia doméstika iha kontestu mudansa sosiál ne’ebé akontese hela iha paíz ida ne’ebé moderniza nia an lalais tebes (rápidamente). Igualdade jéneru no violénsia doméstika iha Timor Leste Violénsia doméstika mosu liu husi dezigualdade jéneru no diskriminasaun. Violénsia hasoru feto sira sai ona konstranjimentu ba esforsu redusaun pobreza, hamenus rendimentu familiár no iha impaktu negativu ba labarik sira, inklui labarik-feto sira nia edukasaun (Egan & Haddad 2007). Iha Timor-Leste, ‘violénsia doméstika’ ne’e jerálmente defini iha Artigu Daruak husi LKVD: Violensia Domestika refere ba kualker asaun, ka asaun lubuk ida, ne’ebe komete ona iha situasaun familiar nian, ne’ebe mak membru familia ida kontra fali kualker membru seluk husi familia ne’e, ida ne’ebe iha relasaun ne’ebe bele influensia, hanesan fisika ka ekonomia, ne’ebe resulta, ka bele rezulta, estragus ka sofrementus fiziku,seksual ka piskolojiku, violasaun ekonomiku no mos ameasa mak hanesan asaun hata’uk, violensia fiziku, baku, koersaun, asediu, ka prevesaun liberdade nian (RDTL 2010).

Adoptasaun prinsípiu igualdade jéneru iha Konstituisaun no ninian implementasaun liu husi polítika nasionál hanesan Lei Kontra Violénsia Doméstika (LKVD) mak alkansu boot ida ba feto Timorense sira iha sosiedade sivíl ne’ebé promove igualdade jéneru durante dékada barak (Hall & True 2009). Maibé iha Timor-Leste koñesimentu no aseitasaun ba igualdade jéneru ne’e sei dook tebes husi kolektivismu normas kulturál ne’e. Iha toman baibain husi kolektivismu sosiedade hanesan TimorLeste, nosaun (ideia oioin) kona-ba onra, moe no pureza seksuál sai sentrál hodi hametin diferénsia no dezigualdade jéneru. Direitu individuál sira limita liu husi konstruksaun social oin-oin ne’ebé atribui ba feto sira, estatutu atu hakruuk deit (subservient status), nune’e feto ne’ebé sai ona vítima husi violénsia sente moe no taka ho manta silénsiu nian (Bennett & Manderson 2003). Iha kontestu bainhira la iha ema ida mak kestiona mane nia desizaun tuir modelu valór kulturál ida ne’ebé fó previléjiu ba mane sira, no mós dezvaloriza modelu valór feminina, nune’e igualdade jéneru nesesita redistribuisaun iha relasaun ho dezigualdade ekonómiku no mós rekoñesimentu ba kondisaun sosiál no direitu sira (Fraser 2007, 26). Matrimóniu sira ne’ebé uza prátika konsuetudináriu ‘barlake’ harii ho valór komunál ne’ebé kesi família rua hamutuk liu husi ‘barlake’ ida ne’ebé envolve interkámbiu mutua maibé dezigual entre família rua. Tradisionálmente, troka sasán hirak ne’e reprezenta ‘valór’ atu hasa’e dignidade no estatutu 61

husi feto. Dezde Timor-Leste nia independénsia iha 2002, ita sempre rona barlake sai monetizada no altera terminolojia husi feto nia ‘folin’ ba ‘sosa feen ida’. Buat ne’e sujere katak iha sentidu ‘propriedade’ ne’ebé bele loke dalan ba violénsia hasoru feto bainhira feto ne’e falla moris tuir nia laen nia espetativa (Niner 2012). Komodifikasaun barlake hanesan ne’e apoia pontu-de-vista patriarkál ne’ebé haree feen sira hanesan propriedade, no pontu-de-vista ida ne’e kontra ideia tradisionál kona-ba feto nia valór no prinsípiu nasionál kona-ba igualdade jéneru. Estudu ne’e indika katak risku violénsia hasoru feto aumenta bainhira barlake ne’e hetan mudansa, maski jeralmente ema la hanoin buat ne’e diretamente bele sai nudar kauza (Khan & Hyati 2012). Violénsia doméstika nia huun mak dezigualdade. Ida ne’e dala barak liu mosu, maibe la limita deit ba violénsia fíziku, seksuál, psikolojiku ka ekonómiku hasoru feto, husi sira ninia laen ka sira ninia parseiiru intimu. Survey Nasionál ba Demográfia no Saude nian iha tinan 2010 entrevista ona feto sira liu 13.000 husi distritu hotu-hotu ho tinan entre 15-49. Peskiza ne’e hatudu katak liu husi um terço (1/3) feto Timorense sira hetan violénsia fíziku, ho aumentu to’o 45% entre feto sira ne’ebé kaben-na’in. 38% husi feto sira denunsia katak sira hetan violénsia fíziku dezde tinan sanulu-resin-lima, ho três quarto (3/4) husi kazu hirak ne’e envolve sira-nia laen ka parseiru atuál (NDS 2010, 243). Analiza sekundária ba DHS 2010 ne’ebé haree ba fatór risku VD nian hatudu katak bainhira feto nia laen nia komportamentu kontrola mak barak, iha probabilidade aas liu katak feto atu hetan violénsia husi laen. (Taft &Watson 2013, 4). Feto kaben-na’in sira ne’ebé sei iha idade nurak (grupu sira ho idade entre 1519 no 20-24) hetan nível aas liu husi komportamentu kontrolu ne’ebé sira-nia laen hatudu (NDS 2010, 248). Metodolojia Peskiza Estudu kona-ba ‘atitude no persepsaun kona-ba jéneru no maskulinidade husi foinsa’e sira iha TimorLeste’ ne’e, análiza kona-ba mane no feto foinsa’e Timorense nia atitude no persepsaun ba papél jéneru, relasaun no violénsia iha Timor-Leste, hanesan ideal ida no pragmatíkalmente liu iha sira ninia relasaun íntima rasik. Peskiza ne’e, hala’o iha 2013 husi ONG internasionál Paz y Desarrollo (PyD) halao iha kapitál Díli no iha lokál tolu iha distritu rua, Baucau no Viqueque, inklui sidade distritál sira no suku rua ne’ebé hili ba objetivu atu garantia ekilíbriu iha língua, jeografia no densidade populasionál. Dadus kualitativu rekolla liu husi diskusaun foku iha grupu (focus group discussions - FGDs) ne’ebé hala’o ho mane klosan no feto raan sira husi tinan 15 to’o 24 keta-ketak iha fatin peskiza nian no ho xefe suku sira. Totál FGDs 16 mak hala’o tiha ona ho partisipasaun ema na’in 175. Entrevista klean ho individuál (individual in-depth interviews -IDIs) ne’ebé hala’o ho líder komunitáriu, distritál no nasionál no sira seluk tan ne’ebé ‘influensiál’ iha sira-nia papél divulgasaun informasaun ba komunidade oioin no klosan sira. Ho totál ema na’in 26 mak partisipa iha entrevista hamutuk 22. Informante sira hetan perguntas tuir padraun ne’ebé kuaze atu hanesan ho pergunta hirak ne’ebé husu ba sira iha FGDs. ‘Influensiadór sira’ ne’ebé involve, inklui Administradór Distritu sira, Grupu Traballu ba Jéneru; Xefe Suku sira, ONG, media no sentru juveníl sira. Rezultadu Violénsia doméstika nia kauza sosiál no ekonómiku Iha Timor-Leste nia sosiedade patriarkál iha nível toleránsia ba abuzu fíziku nudar instrumentu edukativu ida husi seniór sira ba sira ne’ebé ki’ik. Ema ne’ebé kaer pozisaun ho podér mak halo abuzu fíziku: profesór ba estudante sira; inan-aman ba oan sira; oan sira ne’ebé boot, partikulármente oan mane sira, ba sira-nia alin sira (UNICEF 2006). Iha grupu diskusaun, feto raan sira (tinan 15 to’o 17) observa violénsia iha família hanesan tuirmai: ‘Maun boot sira no inan sira baku ami. Dala-balu ami-nia maun sira hetan baku husi ami-nia aman’ (FGD 8), no mós ‘bainhira labarik sira halo sala, atu labarik feto ka mane, inan-aman tenke baku sira’ (FGD 10). Violénsia iha família laran ne’e komprende hanesan buat ida normál no baku nudar mekanizmu lejítimu ida atu ezerse autoridade. ‘Hotu-hotu sei simu baku iha família nia laran karik sira la rona sira-nia aman nia liafuan’ (FGD 8). Feto sira sei hetan baku bainhira sira halo ‘sala’ no hanoin ida katak laen baku atu halo dixiplina nia feen bainhira feen halo sala, tuir sira, ida ne’e aseitável (FGD 7, 9, 11, IDI 6). Buat ne’e implika katak feen merese hetan kastigu ba sala ida ne’ebé nia halo. Uza 62

violénsia iha família laran hodi resolve diferensa oioin ka dixiplina feto sira mós bele mosu tanba dezakordu, presaun ekonómika iha família no relasaun la’os iha kazamentu nia laran (FGD 10, IDI 13). Maski LKVD fó protesaun ba feto no labarik sira, iha koñesimentu oituan deit kona-ba lei foun ne’e iha suku sira no ema nia kompriensaun kona-ba sentidu ‘violénsia doméstika’ ne’e la hanesan. Porezemplu, iha entrevista sira, sentidu husi liafuan Portugés ‘violência doméstica’ ne’e rasik mós hetan kontesta, no ema balun hanoin katak ida-ne’e konseitu foun ida ne’ebé molok aprovasaun LKVD ne’e iha 2010 la iha. Partisipante peskiza dehan termu ‘violénsia iha uma laran’ mak termu Tetun nian ba VD. Fraze seluk ne’ebé uza atu koalia kona-ba problema iha família mak hanesan ‘baku atu hanorin’ refere ba abuzu fíziku ho intensaun atu ‘hanorin’, ne’ebé implika katak bele duni halo violénsia ho objetivu atu hanorin. Nune’e mós, ‘bikan ho kanuru mak tarutu’ ne’ebé baibain uza atu implika katak konflitu entre feen no laen ida ne’e normál. Esplikasaun tipikál ida kona-ba fraze ne’e husi líder feto mak: ‘Bikan ho kanuru’ ne’e ema hanoin problema internu ida ne’ebé feen-laen sira tenke rezolve hamutuk. Karik feto ida halo keixa públika ida ka karik nia ba polísia entaun nia la’os feen ida ne’ebé di’ak (IDI 6).

‘Bikan ho kanuru’ ne’e jeralmente responde iha familia laran ka prosesu justisa lokál mak responde, maibé bainhira feto ida hetan kanek todan tan VD, sei hato’o denúnsia ba polísia tuir LKVD. ‘Violência doméstica’, termu ida ne’ebé uza iha sosializasaun LKVD, ikus mai hetan interpretasaun hanesan ‘ema halo violénsia to’o kanek todan’, entao ema kompriende hanesan diferente husi violénsia entre parseiru íntimu ne’ebé mak deskreve iha leten. Faktu katak liafuan hirak ne’e importa husi Portugés no sai vokabuláriu foun iha Tetun, permite liafuan ne’e asosiadu ho sentidu ne’ebé foun. Sentidu foun ne’e define VD hanesan violénsia todan ne’ebé la tama ba violénsia ne’ebé ema simu hanesan baku ‘aseitável’ (baku atu halo dixiplina). Lider komunidade rurais balu fó sala ba VD tanba kestaun dezempregu ka laiha rendimentu ne’ebé permite violénsia, no sira nota katak ema foinsa’e sira la iha servisu no hahán ne’ebé la sufisiente, nune’e la bele apoia sira-nia feen ekonómikamente (IDI 16, IDI 17). Persepsaun katak situasaun ekonómika mak responsável ba violénsia ne’e la konsistente ho faktu katak kondisaun subordinasaun mak fatór xave ida globálmente iha feto sira ne’ebé hetan asaltu seksuál no VD. Iha Timor-Leste, presaun ekonómiku mak fatór ida ne’ebé kontribui ba VD tanba feto nia estatutu subordinadu signifika katak feto depende ba nia laen ekonomikumente, ka feto nia laen mak kontrola ninia rendimentu (Taft & Watson2013). Iha peskiza ida ne’e partisipante sira espresa katak sira la iha serteza kona-ba igualdade jéneru nia signifika iha sosiedade Timorense. Krensa kulturál Timorense argumenta katak komplementaridade (duké igualdade) mak xave ba relasaun jéneru (Trindade, 2011), no iha sosiedade baibain, divizaun servisu tuir jéneru defini sira-nia papél (IDI 22). Entao konseitu igualdade jéneru foti preokupasaun katak feto no mane sira tenke halo servisu ne’ebé mak hanesan, tanba iha komunidade sira ne’e iha komprensaun oituan deit kona-ba igualdade jéneru nudar direitu ne’ebé hanesan no respeitu malu entre mane no feto sira. Atitude ba relasaun entre mane no feto ne’ebé muda ona Atu dokumenta persepsaun kona-ba relasaun jéneru ne’ebé muda ona, peskizadór husu partisipante sira perguntas kona-ba karakteristika ne’ebé sira hakarak husi feen ida, no laen ida, no oinsá ida-ne’e muda kompara ho jerasaun uluk. Feto raan no mane klosan sira fiar katak ‘feen ida ne’ebé di’ak’ uluk nana’in sei tau-matan ba família. Husi fali parte seluk, feto raan no mane klosan sira defini ‘laen ida ne’ebé di’ak’ bazeia ba saida mak nia la halo (lanu, joga, no halo violénsia). Laen ida ne’ebé di’ak sei la hatudu hirus iha família ka komunidade no iha pasiénsia, ekilíbriu, kalma no hanoin no hahalok di’ak (FGD 2, 12, 13). Mane barak mak dehan sira ‘raan nakali’ no lakon kontrolu ba sira-nia emosaun bainhira sira la konkorda ho buat ruma (FGD5, FGD13). Feto sira balu ne’ebé sei eskola simplesmente deskreve laen ne’ebé di’ak hanesan: ‘nia iha domin, la baku ita no ema edukadu’ (FGD 8). Entao feto raan sira hateten karakteristika xave ba ‘laen diak’ mak nia kalma no bele kontrola sentimentu hirus. Kultura Timorense tau kazamentu iha arranju sosiál nia klaran, ne’ebé la’os kesi de’it laen no feen liuhusi kazamentu sira arranjadu maibé mós ho sira-nia família (Molnar 2010; Silva 2011). Arranju sira iha kazamentu tradisionál agora hetan dezafiu tanba maioria labarik feto sira bá eskola 63

agora no dezenvolve hanoin sira ne’ebé diferente no espetativa oioin kona-ba sira-nia futuru. Ita bele haree katak iha konfiansa ne’ebé aumentadu iha feto raan sira hodi buka servisu iha liur (laos iha uma laran), porezemplu molok Timor-Leste nia independénsia iha 2002 profesór mak kuaze mane hotu, maibé iha 2006 feto sira mak sai maioria iha admisaun ba Koléjiu Profesor Katóliku (Catholic Teachers College) (Wigglesworth 2012, 48). Feto raan sira barak liu hakarak hetan funsaun profisionál hanesan profesora, ka papél líder komentáriu, no servisu hanesan ne’e bele kria tensaun bainhira kumpri sira-nia obrigasaun doméstiku ne’ebé mak ‘feen diak’ halo. Mudansa ne’e evidente, no hetan krítiku, relasiona ho feto raan nia preferénsia hatais roupa modernu, hanesan kalsa badak laos vestidu naruk, no uzu telemóvel atu halo sira-nia arranju sosiál rasik atu sai ho sira-nia maluk sira, duke hein konvite mai (FGD 9). Enkuantu, iha persepsaun husi mane no feto katak la iha mudansa ho mane sira nia podér atu bele obriga sira-nian feen obedese ba sira-nia hakarak (FGD 1, FGD 2, FGD 15, IDI 3, IDI 6). Mane balu apoia duni sira-nia feen iha servisu doméstika, nudar ezemplu mane klosan iha Dili (iha ne’ebé mak sira hetan esperiénsia barak liu ho feen servisu iha liur) sujere katak ‘laen diak’ azuda iha uma laran: Maske nia ba servisu, laen diak ida sei fila mai uma hodi azuda iha uma laran no hein labarik sira, no bele mós fase bikan no dasa uma kuandu nia feen sibuk hela ho servisu seluk.

Atitude ba violénsia doméstika sei investiga liuhusi senáriu fiksionál kona-ba laen ida ne’ebé baku nia feen tanba la prepara jantár ba nia família tan nia moras. Istória ne’e aprezenta ba grupu foku no tuir ho pergunta lubuk ida, atu fasilita diskusaun ho objetivu ida. Feto foinsa’e sira husi FGDs barak liu mak hatudu simpatia ho feen ne’e nia situasaun hodi sujere katak nia laen sei responde ho di’ak liu atu rezolve situasaun ne’e (FDG2, FDG7, FDG10). Mane klosan sira balu husi área urbana mós halo sujestaun pozitivu: Karik nia hadomi nia feen ninia reasaun sei sai diferente … nia sei ajuda nia feen hodi prepara hahán ba nia família, tanba nia feen moras (FGD1).

Maibé iha parte seluk, mane klosan sira seluk hetan razaun atu fó sala feen ne’e, hodi elabora istória hodi justifika baku ne’e hodi sujere katak nia finje moras: buat hirak ne’e la prepara iha uma laran no nia hakarak hatudu ba nia família katak nia bele kontrola nia feen. Karik nia bosok de’it hodi dehan katak nia moras entaun nia presiza hanorin nia hodi baku nune’e nia bele muda ninian hahalok tuir ita-nia kultura (FGD9).

Lider komunitaria feto balu ne’ebé ami entrevista mós foti pozisaun ida agresivu hasoru feen ne’e, hodi halo boot istória ne’e ho ninian hahalok a’at (FGD4, FGD7). Fó sala ba feto hanesan ne’e mak dalan ida hodi obriga hanoin sira tradisionál kona-ba hahalok feto sira nian hanesan hakru’uk, halo-tuir, pasivu no nonok. La iha partisipante sira mak hato’o opozisaun ba direitu iguál husi feto sira atu hetan edukasaun ka atu hetan rendimentu, maibé iha preokupasaun katak feto sira ne’ebé halo servisu sei la bele kumpri sira-nia responsabilidade atu fó ba sira-nia família, pontu-de-vista ida ne’ebé mak seidauk muda tuir feto raan sira nia espetativa no oportunidade oioin (IDI 18, IDI 19). Ho mane klosan, mane ho tinan ki’ik (15 to’o 17) hato’o atitude ne’ebé suporta igualdade jéneru, maibé atitude dezigualdade aumenta bainhira mane klosan nia tinan aumenta (18 to’o 24). Atitude dezigualdade mós forte liu iha sidade distritais nian duke iha komunidade rurais (haree Wigglesworth, Niner, Boavida dos Santos, Tilman & Arunachalam 2015). Influénsia husi ‘Globalizasaun’ Mudansa iha komunidade sira ne’e bele haree mosu maka’as, hodi hamosu sentidu husi kapasitasaun, nudar ezemplu feto sira iha direitu ba edukasaun no ba moris ida fora husi arena doméstika, no dekapasitasaun tanba ema luta atu kompriende polítika nasionál sira ne’ebé ema oituan de’it mak hatene no kontraditóriu ho prinsípiu sira ne’ebé komunidade Timorense sira uza hodi organiza an (IDI 11, IDI 22). Mudansa ne’e mosu, tuir komunidade sira hatene, tan ‘globalizasaun’, termu ida ne’ebé refere ba influensia husi teknolojia komunikasaun, maibé mós refere ba Timor-Leste nia adoptasaun norma internasionál sira hanesan LKVD ne’ebé mak nia huun laos mai husi Timor nia valór kultura. 64

Teknolojia sira foun iha influénsia ne’ebé maka’as tanba kuaze suku hotu-hotu ekipadu ona ho painél solár no TV atu haree notísia no programa sira seluk. Klosan sira iha estudu ida ne’e barak liu mak konfirma katak sira hetan asesu regular ba média no barak mak iha smart phones ho ligasaun internet. Influénsia hirak ne’e fó impaktu ba inan-aman nia abilidade atu influensia sira-nia oan ninia asaun, tan komunikasaun klandestina entre feto raan no mane klosan sira sai buat ida ne’ebé la tama ba kontrola husi inan-aman nian. Kaben ho idade ki’ik ne’e tuir sira influensia husi TV ka internet (FGD 15, IDI 16, 17). Mane klosan sira barak tebes mak relata katak sira hetan asesu ba pornografia iha internet, ne’ebé tuir líder sira promove daudaun relasaun adultériu no poligamia entre ema foinsa’e sira (IDI 14, IDI 16, IDI 17 & IDI 19). Líder foinsa’e ida esplika: Uluk, ema foinsa’e sira fiar iha sira-nia inan-aman no rona mós sira-nia mestre sira, maibé agora sira la fó konsiderasaun ruma ba sira-nia inan-aman no mestre sira. Bainhira sira-nia mestre sira hanorin hela, iha kotuk estudante sira haree filme porno ne’ebé sira salva iha sirania telemóvel. Sira pratika saida mak sira haree no labarik feto sira barak mak isin-rua bainhira sira sei idade ki’ik. Dala-barak mak sira lakohi isin-rua tan sira sei dauk prontu atu harii umakain. Hotu tiha, sira barak mak fahe malu, dalan ida a’at tebes tanba sira iha difikuldade finanseira, no la bele kria vida família ida ne’ebé iha domin no armonia (IDI 13).

VD partikulármente akontese barak iha família sira ho idade ki’ik (NDS 2010). Obra ida ne’e tau foku ba ligasaun entre dezigualdade jéneru no VD, maibé peskiza ne’e hatudu katak partisipasaun boot liu iha sistema edukasaun la kontribui ba promosaun atitude igualdade jéneru ho mane klosan. Nune’e bainhira mane klosan sira hetan asesu ba pornografia ne’ebé promove dominasaun seksuál maskulinu, buat ne’e la hetan kontra-ekilíbriu ida husi edukasaun kona-ba relasaun jéneru ho igualdade no informasaun seksuál iha eskola ka iha fatin sira seluk. Enkuantu divulgasaun LKVD husi governu nasionál iha tendénsia atu esplika regra sira maibé la envolve ema lokál sira iha debate no debate ne’e mak azuda povo sira komprende oinsa bele implementa polítika igualdade jéneru no LKVD iha kontestu moris konsuetudináriu nian. Tanba persepsaun katak lei ne’e kontra prátika konsuetudinária, feto barak ta’uk hodi uza sistema justisa formál (Asia Foundation 2012; Kovar & Harrington 2013). Enkuantu LKVD ne’e la apoia medida preventiva sira hodi limita violénsia doméstika liu husi involve mekanizmu governasaun lokál hodi hamenus violénsia iha uma laran. Konkluzaun Iha Timor-Leste, jeralmente povo simu katak violénsia mak mekanizmu ida atu hatudu podér kontra ema ki’ik ka ema subordinadu. Mane mak hetan estatus nudar xefe de família, nune’e feto no labarik simu violénsia husi membru família ne’ebé boot liu sira. Hahalok violénsia simu hanesan buat ida ne’ebé normal, no sei deskreve uza maneira oi-oin, maibé la deskreve hanesan VD. Ita haree katak LKVD nia refere atu denunsia kazu hotu-hotu VD nian ba polísia sei rekonsilia ona ho prátika lokál hodi re-interpreta sentidu husi VD hanesan violénsia fíziku de’it. Maske jeralmente povo simu ‘igualdade jéneru’ hanesan prinsípiu nasionál ida, ho suporta ba feto hodi ba eskola no hetan servisu, dala barak komprensaun ne’e la signifika katak iha igualdade barak liu iha relasaun íntima. Feto raan no mane klosan ne’ebé tinan ki’ik, no mós lider komunitária balun, hateten katak konflitu iha família tenke resolve la uza violénsia, halo komunikasaun diak no ho toleránsia. Feto raan sira hateten karakteristika xave ba ‘laen diak’ mak kalma no abilidade atu kontrola nia sentimentu hirus. Maibé mane klosan ne’ebé tinan boot oituan (hanesan tinan 18 ba leten) no feto tinan boot kaer atitude makás liu no sira barak hateten katak feto tuir loos submete ba nia laen nia hakarak no sira fó sala ba feto bainhira mane halo violénsia, nune’e sira haree katak violénsia fíziku sei konsidera hanesan forma ‘hanorin’ ka dixiplina membru família ne’ebé aseitavel. Ita bele haree katak mudansa igualdade jéneru iha valór nasionál seidauk lori tun ba komunidade rural no urbanu, no dezigualdade ho estatutu sei kontribui ba nivel violénsia ne’ebé aas liu no buat ne’e mak resposta ba mudansa sosiál ne’ebé la loos. Bele fó suporta atu kria atitude igualdade jéneru barak liu, liu husi hanorin ne’ebé efetivu iha eskola kona-ba igualdade jéneru hodi mantein ideia sira ne’e bainhira estudante sai boot. Autoridade nasionál sira presiza mós involve iha nível lokál atu responde ba kontradisaun oioin no estabelese ligasaun ne’ebé klaru entre lei konsuetudinária no lei nasionál hodi nune’e bele atinji koñesimentu no aseitasaun ne’ebé diak liu kona-ba igualdade jéneru no lei violénsia 65

doméstika. Mudansa rápidamente iha paíz ida ne’e loke espetasaun foun kona-ba mane klosan no feto raan nia ligasaun ekonómiku no sosiál, maibé tanba dezigualdade jéneru ne’e sosialmente sei aseitavel nafatin, halo feto raan Timorense barak mak seidauk bele moris livre husi violénsia.

Referensia Asia Foundation 2012, ‘Ami Sei Vítima Beibeik: Looking to the needs of domestic violence victims’, The Asia Foundation, Dili. Bennett L and Manderson L 2003, ‘Introduction: gender inequality and technologies of violence’ iha Manderson L and Bennett L (eds) Violence against women in Asian societies, RoutledgeCurzon, London. Egan A, and Haddad A 2007, ‘Violence against women in Melanesia and East Timor: A review of International lessons’, Canberra, AusAID Office for Development Effectiveness. Fraser, N. 2007, ‘Feminist politics in the age of recognition: a two dimensional approach to gender justice. Studies in Social Justice 1(1): 23-25. Hall, N. and J. True 2009, ‘Gender mainstreaming in a post-conflict state: towards democratic peace in TimorLeste’, in B. d’Costa and K. Lee-Koo (eds) Gender and global politics in Asia-Pacific, Palgrave Macmillan, New York, pp. 159-174. Khan, N. and S. Hyati 2012, ‘Bride-price and domestic violence in Timor-Leste: A comparative study of marriedin and married-out cultures in four districts’, FOKUPERS, Dili. Kovar, A. and Harrington, A. 2013, ‘Breaking the cycle of domestic violence in Timor-Leste: access to justice options, barriers and decision making processes in the context of legal pluralism’, UNDP, Díli. Molnar, A.K. 2010, Timor-Leste: Politics, history and culture, Routledge, London. National Statistics Directorate (NSD), 2010, ‘Timor-Leste Demographic and Health Survey 2009-10’, NSD Timor- Leste and ICF Macro, Dili. Niner, S. 2013, ‘Bisoi: A veteran of Timor-Leste's independence movement’, iha S. Blackburn & H. Ting (eds) Women in Southeast Asian nationalist movements, University of Hawai'I, Honolulu. --- 2012, ‘Barlake: an exploration of marriage practices and issues of women’s status in Timor-Leste’, LocalGlobal: Identity, Security, Community, Globalism Research Centre, RMIT, Melbourne, pp138-153. Niner, S. A. Wigglesworth, A. dos Santos, M. Tilman, and D. Arunachalam 2013, ‘2013 Baseline Study on attitudes and perceptions of gender and masculinities of youth in Timor-Leste’, PyD, Dili. RDTL 2010, Repúblika Demokrátiku de Timor-Leste Law no. 7/2010 of 7 of July Law Against Domestic Violence (Tradusaun Ofisiál iha Inglés husi SEPI), Díli. Silva, K. 2011, ‘Foho versus Díli: The political role of place in East Timor national imagination’, REALIS, 1(2): 144–165. Taft, A. and Watson, L. 2013, ‘Violence against women in Timor-Leste: secondary analysis of the 2009-10 Demographic Health Survey’, Mother and Child Health Research, La Trobe University, Melbourne. Trindade, J. 2011, ‘Lulik: The core of Timorese values’, Estudu ne’ebé aprezenta iha Communicating New Research on Timor-Leste Conference, Díli. UNICEF (2006) ‘Speak nicely to me – a study on practices and attitudes about discipline of children in TimorLeste’, Unicef, Dili. Wigglesworth, A. 2012, ‘Dreaming of a different life: Steps towards democracy and equality in Timor-Leste. Ellipsis, Journal of the American Portuguese Studies Association 10: 35-53. --- 2013 ‘Community leadership and gender equality: Experiences of representation in local governance in TimorLeste’, Asian Politics & Policy 5(4): 567-584. Wigglesworth, A., Niner, S., Arunachalam, D., dos Santos, Abel Boavida, and Tilman, M. 2015 Attitudes and perceptions of young men towards gender equality and violence in Timor-Leste’, Journal of International Women's Studies 15(2).

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11 Tetun Dili laos Dili nian ona: Tetun Dili nudar lian inan tuir dadus sensus 2004 ho 2010 nian Catharina Williams-van Klinken, Rob Williams ho Helio Brites da Silva

Introdusaun Timor-Leste iha lingua 25 ba leten. Hosi lian hirak nee, maizumenus 20 hosi familia Austronezia, no iha lian 5 mak ema baibain bolu ‘Papua’ ka ‘naun-Austronezia’. Iha lian ida mak la hanesan lian sira seluk, nee mak Tetun Dili (ema hanaran mos ‘Tetun Prasa’). Lian nee laos suku ida nian, maibee Timor-Leste tomak nian. Uluk, kuaze Timor oan hotu-hotu koalia sira nia lian rasik iha uma, no Tetun Dili uza deit bainhira koalia ho ema hosi suku seluk. Maibee agora ita rona ema koalia Tetun Dili iha fatin barak. Iha peskiza nee, autor sira uza dadus hosi sensus 2004 ho 2010, ho mos informasaun hosi livru ho mapa uluk nian, atu buka-hatene, oinsa mak Tetun Dili espalha iha Timor-Leste laran. Populasaun hira mak koalia Tetun Dili iha uma? Sira nee hela iha nebee? Ami mos buka-hatene, tanba saa mak ema muda hosi sira nia lian seluk hodi koalia fali Tetun Dili iha uma. Dadus hosi sensus 2004 ho 2010 Dadus ba sensus 2004 ami foti hosi publikasaun rua (National Statistics Directorate 2006, ho National Statistics Directorate ho UNFPA 2008). Dadus ba sensus 2010 nian mos ami hetan hosi publikasaun rua (National Statistics Directorate ho UNFPA 2011, ho Timor-Leste Ministry of Finance (la temi data)). Sensus rua nee husu pergunta kuaze hanesan kona ba lian nebee mak ema koalia iha uma laran. Iha 2004 sira husu, ‘Lian Inan: (lian/dialetu nebe bai-bain koalia iha uma)’, no iha 2010 pergunta mak, ‘Lian materna: Lian (dialetu ne’ebe bainbain koalia iha uma)?’ Dadus sensus rua nee folin boot, maibee iha limitasaun oioin. Primeiru mak pergunta nebee la klaru. Ita la hatene, sira husu kona ba lian nebee mak ema koalia uluk bainhira sei kiik ka, lian nebee mak sira agora loro-loron koalia iha uma. Iha ema barak, liu-liu iha Dili, mak uluk koalia lian lokal, maibee agora koalia Tetun Dili. Problema segundu, respondente sira bele hili lian ida deit, maski ema balu baibain koalia lian rua (ka liu) iha uma. Se nunee, ita la hatene, sira hili lian ida nebee mak sira koalia barak liu ka, ida nebee sira senti iha status boot liu ka, ida nebee mak hatudu sira nia huun. Iha mos diferensa balu entre sensus rua nee. Iha 2004, so populasaun ho idade 6 ba leten mak tenki hatan pergunta kona ba lingua. Nunee, ba 2010 mos ami uza dadus ba ema tinan 6 ba leten deit. Sensus 2010 foo sai dadus too nivel suku nian, maibee 2004 lae, tanba momentu nebaa governu hamenus numeru suku iha Timor-Leste. Tetun Dili nudar lian uma laran nian iha 2010 Tuir dadus sensus 2010, 36.2% hosi populasaun Timor-Leste tomak dehan sira koalia Tetun Dili iha uma.



67

Mapa 1 tuir mai hatudu, sira nee hela iha nebee. Mapa 1 - Porsentu populasaun nebee mak dehan sira koalia Tetun Dili iha uma, tuir sensus 2010. Hosi mapa nee, ita bele haree katak, iha fatin balu porsentu Tetun Dili boot loos. Fatin hirak nee mak kapital Dili, fatin balu iha rejiaun Mambae nian, ho mos sidade Baucau ho Maliana. Iha mos fatin barak, porsentu Tetun Dili kiik-oan liu.

Tetun Dili hosi uluk too 2010 Molok tempu Indonezia, dadus kona ba lingua iha Timor Leste laduun barak. Maski nunee, ita hatene katak Tetun Dili sai lingua franka (Bahasa perhubungan) kleur ona. Iha 1885, ema Portugal ida naran Gomes (1885) hakerek iha karta ida kona ba lingua iha Timor-Leste. Nia dehan iha suku hotu-hotu nia bele hetan ema ruma nebee koalia Tetun Dili, maibee atu halao servisu nudar misionariu, presiza aprende lian lokal. Tuir Grimes (2005), iha 1995, ema 50.000 koalia Tetun Dili nudar lian inan, kuaze hotu-hotu iha Dili. Ema nebee hatene Tetun Dili, maski la koalia iha uma, maioria hela iha parte loro-monu. Tabela tuir mai hatudu lian nebee mak ema tinan 6 ba leten koalia iha uma. Populasaun iha 1999 foti hosi National Statistics Directorate (2006, 28). Bazeia ba dadus hosi sensus 2004 ho 2010, ami siik dehan 81% mak tinan 6 ba leten. Dadus kona ba lingua iha 1999 tuir Grimes (2005). Tabela 1 - Populasaun Timor-Leste, no hira mak koalia Tetun Dili iha uma

1999 Populasaun Timor-Leste 747.547 Populasaun Timor-Leste ho tinan 6 ba leten 605.500 Populasaun tinan 6+ nebee koalia Tetun Dili iha 40.500 iha 1995 uma % tinan 6+ nebee mak koalia Tetun Dili iha uma maizumenus 7%

2004 923.198 745.731 179.643

2010 1.066.409 870.308 315.401

24,1%

36,2%

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Tabela 2 - Komparasaun entre munisipiu Dili ho munisipiu sira seluk

Munisipiu Dili

Munisipiu 12 seluk

Populasaun % populasaun nasional Koalia Tetun Dili iha uma % populasaun Dili nebee koalia TD iha uma Populasaun Koalia Tetun Dili iha uma % populasaun nebee koalia TD iha uma

1999 123.305 15% > 50.000 karik 50%

2004 143.542 16% 114.916 80,1%

2010 234.026 22% 168.612 87,5%

624.242

602.189 64.727 10,7%

677.665 146.789 21,6%

uitoan liu

Hosi tabela rua nee ita bele haree katak, populasaun nebee koalia Tetun Dili sae makaas hosi 1999 too 2010. Mudansa boot liu mak iha munisipiu 12. Iha 2004, 64% hosi populasaun Tetun Dili nian hela duni iha munisipiu Dili. Maibee iha 2010, porsentu nee tuun too 53% deit. Nee dehan katak, hosi populasaun nebee mak koalia Tetun Dili iha uma, kuaze sorin balu hela iha munisipiu selu-seluk. Bele dehan, ‘Tetun Dili’ laos Dili nian ona. Dadus tuir nivel munisipiu Tabela tuir mai hatudu dadus tuir kona ba Tetun Dili iha nivel munisipiu nian, hosi sensus 2004 ho 2010. Tabela 3 - Populasaun tinan 6 ba leten nebee koalia Tetun Dili iha uma, tuir munisipiu

Timor-Leste

2004 ema hira koalia TD 179.643

Aileu Ainaro Baucau Bobonaro Covalima Dili Ermera Lautem Liquiça Manatuto Manufahi Oecusse Viqueque

8.213 4.431 7.031 6.043 1.215 114.916 23.046 750 4.683 1.212 5.718 1.060 1.325

Munisipiu

24,1%

2010 ema hira % koalia TD 315.401 36,2%

Aumenta Aumenta ema hira 135.758

Aumenta % hira 12,2%

26,9% 10,7% 8,6% 8,9% 2,8% 80,1% 27,9% 1,7% 10,4% 4,0% 15,8% 2,3% 2,5%

17.738 13.618 16.262 18.777 3.678 168.612 44.468 2.146 10.264 2.793 12.622 1.559 2.864

9.525 9.187 9.231 12.734 2.463 53.696 21.422 1.396 5.581 1.581 6.904 499 1.539

21,8% 18,5% 9,2% 16,2% 4,6% 7,5% 18,7% 2,7% 9,3% 4,1% 15,7% 0,8% 2,5%

%

48,6% 29,2% 17,8% 25,1% 7,4% 87,5% 46,6% 4,4% 19,7% 8,1% 31,4% 3,1% 5,0%

Dadus nee hatudu katak, Tetun Dili aumenta makaas liu (15% ba leten) iha munisipiu haat nebee maioiria ema Mambae (nee mak Aileu, Ermera, Ainaro, ho Manufahi), ho mos iha munisipiu Bobonaro (nia kapital mak Maliana, sidade nebee mak numeru 3 iha Timor-Leste). Mudansa kiik liu mak iha Oecusse (0,8%), Viqueque (2,5%) ho Lautem (2,7%). Munisipiu tolu nee dook liu hosi kapital Dili. 69

Tetun Dili iha 2010, tuir suku Suku nebee maioira koalia Tetun Dili iha uma Tuir sensus 2010, hosi suku 442, iha 77 ho populasaun liu 50% koalia Tetun Dili iha uma. Suku sira nee, 24 iha sidade Dili. Ita bele siik katak, iha 1999 mos maioria iha suku 24 nee koalia Tetun Dili iha uma. Iha tan suku 53 nebee laos iha munisipiu Dili. Ita siik dehan iha 1999 maioria iha suku hirak nee la koalia Tetun Dili iha uma. Nee dehan katak, iha mudansa boot loos iha deit tinan 11 nia laran, hosi 1999 too 2010. Suku 53 nee, kuaze hotu-hotu monu iha kategoria rua: rai Mambae nian ho suku nebee enfrenta urbanizasaun. Fator boot liu mak Mambae. Hosi suku 53 nee, suku 40 mak maioria boot ema Mambae. Kapital munisipiu Ermera, Aileu, Ainaro ho Manufahi nian, hotu-hotu iha minimu suku ida ho ho populasaun liu 90% mak koalia Tetun Dili iha uma. Suku tuir dalan boot hosi Dili ba Gleno, no mos tuir dalan hosi Dili ba Aileu, maioria koalia Tetun Dili. Fator segundu mak urbanizasaun. Suku 2 iha sidade Baucau, 2 iha sidade Maliana, ho 4 iha Bobonaro vila, maioria koalia Tetun Dili iha 2010. Iha deit suku 6 mak la monu iha kategoria rua nee, maibee hosi suku 6 nee, 4 iha ema Mambae barak (ez. Hatolia), no 2 iha urbanizasaun uitoan. Ida mak Atauro Vila iha munisipiu Dili, ida seluk mak Venilale. Venilale laos sidade, maibee iha kolejiu balu nebee dada mestre ho estudante hosi Timor-Leste tomak, ho mos mestre balu hosi rai liur. Tuir sensus 2004 (National Statistics Directorate 2006, 70), kompara ho postu administrativu selu-seluk, Venilale nia porsentu populasaun nebee hatene lee ho hakerek lian Portuges aas liu, nunee mos ema nebee hatene lee ho hakerek Ingles. Suku nebee ema uitoan liu mak koalia Tetun Dili iha uma Tuir sensus 2010, iha suku 80 ho populasaun la too 1% mak koalia Tetun Dili iha uma. Hosi suku sira nee, 70 iha lingua ida nebee dominante loos, liu 90% mak koalia lian ida nee iha uma. Nunee povu la presiza koalia lian seluk iha komunidade nia leet. Suku sira nee, kuaze hotu-hotu iha area remota, se lao tuir estrada, dook hosi Dili. Nunee asesu ba Dili susar, no impaktu Dili nian laduun boot.

% nebee koalia Tetun Dili iha uma

Idade Grafiku tuir mai hatudu porsentu populasaun Timor-Leste nebee koalia Tetun Dili iha uma, tuir idade.

60 50 40 30 2010

20

2004

10 0

Tinan Grafiku 1 - Porsentu populasaun nebee koalia Tetun Dili iha uma iha tinan 2004 ho 2010, tuir idade Ita haree katak, liu-liu joven sira tinan 15-29 mak koalia liu Tetun Dili iha uma. Porsentu boot liu mak sira nebee tinan 20-24, kuaze metade ona (48%) mak koalia Tetun Dili. Tanba saa mak joven sira nee koalia Tetun Dili iha uma liu ema idade sira seluk? Razaun ida mak urbanizasaun. Hosi populasaun Timor-Leste nian tomak,

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22% hela iha munisipiu Dili. Maibee hosi joven sira tinan 20-24, 36% hela iha Dili, no hosi sira tinan 25-29, 34%.

Komparasaun ho nasaun seluk Tabela tuir mai kompara Timor-Leste ho nasaun seluk nebee iha lingua lokal barak, no iha lian ida seluk fali nebee sai lingua franka (bahasa perhubungan). Iha tabela nee, dadus balu tuan (hosi tinan iha koluna ‘dadus ba saa tinan’), tanba ami buka dadus foun liu kona ba lingua la iha. Tabela 4 - Komparasaun Timor-Leste ho nasaun seluk 1

Nasaun

Pop. nasaun

% pop. hela iha kapital

Lingua franka

% koalia lingua franka nudar lian inan 36%

Dadus ba saa tinan

Num. Lian lian ofisial lokal

% hatene koalia lingua franka ka lian ofisial

TimorLeste

1.100.000

22%

Tetun Dili

2010

25

Tetun, Portuges

18%

2010

700+

18%

Bahasa Indonesia Bislama

4%

2011

110

6.100.000

5%

Tok Pisin

2%

2005

850+

400.000

12%

Pijin

6%

1999

700

Bahasa Indonesia Ingles, Franses, Bislama Tok Pisin, Ingles Ingles

Tetun Dili 82% Portuges 35% Bahasa 83%

Indonezia

240.700.000

4%

Vanuatu

200.000

Papua Nova Gine Solomon Islands

(la hetan dadus) Tok Pisin: 67% Ingles: 2% Pijin 82% Ingles: 2%

Hosi tabela nee ita haree katak, porsentu populasaun nebee koalia Tetun Dili iha uma mak 36%, nee boot liu porsentu nebee mak koalia lingua franka iha nasaun haat nee seluk. Porsentu nebee mak hela iha kapital mos boot liu. Komparasaun ho tempu Portugal ho tempu Indonezia Se ita kompara Tetun Dili ho lingua Portuges ho lian Indonezia mos, ita haree diferensa boot loos. Portugal ukun Timor-Leste kleur loos. Maibee iha 1975, so ema Portugal ho sira nia oan sira deit mak koalia Portuges nudar lian inan. Iha tempu nebaa, hosi populasaun Timor tomak, so 15-20% mak hatene koalia Portuges, inklui ema nebee koalia uitoan deit (Thomaz 2002, 140 - 142). Too agora mos, ema nebee koalia Portuges iha uma, uitoan liu. Tuir sensus 2004, iha ema 741 (0.1%) mak dehan sira koalia Portuges iha uma. Iha 2010 numeru nee tuun uitoan too ema 527. Indonezia ukun Timor-Leste durante tinan 24, no too ikus, ema barak hatene lian Indonezia. Maibee tuir sensus 2004, so 2508 (0.3%) mak dehan sira koalia lian Indonezia iha uma. Nee inklui ema Indonezia nebee hela iha Timor, ho sira nia oan. Porsentu nee la muda iha sensus 2010.

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Iha tabela nee, dadus kona ba Tetun ho Portuges foti hosi sensus Timor-Leste 2010. Dadus kona ba lian inan iha Indonezia foti hosi Wikipedia (www.wikipedia.org), ba nasaun sira seluk foti hosi Ethnologue (www.ethnologue.com). Dadus ba nasaun ho kapital ida-idak nia populasaun foti hosi Google ba tinan nebee hanesanporsentu nebee mak koalia lingua franka ho lian ofisial ba nasaun sira seluk foti hosi Wikipedia.

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Diskusaun Dadus sensus nee hamosu pergunta boot rua. Primeiru, tanba saa mak ema Timor-Leste lalais loos adota Tetun Dili nudar lian uma nian? Se ita kompara ho lingua franka iha nasaun sira seluk, ka kompara ho ema uitoan liu mak adota Portuges ka lian Indonezia, mudansa nee lais loos. Segundu, tanba saa mak ema Mambae muda ba Tetun Dili lais liu ema hosi suku selu-seluk? Resposta ba pergunta rua nee ita la bele hetan hosi sensus. Nunee diskusaun tuir mai bazeia ba ami nia observasaun rasik, ho mos ba intervista informal ho ema oioin. Tansaa mak Tetun Dili aumenta lalais loos? Bainhira ami husu inan-aman sira, tanba saa mak sira koalia Tetun Dili ba sira nia oan, barak dehan sira halo nunee para labarik sira tama eskola, sira hatene ona lian ofisial ida. Balu dehan, labarik sira bele aprende lian lokal hosi avoo sira ka iha komunidade nia leet, la presiza aprende iha uma. Razaun ida seluk mak urbanizasaun. Hosi tempu Portugal too agora, porsentu populasaun nebee mak hela iha sidade aumenta makaas, no prosesu urbanizasaun nee lao makaas nafatin. Iha 2004, hosi populasaun Timor-Leste tomak, 16% hela iha munisipiu Dili, iha 2010 ida nee sae ba 22%. Iha Dili, ho mos iha kapital munisipiu balu, ema hosi lingua oioin hasoru malu, no baibain koalia Tetun Dili ho malu. Iha mos ema barak kaben ema hosi lingua seluk, liu-liu iha sidade. Sira mos dala barak koalia Tetun Dili iha uma. Tetun Dili mos tama too iha munisipiu hotu-hotu liu hosi igreja, liu hosi eskola, ho mos liu hosi media masa (liu-liu radio ho televizaun). Ida nee la obriga ema atu koalia iha uma, maibee foo oportunidade ba ema atu aprende. Movimentu populasaun mos iha impaktu. Durante tempu Indonezia, populasaun barak tenki muda hosi sira nia knua ba iha fatin seluk. Komesa hosi tempu Portugal too agora mos, ema balu muda hosi munisipiu ida ba munisipiu seluk tanba eskola ka servisu. Nunee ema balu aprende Tetun Dili tanba sira tenki hela besik ema hosi lingua selu-seluk. Maski movimentu nee la obriga ema atu muda lingua, maibee bele iha impaktu. Karik mos, iha sensus ema barak hatan dehan sira koalia Tetun Dili iha uma tanba senti nee hatudu sira nia identidade nasional. Iha 2009-2010, Leach et al. (2012) intervista estudante iha Universidade Nasional Timor Lorosa’e kona ba sira nia identidade. Hosi sira nee, 93% dehan sira senti sira nia identidade nudar ema Timor forte, liu fali identidade tuir munisipiu (63%), postu administrativu (63%) ho bairu (80%). Sira foo folin boot liu ba identidade tuir okupasaun (37%), familia (23%), relijiaun (12%), ho nasaun (10%) duke grupu etniku ka lingua (8%). Sira dehan, bainhira sira muda hosi munisipiu mai Dili, sira nia identidade nudar ema Timor aumenta, tanba sira ranxu ho ema hosi munisipiu selu-seluk. Dadus nee hatudu katak, ba estudante sira nee, sira nia identidade tuir lingua fraku loos, maibee identidade tuir nasaun forte. Tanba saa mak ema Mambae lais liu atu muda ba Tetun Dili? Peskiza nee hatudu katak, ema Mambae muda ba Tetun Dili lais liu ema hosi suku selu-seluk. Atu kompriende klean liu, ami intervista ema Mambae oioin. Razaun ida mak nee: Fasil liu ba ema Mambae atu muda ba Tetun Dili duke ema hosi lingua seluk, tanba estrutura Mambae ho Tetun Dili besik liu, no ema Mambae barak hatene Tetun Dili kleur ona. Balu hela besik Dili duni. Balu aprende Tetun kleur ona tanba ema hosi sidade tama-sai hodi sosa kafe, balu tan lori produtu mai faan iha Dili Inan-aman sira barak dehan sira hakarak prepara sira nia oan sira ba eskola, nee mak sira koalia Tetun Dili ba sira iha uma. Balu mos dehan, bainhira sira iha ema lingua seluk nia leet, ema Mambae prefere koalia Tetun Dili atu sira seluk mos bele kompriende. Atu hatene razaun seluk, presiza peskiza ida klean liu, tanba ami senti razaun hirak nee la too. Afinal Liquiça besik liu Dili duke Ainaro. Maski nunee, populasaun Liquiça nebee koalia Tetun Dili iha uma sae hosi 10,4% iha 2004 too 21,6% iha 2010, maibee populasaun Ainaro nebee koalia Tetun Dili iha uma sae makaas liu tan hosi 10,7% iha 2004 too 30,0% iha 2010. Nunee mos, laos ema Mambae deit mak hakarak prepara sira nia oan atu tama eskola. 72

Implikasaun Ita haree ona katak, ema Timor-Leste barak loos komesa koalia Tetun Dili iha uma. Nee sei iha impaktu oinsa? Impaktu balu pozitivu, tanba labarik sira sei domina Tetun Dili molok atu tama eskola. Nunee fasilita sira nia edukasaun, no fasilita mos povu atu akompanha dezenvolvimentu politika iha nasaun laran. Iha impaktu seluk negativu, tanba jerasaun foun nee, barak sei la domina lo-loos sira nia lian lokal. Barak rona, maibee laduun koalia, no la hatene too klean. Se karik ferik-katuas sira la domina Tetun, entaun bele difikulta komunikasaun entre ferik-katuas sira ho joven sira. Fasil mos atu povu Timor-Leste lakon konhesimentu tradisional, tanba la uza ona lian lokal. Ezemplu, agora dadauk, ema barak hatene ai huun ho manu fuik nia naran ho sira nia lian rasik, maibee Tetun Dili seidauk iha naran ba buat sira nee. Nunee mos, kultura, istoria uluk nian, ho literatura oral bele lakon. Peskiza nebee mak sei presiza Peskiza nee hatudu katak Tetun Dili espalha lalais liu iha Timor-Leste nia laran. Hosi sensus 2015 ita sei hatene, mudansa nee kontinua ka lae. Maibee dadus sensus nian la bele hatudu oinsa mak ema muda sira nia lian, no tanba saa. Atu kompriende buat rua nee, ita presiza peskiza iha nivel uma kain ho nivel komunidade, uza metodu sosiolinguistiku, hanesan kestionariu, intervista, ho estudu kazu. Referensia Almeida, Maria Emilia de Castro 1982, Estudo serologico dos grupos etnolinguisticos de Timor – Dili, Instituto de Investigação, Lisbon. Gomes Ferreira, Joao 1885, Letter to Dr Schuchardt. Grimes, Barbara F. (ed.) 2005, Ethnologue: languages of the world, http://www.ethnologue.com/show_country.asp?name=TL. Leach, Micheal, James Scambary, Matthew Clarke, Simon Feeny ho Heather Wallace 2012, Attitudes to National Identity Among Tertiary Students in Melanesia and Timor Leste: A Comparative Analysis, SSGM Discussion paper 2012/8. National Statistics Directorate (NSD) 2006, Timor-Leste sensus of population of housing 2004 atlas, Dili, http://www.statistics.gov.tl/sensus-of-population-and-housing-2004/ National Statistics Directorate (NSD) ho United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) --- 2008, District priority tables. http://www.statistics.gov.tl/category/publications/sensuspublications/2004/district-priority-table/. --- 2011, Population and Housing Sensus of Timor-Leste, 2010. Volume 2: Population Distribution by Administrative Areas, https://www.mof.gov.tl/wp-content/uploads/2011/06/Publication-2-EnglishWeb.pdf. Timor-Leste Ministry of Finance (la iha data), Suco Reports. http://www.mof.gov.tl/about-theministry/statistics-indicators/sensus-foo-fila-fali/download-suco-reports/?lang=en. The Timor-Leste Transitional Administration, The Asian Development Bank, The World Bank, ho The United Nations Development Programme 2001, The 2001 survey of sukus: initial analysis and implications for poverty reduction. http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/ 2001/10/10133657/2001-survey-sucosinitial-analysis-implications-poverty-reduction. Thomaz, Luis Filipe Reis 2002, ‘A lingua portuguesa em Timor’, Iha Babel Lorosa'e: O problema linguistico de Timor-Leste (pp. 131-154). Instituto Camões, Lisbon.

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Timor-Leste: O local, regional e global Comunicações em Português editadas por Nuno Canas Mendes

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12 Um estudo etnográfico a partir do olhar de professores formados e estudantes em formação de língua portuguesa sobre as políticas linguísticas em Timor-Leste Alan Silvio Ribeiro Carneiro1 Introdução A investigação aqui descrita tem sua origem na minha atuação como professor de português como segunda língua no contexto multilíngue de Timor-Leste, entre 2008 e 2009. A Constituição timorense institui como línguas oficiais do país o português e o tétum e define o indonésio e o inglês como línguas de trabalho. O país tem enfrentado uma série de desafios para a implementação das políticas linguísticas e educacionais locais e tem contado com o apoio da cooperação brasileira e da cooperação portuguesa na formação de professores por meio de diversas iniciativas desde o período de transição até a independência. Tendo em vista esse contexto, este artigo tem como foco compreender a visão de professores formados e estudantes em formação de uma dessas iniciativas - o curso de Língua Portuguesa da Universidade Nacional Timor Lorosa’e (UNTL) - em relação às suas trajetórias, aos seus repertórios e às políticas linguísticas locais que estão sendo implementadas. O referido curso conta com a cooperação do Camões - Instituto da Cooperação e da Língua (CICL), de Portugal, por intermédio do Centro de Língua Portuguesa (CLP), de Díli, capital do país. A produção dos dados para esta pesquisa foi feita ao longo de seis meses em campo, no ano de 2012, momento em que atuei novamente como professor no país e pude registrar no meu diário de campo alguns aspectos da dinâmica sociolinguística local e produzir as oito entrevistas com professores formados e as oito entrevistas com estudantes em formação, com foco em narrativas de vida, que constituem os principais dados que analisei na minha tese de doutorado (Carneiro 2014). Neste artigo apresento uma síntese dos principais achados da pesquisa concluída trazendo alguns dados que ilustram os problemas centrais que emergiram ao longo das análises das narrativas dos professores e estudantes. O contexto de investigação e os objetivos da pesquisa O curso de Bacharelado e Licenciatura em Língua Portuguesa da UNTL foi desenvolvido ao longo de sucessivos protocolos de cooperação com o então denominado Instituto Camões e com a FUP (Fundação das Universidades Portuguesas). O projeto em questão pode ser considerado como um exemplo de formação de professores em um contexto pós-conflito. Tendo iniciado com recursos humanos e materiais restritos, foi progressivamente conquistando espaços institucionais e insumos para o seu funcionamento através da construção de parcerias, mas também de enfrentamentos com as instituições de suporte. Em janeiro de 2012, início do meu campo, o departamento contava com quatorze professores timorenses e apenas dois professores portugueses, sendo que, no momento de sua fundação, havia apenas um professor timorense. Na comemoração dos seus dez anos, no final de 2011, celebrou-se o fato de o DLP ter graduado 81 estudantes, 45 licenciados e 36 bacharéis. Em 2012, esse número chegou a 130, e, atualmente, o curso tem em torno de 300 estudantes nos diversos anos. (CICL 2011). Tanto em 2008-2009 quanto em 2012 eu estive em contato com professores formados no curso de Licenciatura em Língua Portuguesa, principalmente da geração que estudou durante o período colonial português, porém na minha segunda estadia em campo, em 2012, eu pude ter bastante contato também com estudantes em formação que foram escolarizados no regime indonésio e aprenderam a língua portuguesa durante o período de transição. Alguns estudos já haviam apontado de forma incisiva a questão das diferenças entre as ideologias de distintos grupos sociais timorenses em relação à língua portuguesa e ao projeto de nação em construção em Timor-Leste desde o período final da resistência (Carey 2003; Mendes 2005; Silva 2006, 2012; Leach 2003, 2008 e 2012, entre outros). A pesquisa que fiz ao longo do doutorado aprofunda algumas das questões levantadas por esses estudos e ao mesmo tempo traz uma perspectiva

1

Portuguese Language Section, University of Cape Town (África do Sul).

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mais nuançada das relações entre trajetórias, práticas e ideologias linguísticas que interessam principalmente aos pesquisadores do campo da língua(gem). Tendo em vista esses estudos anteriores e o contato que tive com professores e estudantes ao longo do meu campo em 2012 é que pude elaborar as questões de pesquisa abaixo, que foram condutoras do meu doutorado e que guiaram as minhas reflexões na tese e neste artigo: a) Como os professores formados e os estudantes em formação desse curso de língua portuguesa (re)constroem narrativamente suas trajetórias de vida? b) Quais são as representações que emergem nessas narrativas acerca dos diferentes recursos linguísticos de seus repertórios heteroglóssicos? c) Que interpretações acerca dos rumos das políticas linguísticas que estão sendo implementadas no país são construídas em suas narrativas? A partir dessas questões, pude definir o objetivo da investigação empreendida da seguinte forma: Identificar as visões de professores formados e estudantes em formação do curso de Licenciatura em Língua Portuguesa da Universidade Nacional Timor Lorosa’e no que tange (i) ao papel que a aquisição de diferentes recursos linguísticos teve em suas trajetórias sociais, (ii) aos valores relativos que atribuem a esses diferentes recursos de seu repertório heteroglóssico (iii) e às políticas linguísticas que estão sendo localmente implementadas. A metodologia e o enquadramento teórico da análise A presente pesquisa foi inspirada pelas pesquisas críticas no campo aplicado dos estudos da língua(gem) (Moita-Lopes 2006) e nos estudos etnográficos das políticas linguísticas (McCarty 2011). Para o desenvolvimento da mesma fiz um projeto de atuação no Departamento de Língua Portuguesa da UNTL, no ano de 2012, com o intuito de facilitar o meu contato com os potenciais sujeitos de pesquisa. Ao longo do período em campo pude registrar diferentes dados, embora desde o começo, tenham-se destacado para mim as entrevistas - com enfoque nas narrativas de vida de professores formados e estudantes em formação - como um rico material de análise discursivo e metadiscursivo. Por essa razão, esse material se tornou o centro das análises na minha tese de doutorado que retomo neste artigo. O tratamento dado a essas entrevistas partiu do pressuposto de que essas não são eventos artificiais de fala que estariam em contraste com eventos naturais de interação (De Fina 2009). Seguindo a linha de Briggs (2007), as entrevistas foram analisadas como parte do tecido social no qual foram engendradas, ou seja, como parte de um contexto específico de produção, no qual estavam presentes restrições sociais que precisavam ser levadas em consideração nas análises. Embora cada um dos dois grupos, o de professores e o de estudantes, fosse relativamente similar em termos de classe, idade e trajetória social, ao longo dos processos de transcrição, codificação e tematização das dezesseis narrativas (oito com cada grupo), foi possível identificar diferenças significativas nas tomadas de posição desses sujeitos na narração de suas histórias de vida. O conceito chave que conduziu o processo de interpretação para o desenvolvimento das análises foi o de pistas de contextualização de Gumperz (1982; 1992), ou seja, a busca de índices linguísticos e para-linguísticos na comunicação que apontassem para como os sujeitos em interação estão coconstruindo o contexto no qual estão inseridos. A partir desse conceito foi possível identificar o funcionamento mais específico das estâncias (Jaffe 2009) tomadas pelos sujeitos da pesquisa nos eventos de interação e compreender o significado das suas vozes sociais (Bakhtin, 1981). Como afirma Jaffe (2009, 13), como quadro analítico, a ideia de estância: (...) não essencializa categorias sociais, mas antes, vê as posições de sujeito e as relações que podem ser estabelecidas através de formas de fala e então, em um segundo nível de análise, como essas podem ser estatisticamente e/ou esterotipicamente mapeadas em sistemas

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linguísticos nomeados (‘sotaques’, ‘dialetos’, ‘linguagem’, ‘códigos misturados’), ou categorias discursivas menos explicitamente nomeadas (registro, gênero, discurso) caracterizadas por agrupamentos de traços. Os sistemas linguísticos indexados pela estância estão todos incorporados em campos de ação culturais, ideológicos, sociais e políticos. (Tradução Livre).

Seguindo a perspectiva de Jaffe, nas análises que desenvolvi na minha tese de doutorado e que retomo aqui, busquei a partir do conceito de estâncias entender primeiramente o funcionamento das metapragmáticas (Silverstein 1993) que regulavam as tomadas de posicionamento dos sujeitos da pesquisa, para em seguida, identificar as ideologias linguísticas (Woolard, Schieffelin e Kroskrity 1998) que estavam estruturando os processos de interpretação nos eventos discursivos analisados. A partir disso, busquei identificar o papel dessas ideologias nos processos de categorização social e na organização das práticas sociais no contexto timorense e o seu papel na regulação do funcionamento do que Bourdieu (2009) entende como o campo da língua(gem). Os resultados Nos três itens abaixo, apresento três excertos de entrevistas e breves análises que ilustram o funcionamento desse campo da língua(gem) e algumas das regulações do seu funcionamento: Trajetórias sociais, capital linguístico e distinção social Para Bourdieu (2006), o acontecimento biográfico é um colocar-se e deslocar-se no espaço social, por isso, para o pesquisador interessado em compreender uma trajetória é necessário entender como os diferentes capitais (econômico, linguístico, cultural e social) estão em jogo em um determinado campo. O trecho abaixo de uma entrevista com a professora Ermelinda (pseudônimo) aponta para como, no contexto de Timor-Leste, a aquisição de um capital linguístico foi fundamental na aquisição de outros capitais: Pesquisador 1 E professora voltando à questão das línguas... você acha que no período português (...) não tinha essa questão da imposição? Ermelinda 2 Imposição... quer dizer as pessoas... os que sabiam falar português... era mais um meio para poder, para poder obter algo do colonizador, para poder obter, para poder obter uma oportunidade de trabalho, uma oportunidade de bolsa, bolsa de estudos para os filhos, é mais assim nesse sentido (...) 3 essas escolas, a escola técnica e o liceu eram destinadas mais para os filhos de portugueses que estavam a trabalhar no país e era muito reduzido o numero de timorenses que estudavam nessas escolas porque a situação financeira também não ajudava e havia poucas vagas e essas poucas vagas eram mais dirigidas aos filhos dos portugueses que estavam a cá 4 a escola Canto Rezende que acumulava mais estudantes timorenses porque os filhos dos portugueses não queriam ser professores... não é então (uma imposição) segundo o meu ver. A minha pergunta na entrevista reproduz a perspectiva do pesquisador que se alinha a uma tradição de investigação que entende - a partir de um olhar acadêmico - que as línguas europeias nos contextos coloniais foram impostas aos colonizados de forma unilateral. A fala da professora aqui nesse trecho aponta para o fato de que embora pudesse ser uma imposição, para os sujeitos que a adquiriam, ela tinha um outro papel: o de mediação de um interesse. A aquisição do registro escolar da língua portuguesa ensinado pelas instituições coloniais em Timor emerge como um recurso social à disposição daqueles que estão subordinados ao sistema de dominação colonial para a mobilidade social nesse mesmo sistema. Na sua reflexão, a professora aponta ainda como o acesso a esse registro funciona como um meio de acesso à educação que por sua vez dá acesso a um posto de trabalho, o qual garante uma determinada posição social valorizada e distintiva no contexto timorense.

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Repertórios heteroglóssicos, hierarquias linguísticas e novos processos de distinção A aquisição de diferentes recursos na formação de um repertório linguístico e semiótico que pode dar acesso a determinadas posições sociais é um processo contínuo ao longo da vida (Blommaert e Backus 2011; Busch 2012). Esses processos de distinção estão inscritos nos repertórios heteroglóssicos dos professores e estudantes de língua portuguesa que participaram desta pesquisa. Nessa direção, nas suas práticas linguísticas e nas representações que construíram acerca de seus repertórios, foi possível identificar um conjunto de ideologias linguísticas que apontavam para a emergência de novos processos de distinção no contexto timorense vinculados a certos usos linguísticos específicos. A análise abaixo do estudante de língua portuguesa, Armando (Pseudônimo) aponta para isso: Pesquisador português?

1 Mas Armando, você acha então que para falar bem o tétum é preciso saber o

Armando 2 Acho que sim, no meu entendimento de agora... porque tétum ainda emprestar muitas línguas... as pessoas em Los Palos, por exemplo, quando eles falam tétum também misturar com português porque as pessoas são mais velhos... (...) 3 quando perguntamos para as pessoas quando se ouvir tétum de formal que as pessoas de portugueses ou os malaes que aprendem tétum com português... ‘quando vocês ouvem esta pronunciação o que você sente’ ou ‘eles falam melhor tétum do que nós’, 4 por exemplo, o professor, qualquer professor, professor de português, quando eles falam tétum... as pessoas consideram esse um bom tétum, é um tétum que temos de aprender A estância de Armando aponta para a formação de um registro específico do tétum considerado de maior valor. Esse registro é associado a determinados falantes, no caso, falantes mais velhos de uma região específica e falantes nativos da língua portuguesa em oposição a um registro do tétum marcado pela língua indonésia falado por ele próprio e outros jovens. Na sua fala, diferentes usos do tétum identificam diferentes tipos de pessoa e a diferença de valor que essas pessoas podem receber por falar esse determinado registro da língua se constituindo como um novo modo de produzir diferenças e potenciais distinções sociais. Isso pode levar, por exemplo, a uma nova dinâmica de acesso e distribuição dos recursos linguísticos que pode se vincular a novos processos de organização e estruturação social. Políticas linguísticas, políticas de identidade e projetos políticos Para Blommaert (2013, 133) nunca há uma única hegemonia governando os eventos sociais, sempre há meso-hegemonias e micro-hegemonias nos discursos que se constituem a partir de múltiplas ordens de indexicalidade. Nesse sentido, há sempre múltiplas determinações presentes nos eventos de comunicação que são únicos e situados, mas nem por isso deixam de ser estruturados por centralidades diversas. No excerto abaixo de uma das entrevistas é possível entender o funcionamento dessas múltiplas determinações, na forma como a professora Rosa (pseudônimo) compreende o seu trabalho como professora de língua portuguesa em nível universitário: Pesquisador 1 (...) Como a professora vê o seu trabalho? Rosa 2 é um trabalho... é diferente eu fui professora ensinei no Externato São José, mas era assim, era diferente, as pessoas, as pessoas falavam português aquilo era mais para aquelas pessoas que queriam sair para Portugal... (...) mas agora aqui já é diferente, é como eu já disse hoje, [eles] tem contato com a língua dentro das quatro paredes, mesmo assim, nós não garantimos, ouvem, mas ainda assim ficam a olhar para a pessoa, mas eu não tento traduzir eu digo que eu não sei indonésio, para mim é uma nova luta, desafios, todos nós temos desafios, pronto a nossa vida é um desafio também, para mim não é bem um desafio, mas é uma luta, é uma luta. 78

3 E é muito complicado primeiro porque eu tenho muita pena, porque eles não têm também culpa, eu não estou a atribuir culpas a ninguém (...) os professores que não deveriam deixar passar as pessoas primeiro, mas voltando a capacidade dos professores, eles também tem um limite, a capacidade deles é limitada (...) ora nem o professor tem culpa... que eu não sei... há professores que estão mais por causa de estar a sobreviver, não é por causa daquela coisa que eles querem dar, não é porque ‘eu sinto aquela paixão de ensinar’ ‘eu quero transmitir aquilo que eu sei’ ... é mais fácil para poder ter um pão em casa. A professora Rosa na sua fala aponta para o significado de ensinar português em diferentes momentos históricos, no passado, durante a ocupação indonésia e na atualidade. Mas para ela há um fio comum entre essas experiências, a primeira é descrita como fácil, a segunda como um desafio, mas ela especifica esse desafio como uma luta. A ideia de luta é o fio que conduz a sua interpretação do seu papel como professora. Rosa esteve ativamente envolvida na resistência à ocupação indonésia, o que faz com que para ela tanto naquele contexto quanto no contexto atual, ensinar a língua portuguesa seja, não ensinar um código, mas dar continuidade a um projeto político de resistência e de construção de um projeto de nação. Nessa direção, para Rosa, falar a língua portuguesa e ensiná-la tem uma função que é fundamentalmente política, embora Rosa reconheça que essa tarefa é limitada por restrições estruturais que estão vinculadas às razões pelas quais professores sem formação estão na profissão docente, o que é produto dos problemas econômicos e sociais existentes no país. Considerações Finais ‘As vozes das formigas não chegam aos céus’ (Fala da professora Ermelinda) A partir dessas análises é possível concluir que, para compreender o funcionamento das políticas linguísticas como uma prática social em Timor-Leste, a qual, por isso, está em uma constante dinâmica de mutação, é importante compreender o papel de diferentes registros como recursos para mobilidade territorial e social nesse contexto; compreender os constantes processos de mudança pelos quais esses registros linguísticos presentes no território têm passado em termos de valor e ainda compreender o papel que adquirem no conjunto dos debates políticos em curso localmente. Em resumo, é preciso buscar entender no funcionamento dos processos de transição de diferentes regimes multilíngues no território, o que permanece e o que se modifica. Mas para o desenvolvimento de uma compreensão adequada desse funcionamento é preciso escutar as vozes que não tem chegado aos céus, ou seja, é preciso dar voz e vez para que aqueles que estiveram e ainda estão diretamente envolvidos com as práticas de ensino de línguas possam ser agentes da formulação dessas políticas. Infelizmente, os professores de língua portuguesa timorenses que melhor conhecem o seu funcionamento não têm tido a oportunidade de debater o seu desenvolvimento na arena pública. Embora ocupem o papel de especialistas, esse reconhecimento não lhes é dado, o que aponta para a necessidade de uma perspectiva política participativa para TimorLeste na elaboração das políticas (linguísticas e educacionais), na qual diferentes vozes sociais possam ser ouvidas. Bibliografia Bakhtin, Mikhail 1981, The Dialogic Imagination: Four essays, Michel Holquist (ed.), University of Texas Press, Austin. Blommaert, Jan 2013, Policy, policing and the ecology of social norms: ethnographic monitoring revisited, IJSL, 219, 2013:123 -140. Blommaert, Jan e Backus, Ad 2011, Repertoires revisited: ‘Knowing language’ in superdiversity, Working Papers in Urban Language & Literacies, Paper 67. Busch, Brigitta 2012, The linguistic repertoire revisited, Applied Linguistics, 33(5): 503-523. Bourdieu, Pierre 2009, A economia das trocas linguísticas, Edusp, São Paulo. --- 2006, 'A ilusão biográfica' in Ferreira, Marieta de Moraes e Amado, Janaína (Org.), Usos e abusos da história oral, FGV, Rio de Janeiro. Briggs, Charles 2007, Anthropology, Interviewing, and Communicability in Contemporary Society, Current

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Anthropology, 48(4): 551-580. Carey, Peter 2003, Third-World Colonialism, the Geração Foun, and the Birth of a New Nation: Indonesia through East Timorese Eyes, 1975-99, Indonesia, 76: 23-67. Carneiro, Alan 2014, Políticas linguísticas e identidades sociais em trânsito: língua(gem) e construção da diferença em Timor-Leste. Tese de Doutorado, UNICAMP, Campinas. CICL (Camões - Instituto de Cooperação e da Língua) 2011, Timor-Leste: Centro de Língua Portuguesa em Díli celebra aniversário, acesso em: https://www.instituto-camoes.pt/lingua-e-cultura/centro-de-linguaportuguesa-em-dili-aniversario, acesso em 10 de novembro de 2013. De Fina, Anna 2009, Narratives in interview — The case of accounts: For an interactional approach to narrative genres, Narrative Inquiry, 19(2): 233–258. Gumperz, John 1982, Discourse strategies, Cambridge University Press, New York. --- 1992, 'Contextualisation and Understanding' in Duranti, Alessandro e Goodwin, Charles (Eds.), Rethinking Context: Language as an Interactive Phenomenon Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, New York. Jaffe, Alexandra 2009, 'Introduction: The Sociolinguistics of Stance' in Jaffe, Alexandra (Ed.), Stance: Sociolinguistic Perspectives, Oxford University Press, Oxford. Leach, Michael 2003, Privileged ties: Young people debating language, heritage and national identity in East Timor, Portuguese Studies Review, 11(1):137-50. --- 2008, Surveying East Timorese tertiary student attitudes to national identity: 2002-07, South East Asia Research, 16(3): 405-31. --- 2012, Longitudinal change in East Timorese tertiary student attitudes to national identity and nation building, 2002-2010, Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia and Oceania, 168(2-3): 219-252. McCarty, Teresa 2011, Ethnography and Language Policy, Routledge, New York. Mendes, Nuno Canas 2005, 'A construção do nacionalismo timorense' in Guedes, Armando e Mendes, Nuno Canas (Orgs.), Ensaios sobre nacionalismos em Timor-Leste, Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros/Instituto Diplomático, Lisboa. Moita Lopes, Luiz Paulo da 2006, Introdução: Uma linguística aplicada mestiça e ideológica: interrogando o campo como linguista aplicado in Moita Lopes, Luiz Paulo da, Por uma Linguística Aplicada Indisciplinar, Parábola Editorial, São Paulo. Silverstein, Michael 1993, 'Metapragmatic discourse and metapragmatic function' in Lucy, John (Ed.) Reflexive language: Reported Speech and Metapragmatics, Cambridge University Press, New York. Woolard, Kathrin, Schieffelin, Bambi e Kroskrity, Paul (Eds.) 1998, Language ideologies: practice and theory, Oxford University Press, New York. Silva, Kelly 2012. As nações desunidas. Práticas da ONU e a estruturação do Estado em Timor-Leste, Editora UFMG, Belo Horizonte.

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13 Gestão de resíduos sólidos na comunidade de Dili Bia Ble Hitu Carvalho de Jesus ho Zulmira Ximenes da Costa Os Resíduos Sólidos são um dos maiores e, geralmente, mais visíveis problemas na comunidade da capital Díli. Por esse motivo, este trabalho tem como principal objectivo descrever os sistemas de gestão de resíduos nas comunidades de Díli e a satisfação das comunidades com o sistema de gestão de resíduo adoptado pelo Ministério de Administração Estatal em Timor-Leste, bem como conhecer os impactos causados pelos resíduos e a introdução de um sistema mais adequado, integrado e sustentável para reduzir o problema dos resíduos. Consideramos 431 amostras que preencheram os questionários que foram administrados aos 4 postos administrativos do município de Díli, excepto aos postos administrativos de Atauro e Metinaro. Observa-se que 72% dos participantes estão satisfeitos com o mecanismo estabelecido pelo governo, revelando ainda uma série de situações provocadas pelo descarte inadequado e pela disposição incorrecta pela comunidade. A forma mais generalizada de gerir os resíduos consiste em transportá-los para uma lixeira comum e queimá-los. Em relação aos impactos causados pelos resíduos sólidos, os que estão relacionados com a saúde e o ambiente são os mais urgentes de resolver, o que indica a existência de uma associação entre a gestão inadequada dos resíduos e a ocorrência de doenças. Concluiu-se que os participantes revelam um comportamento irresponsável, com grande falta de participação na gestão de resíduos e na sua separação e reutilização. Indicadores dessa irresponsabilidade são o fato de 49% não souberam sobre a separação de resíduos, em geral os que fizeram reutilização de 80% venderia as latas. Em particular os orgânicos, para alimentar os animais e para fertilizar as plantas. Conclui-se que daqui a sensibilização destes participantes é um obstáculo à implementação de um sistema mais avançado de recolha e tratamento de gestão de resíduos, contudo é necessário sensibilizar as comunidades para a ligação entre o tratamento dos resíduos e as questões de saúde e ambiente. Quanto à disponibilidade para pagar por um sistema de recolha e tratamento de resíduos, um pouco menos de metade dos inquiridos diz estar disposto a pagar por esse serviço. As razões mais comuns para não estarem dispostos a pagar é a insuficiência de recursos e acharem que é o município que deve fazer o pagamento desse serviço. Em relação à aplicação do sistema integrado de 3R’s, 89,8% dos participantes revelaram que estão dispostas a pagar o sistema que poderá mudar as atitudes das comunidades. Palavra-Chave: gestão de resíduos, resíduos sólidos. Introdução Neste trabalho, adoptámos as informações e as observações que fizemos relativamente a existência de acumulação dos resíduos sólidos no capital Dili, gestão dos resíduos e os impactos causados. Por outro lado Inovação da tecnologia, os resíduos que pode gerar o emprego, rendimento, lucro, reduz volume e impactos causados, diminuir exploração dos recursos naturais. Na era de globalização com o aumento da inovação de tecnologia, o problema de resíduos transformou-se como um problema mundial, porque acontece em todos os países, também em Timor Leste. Finalmente, depois da independência a acumulação dos resíduos no capital mostra como um problema que não existe uma solução para solucionar. Na realidade, a acumulação destes resíduos determinados pelos vários factores, como: a emigração rural para cidade Díli indica que existe um aumenta do número de população (Censo população de 2010) e a composição económica que é um dos factores mais importantes, dado o modelo de desenvolvimento adoptado, o padrão de consumo e estilo de vida contemporâneo popularizados pelo aumento da produção industria. No caso do nosso país, o agravamento destes resíduos devido a atitude de comunidade e o sistema adoptou pelo governo ainda de forma convencional (tradicional) e da total responsabilidade pelo governo. A comunidade ainda não tem conhecimento sobre a importância, os impactos dos resíduos e a sua acumulação dos resíduos causar vários problemas e existe informação limitada para uma gestão integrada, adequada e sustentável dos resíduos sólidos em Díli. 81

Este estudo visa estudar sobre a gestão de resíduos sólidos na comunidade principalmente no capital Díli, com os seguintes objectivos: Descrever sobre os sistemas de gestão de resíduos pelas comunidades de Díli e satisfação das comunidades à gestão de resíduos adoptados pelo Ministério de Administração Estatal. Conhecer os impactos causados dos resíduos sobre a saúde e meio ambiente na comunidade. E por último introduzir as explicações cerca do sistema de gestão de resíduos sólidos mais adequados, integrado e sustentável para reduzir o problema de resíduos. Definições de Resíduos sólidos A definição dos resíduos definido pelo Decreto-lei N.º 5/2011 (Timor Leste), que: ‘o resíduo como qualquer substância ou matéria sólida, líquida, gasosa ou radioactiva que cause alterações quando descarregadas no ambiente, decorrentes de actividades de indivíduos e de instituições públicas ou privadas’. De notar que, é importante a legislação Timorense tenha distinguir a classificação dos resíduos de acordo com a sua origem, como resíduo doméstico ou hospitalar dos restantes resíduos, na realidade cada tipo de resíduo constitui uma fragilidade dada a diferente perigosidade dos resíduos provenientes de diferentes origens. Os resíduos sólidos são todos os restos sólidos das actividades humanas ou não-humanas, que foram utilizadas no seu dia dia. De acordo com Monteiro et al. (2001), os resíduos sólidos podem ser classificados baseada a sua origem e agrupados em cinco classes: doméstico ou residencial; comercial; público; doméstico especial (entulho de obras, pilhas e baterias, lâmpadas fluorescentes, pneus); fontes especiais (industrial, radioactivo, de portos, aeroportos e terminais rodoviários, agrícola e de serviços de saúde). A Política de Gestão de Resíduos Sólidos A responsabilidade pela gestão de resíduos em Timor Leste é da fonte geradora, contudo de acordo com o artigo 25º do Decreto-Lei n.º7/2007, 5 de Setembro, definido pelo Governo, através do Ministério da Administração Estatal e Ordenamento do Território, no artigo nº 9, Secção de Limpeza e Saneamento, o serviço da Administração Distrital é que é responsável pelo apoio técnico administrativo nos domínios da gestão da limpeza e saneamento, designadamente: Remover e depositar em local apropriado os resíduos colectados na área do Distrito; Executar as actividades de varredura, lavagem e eventual desinfecção das ruas, passeios e outros espaços públicos; Limpeza e manutenção de depósitos de lixo, papeleiras, corte de mato e de ervas, limpeza de sarjetas e sumidouros e remoção de cartazes ou outra Metodologia do Trabalho È um estudo qualitativo, de modo análise explorátoria que foi decorrer no municipio de Díli e foi realizado numa amostra de 431 indivíduos à comunidade no município de Díli. Para tal estudo o método de recolher de dados foi baseado num questinário, intervista e documentação. Neste trabalho vamos considerar diversas variáveis. Características demográficas; suco, bairro, género, idade, rendimento, duração do tempo da moradia, número de agregado familiar; Situação de gestão dos resíduos no bairro ou casa; afastamento do lixo, processo de recolhimento dos resíduos, responsabilidade para recolher os resíduos, tipo de lixo, tratamento de lixo; Os impactos causados pelos resíduos ambiente e saúd ; Poluição da área, contamina água, volume de resíduos, produz mau cheiro, número de doentes, tipo de doença; Apresentação de um sistema integrado e adequado para gerir os resíduos sólidos que poderia ser implementando em cada bairro ou suco: aplicar o sistema no bairro pelo município, disposta a pagar o serviço, montante ao disposto para pagar. Avaliação dos serviços de gestão de resíduos prestados pelo governo: parceria do governo com a empresa Chinesa para tratar os resíduos de forma incineração, satisfação de comunidade, controlo de 82

horário de recolher o lixo, o resultado de financiamento aos serviços de limpeza dos sucos, a importâcia de aplicar valorização de forma energética, e fatores influenciam a geração de resíduos. Resultados Características Demográficas A amostra seleccionado de forma aleatória nos seguintes Postos Administrativos: Vera Cruz 23,67%, Nain Feto 25,1%, Dom Aleixo 25,9% e Cristo Rei 25,3% dos inquiridos vivem em cada um destas Aldeais. São maioritariamente do sexo masculino (58,7%) e do sexo feminino apenas 41,30%. Em geral, os respondentes residem de forma permanente nas suas aldeias (80,5%). A média de idades é de 35 anos, variando entre os 18 e os 76 anos; Na maioria, os respondentes vivem menos de 6 anos em Díli. Em média as famílias são compostas por 5 adultos e crianças em média 3 pessoas. Relativamente ao nível de escolaridade, as comunidades na sua maioria, licenciados, nomeadamente 33,6%. Os agregados dos inquiridos ganham rendimento baseada de especialização do trabalho, a fonte principal do rendimento da família e profissão de funcionário público e não-governamental (59,9%). Contudo a variabilidade é grande, na qual negociante (20,7), agricultor 10,7%, empresário (6,3%), técnico (2,1%) e assessor (0,5%). A maioria respondente com rendimento (US101-US200). Atitudes de Comunidade sobre Resíduos Sólidos Existem muitos factores determinantes de acumulação dos resíduos nas aldeias. Dentro dos mais significativos estão: serviço de limpeza pública seja tratado pelos serviços município com medidas paliativas apresenta 56%, o aumento do número da população é 41% devido mais número de comunidade aumenta o volume de consumo de produtos acabados. Apesar destes factores, á atitude de comunidade também contribui para aumentar o volume de resíduos com 31%. Em seguida, outros factores como não existe disseminação sobre o programa de 3R’s como implementação da política adoptado pelo governo, padrão de consumo de comunidade e não existe monitorização máxima pelo município com resposta menos de 30%. Á forma de afastar os resíduos com 94,4% foram recolhidos a partir da residência. As lixeiras comuns são usadas por 43% dos respondentes para dispensar o lixo doméstico, a queima do lixo mostra 36%, joga-lo no rio, na rua e enterra-lo no quintal abrangem aproximadamente 17%. Relativamente a frequência de recolher os resíduos a partir da casa, representa 97%. A frequência de recolher o lixo mostra 60,1% dos inquiridos recolha de forma diariamente. Situação de gestão dos resíduos no bairro ou casa Em relação dos hábitos de separação do lixo são particularmente notáveis, que existe menos respondentes a fazer separação dos resíduos, dada a inexistência de uma indústria de reciclagem em Díli; apenas 45,9% separa o lixo em geral. No entanto o tipo de resíduos que separaram mostra-se as latas, orgânico, vidro, plástico e papel. Em termos a sua reutilização: relativamente lixo orgânico, é usado maioritariamente para alimentar os animais (31%) e como adubo (27%). Oportunidade de vender os lixos separados, apenas uma pequena percentagem de indivíduos o faria. Relativamente aos respondentes que fazem separação, mostra que a maioria venderia as latas (72%). Esta observação é de extraordinária importância em termos de política, na medida em que desvaloriza políticas baseadas em incentivos financeiros. Porque a forma de valorizar esta política pode incentivar comunidade para vender os resíduos próprios para as empresas, no final pode diminuir o volume dos resíduos recicláveis. A realidade em Timor Leste o Governo ainda praticar a gestão de resíduos de forma tradicional e responsável máximo pelo Governo para recolher os resíduos. Apresenta ainda o modelo de gestão de resíduos que está implementado pelo governo RDTL para gerir os resíduos sólidos em Tibar.

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Figura 1 - Modelo de gestão de resíduos de Timor Leste

Em capital ainda incipiente e da total responsabilidade do governo. Os resíduos são recolhidos em camiões comuns de caixa aberta nos bairros das cidades e são depositados em lixeiras a céu aberto e são transportados para o aterro em Tibar. O aterro não tem qualquer preparação e poderia ser, na prática, designado de ‘lixeira de grandes dimensões’. Impactos dos Resíduos Sólidos O impacto dos residos sólidos mostra se a sensibilidade dos respondentes ao problema dos resíduos. O problema que mais urgentemente necessita de solução é a saúde 84%; a poluição aparece como o segundo problema urgente com 58%, o problema de turismo 47% e o problema social 42%. Relativamente o problema de saúde mostra que a doença causada pelo lixo, 81,3% . No que diz respeito ao tipo de doença causado pelos resíduos, são na maioria foram respiratórias (58%), malária (23%), de seguida é dengues 22%. Relativamente ao meio ambiente, indica que o problema mais urgentemente necessita de solução, é o aumento do volume de resíduos em qualquer lugar aproximadamente 42%, a poluição do ar aparece como o segundo problema mais referido é de 23%, Tráfego e congestionamento com 22%, em seguida é contaminar a água aproximadamente 20%, fornecimento da água menos e Saneamento inadequado com 15%. Considerando que o ambiente dos resíduos também pode atrair muitos catadores para recolher os resíduos recicláveis para a própria reutilização, foram catadores pessoais na sua maioria são adultos que representa 43,7% e de criança, com 36,9%. Em seguida catadores animais (cão) com 42%. Figura 2 - Os catadores voluntariados estão recolher o lixo



Em relação a taxa de produção do lixo: Um estudo de 2014 do Banco Asiático de Desenvolvimento (BAD) revela que diariamente chegam à lixeira de Tibar mais de 120 toneladas de lixo, sendo a 84

gestão dos resíduos urbanos um desafio crescente para as autoridades da capital. O que significa diariamente uma pessoa poderá produzir o lixo com 0,51 kg por dia. Avaliação para o serviço de gestão prestado pelo município Analisamos sobre a satisfação de comunidade pela gestão de resíduos actuais prestados pelo municípios, de facto os que estão satisfeitos representa 71,5%. Mas verificando-se 55,9% dos inquiridos questionaram o governo não fez monitorização as regras que impor a comunidade. Em relação de estabelecimento do parceiro entre governo com Empresa Chinesa para aplicar a forma de incineração dos resíduos utilizando um sistema térmico/uma valorização de forma energética. Neste caso poderia melhorar a gestão dos resíduos no nosso país apresenta 44%. Em seguida financiamento pelo governo para atividade de limpeza ou redução do volume de resíduos nos sucos, 32,7% diz com este incentivo, o governo está criar uma atitude de dependência para as comunidades em relação a fazer limpeza nos seus bairros próprios. Apresentação de uma política de gestão integrada e adequada de gestão de resíduos Em relação a aplicação de sistema de 3’R, a maioria das comunidades concordam com o sistema aproximadamente 91%; Aos inquiridos foi pedido que indicassem como estariam dispostas a contribuir para a resolução do problema de resíduos: 73,8% diz que estar disposto a pagar quando se aplicar o sistema 3R. A importância do pagamento ao serviço de resíduos, cerca de 71,5% diz que seria importante de atribuir um valor baseada do volume de resíduos produzido pelos produtores porque na realidade os vendedores produzem mais resíduos comparando com uma família, e significa poderá conceder a consciência de comunidade para minimizar o volume de lixo nas atividades diariamente. Actualmente em Timor Leste existem alguns factos de tratamento de resíduos sólidos separados pelo sector não-governamental. Adubo orgânico produz pela empresa H3R,UnipessoalLda, localizada em Tibar. As latas foram recolhidas pela companhia Besitua em Aitarak Laran e depois vai exportar para Singapura. E as garrafas são recolhidas pelo 'Timor HopesellerLeadershipCenter' of Timor-Leste's é uma organização Local que trabalha em conjunto com UNDP e depois de recolher as garrafas. Conclusão Os Resíduos Sólidos Urbanos são uma das maiorias problemas e, geralmente mais visíveis na comunidade do capital Díli. A acumulação dos resíduos como um factor determinado da poluição da terra, a água e o ar que resulta efeitos negativos ao meio ambiente e os riscos para a qualidade de vida de comunidades. Contudo, os resíduos podem ser encarados como possíveis matérias-primas para produção de outros produtos e constituírem assim uma oportunidade de negócio, gera rendimento, gera lucro para as empresas e reduzir os impactos causados a saúde e meio ambiente. Relativamente o resultado da pesquisa revela um problema que se torna mais sério para o agravamento destes resíduos, é quanto maior o rendimento per capita e crescimento rápido da população. O fato mais frequente é apresenta uma série de situações provocadas pelo descarte inadequado e também pela disposição incorreta pela comunidade, não existe disseminação sobre o programa de 3R’s, padrão do consumo e não existe monitorização pelo governo. À forma de gerir os resíduos pela comunidade são recolhidos a partir da residência, e usadas as lixeiras comum por 52% para dispensar o lixo doméstico. Em seguida a análise dos impactos causados pelos resíduos revela importantes implicações problema que urgentemente necessita de uma solução é a saúde e ambiente. Em relação de aplicação sistema de 3’R, como um sistema mais integrado e adequado para gerir os resíduos na comunidade, obtemos na maioria estão aceitar. As razões mais comum a pagar o sistema é podem mudar as atitudes de comunidade e pode diminuir os impactos causados para saúde e ao meio ambiente. Podemos concluir que a política de parceria do Governo Timor Leste com Empressa Chinesa é necessário para melhorar o sistema mas sugerimos que deveria aproveitar os resíduos não reciclados para transforma em energia, porque os resíduos recicláveis pode introduzir para cadeia de produção 85

como matéria prima-secundaria ao processo de produção de um novo produto. Em seguida pode gerar emprego e rendimento para sociedade, gera lucro para empresa e diminuir a exploração de recursos naturais. Por último acresentamos um modelo alternativa para gestão de residuos para Timor Leste; no entanto a primeira é programa do Governo que estabelecendo um exemplo foi praticado pelos funcionarios e do Governo na sexta-feira, e aplicando gestão de residuos de 3’R. Em seguida é uma alternativa dar o subsídio à comunidade ou sucos como: qual aldeia que estar limpa vai ganhar um prémeio assim vai motivar as comunidades nos sucos para fazer limpeza. Como a infraestrutura de residuos insuficiente precisamos de construir mais o lugar para residuos assim poderá diminuir o impacto para ambiente e saúde reduzir também os catadores voluntários. A educação ambiental é importante introduzir nas escolas ou no curriculo para educar os alunos sobre a gestão de resiudos, assim as comunidades vão percebendo a importância gestão de residuos no dia-a-dia. Finalmente vai dar a sançao para os que não cumprem o regulamento da gestão de residuos; por exemplo nas escolas, sucos, bairros e etc.

Figura 3 - Um alternativo do modelo da gestão de resíduos para Timor Leste

Em Timor – Leste é necessitar criar uma política de gestão de resíduos urbanos específicos, onde se estabelecem os princípios e as responsabilidades individuais. A solução do problema de resíduos exige o esforço conjunto dos cidadãos e dos vários níveis do Estado. É necessário estabelecer metas e objetivos quantificados e se propicie a criação de redes institucionais que integrem e monitorizem o sistema de gestão. Bibliografia ABNT (Associação Brasileira de Normas Técnicas) 1987, Resíduos Sólidos: classificação, NBR 10.004. Rio de Janeiro. Bernstein, J. B. 1991, Alternative approaches to pollution control and waste management regulatory and economic instruments, Urban Management Programme Discussion Paper No.3. World Bank, Washington DC. Carvalho J. 2012, Análise da Política da Gestão de resíduos sólidos em Timor - Leste: Uma Descrição Comparativa dos Sistemas de Gestão de Resíduos em Portugal e Timor-Leste. Tese mestrado, Universidade Minho, Portugal. Censo população República Democrática de Timor Leste 2010 Gupta, S.et al. 1998, Solid waste management in India: options and opportunities. Resources, Conservation and Recycling 24: 137–154. Heller, L.; Catapreta T, C.A. 1999, ‘Associação entre coleta de resíduos sólidos domiciliares e saúde, Belo Horizonte (MG), Brasil’, Pan American Journal of Public Health, 5(2): 88-96. Ministério de Saúde. Consultado em Novembro 23, 2014, em: http://www.moh.gov.tl/?q=node/95 Jornal da República 2008, Diploma Ministerial RDTL. Consultado em Novembro 23, 2014, em http://www.jornal.gov.tl/?mod=artigo&id=1459, Timor-Leste. Mueller, C. 2007, Os economistas e as relações entre o sistema económico e o meio ambiente, Editora UNB, Brazil. Nunesmaia m. f. 2001, Géstion de déchetsurbainssocialmentIntegrée. Tese de doutorado, UCP/França. Parsons, B. 1906, Evolução da gestão dos resíduos sólidos. In Russo, M. A. T. (2003), Tratamento de resíduos sólidos (p.8). Universidade de Coimbra. Consultado em Novembro 20 2014, em http://homepage.ufp.pt/madinis/RSol/Web/TARS.pdf

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Herldlawan, J. Rahasia sukses pengelolaan sampah di Jepang. http://olahsampah.com/index.php/manajemensampah/39-rahasia-sukses-pengolahan-sampah-di-jepang Waste Management. http://www.un.org/esa/dsd/dsd_aofw_ni/ni_pdfs/NationalReports/korea/WasteManagement.pd.



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14 Memórias contestadas: monumentos funerários em Lospalos Rui Graça Feijó e Susana de Matos Viegas Após a independência espalhou-se entre os timorenses um sentimento de urgência em repor a dignidade devida ao enterro e à sepultura de parentes mortos durante a luta da resistência. A expressão de um timorense em conversa com a antropóloga Janet Gunter na região de Viqueque aplica-se, nesse sentido, ao conjunto do país: ‘sem paz não se pode fazer o enterro’. O facto de urgir dar a morada definitiva àqueles que pereceram em condições difíceis, ou tratar de novo aquelas sepulturas que não faziam jus aos seus feitos valiosos é indiscutivelmente uma das complexas dimensões da reestruturação da vida após a independência, envolvendo aspectos centrais ao bem estar dos vivos. Poderíamos portanto parafrasear esse timorense anónimo e afirmar que ‘sem um enterro digno não pode haver paz’ e que, portanto, os esforços para construir uma paz duradoura passam necessariamente pelo culto prestado aos que tombaram na luta. Em Lautém, onde focalizámos a nossa atenção no conhecimento mais aprofundado deste tema, mas também por todo o Timor-Leste, os anos recentes assistiram à consagração de muitos mártires da libertação nacional através de imponentes monumentos funerários. A morte em pleno período de Resistência traz consigo uma história com contornos especiais: os episódios de guerra são pródigos em gerar situações ambíguas, em que as circunstâncias do momento impedem que uma verdade objectiva, baseada na verificação independente do quadro em que os acontecimentos tiveram lugar, se possa substituir ao rumor, à insinuação, à propaganda com interesses imediatos em propalar determinada versão. Casos há em que uma aura de mistério ou de incerteza envolve alguns desses mártires. Daí que haja hoje memórias divergentes sobre um mesmo acontecimento ou sobre o sentido da acção de um determinado indivíduo. Diremos que há memórias contestadas, na medida em que a percepção que os indivíduos podem obter hoje sobre determinados eventos do passado é mediada pela coexistência de narrativas diversas, todas elas alicerçadas em factores de legitimidade, tais como o depoimento de uma testemunha ocular ou a menção de uma ligação familiar próxima. É uma realidade inescapável que implica que o estatuto de cada um dos caídos na guerra também necessite ser justificado. Nos dois estudos de casos que vamos endereçar neste ensaio a decisão de avançar com formas especiais de celebração está também alicerçada no esforço por afirmar um compromisso público e no objetivo de conseguir uma versão ‘oficial’ dos eventos históricos. Socorremo-nos de informações variadas recolhidas no decorrer do nosso trabalho de campo em Lautém, o qual incluiu entrevistas com familiares próximos desses mártires bem como com elementos de relevo nas estruturas clandestinas da Resistência. 1 Também em Díli pudemos entrevistar antigos combatentes com conhecimentos relevantes. Um dos casos aparece relatado nas memória do governador Mário Carrascalão – o que torna ainda mais complexas as memórias em confronto. Finalmente, em Portugal pudemos contar com a colaboração de um antigo oficial português que prestou serviço em Timor em 1974-1975, e que lidou de perto com indivíduos a que nos iremos referir. Em ultima análise, é a complexidade e o carácter controverso das memórias existentes que justificam os esforços contemporâneos dos familiares desses mártires em afirmar uma versão ‘oficial’ dos acontecimentos históricos, que contribua para os fixar no panteão dos heróis nacionais. Na última parte do ensaio levantamos algumas interpretações de natureza sociológica com a finalidade de irmos compreendendo o que significa dignificar e ser mártir da pátria no Timor-Leste contemporâneo. Estudo de caso I: Afonso Sávio A resolução do Parlamento Nacional nº 10/2012 determina ‘[r]eabilitar todos os timorenses mortos, presos ou que sofreram maus tratos no âmbito da Resistência Timorense’ e recomenda ao governo

1

Este texto resulta de investigação financiada pela Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia, Ministério da Educação e Ciência/Portugal, no âmbito do projeto intitulado ‘Co-habitações: dinâmicas de poder em Lautém (Timor-Leste)’ (Referência PTDC/CS-ANT/118150/2010).

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‘que tome as providências necessárias para que, na sequência da reabilitação, os timorenses referidos [numa lista anexa] sejam enquadrados [...] no Estatuto dos Combatentes da Libertação Nacional’. Esta deliberação prende-se com o estatuto de vários indivíduos sobre os quais subsistiam dúvidas quanto ao seu papel na Resistência, e marca a intervenção de uma instituição fundamental da democracia timorense no processo de averiguação e de consagração oficial dos seus contributos. Entre os ‘reabilitados’ figura o nome de Afonso Sávio, 1º Comandante do Sector da Ponta Leste. Afonso Sávio, natural de Ira-ara (Lospalos), estudou na missão de Fuiloro e foi militar do exército português (Hornay, 2013). Em 1974 emergiu como líder em Lospalos da ASDT/FRETILIN, sendo visto pelo alferes português Manuel Luís Real como um quadro dedicado, provindo de uma forma de nacionalismo associada a Francisco Xavier do Amaral, algo distante do radicalismo político que esta força viria a abraçar em 1975. Com a tomada de Lospalos pelos paraquedistas indonésios em Fevereiro de 1976, Sávio passa a comandar uma base no monte Paicao, sendo então secretário da região. Em 1977 desencadeia-se um conflito no seio da FRETILIN que culmina na destituição de Xavier do Amaral. Este reclama o apoio de Afonso Sávio, que terá então sido preso e, segundo o testemunho de Konis Santana (citado in Jolliffe, 2010: 86-87) maltratado pelos seus companheiros. Começava aí um percurso bem mais controvertido. O seu irmão Horácio informou-nos que, antes ainda da ruptura do Matebian em finais de 1978, Xanana terá ordenado a sua libertação, permitindo que regressasse a Lospalos onde terá trocado mensagens com outros líderes da guerrilha (como o antigo ministro do 1º governo, Juvenal Inácio, ou o comandante militar Kilik) com vista a reintegrar essa força. A incapacidade da liderança em esclarecer a seu contento as razões do castigo que sofrera leva-o a recusar-se a regressar ao mato. Entretanto, em Lospalos, ter-se-ia aproximado do seu sogro, Tomé Cristóvão, antigo membro da APODETI que integrava a Assembleia Distrital, e travado amizade com Cláudio Vieira, então Administrador do Distrito (Bupati). Desconfiado, terá confidenciado a um irmão que os indonésios o iriam matar, pedindo-lhe que se tal sucedesse desse o seu nome a um dos filhos. A 17 de Abril de 1979 foi visto pela ultima vez em Lospalos, presumindose que na condição de prisioneiro dos indonésios. Segundo os seus próprios familiares nos disseram, o seu corpo nunca foi encontrado, nem os indonésios alguma vez deram informações sobre o que lhe sucedera. Os dois anos que medeiam entre a destituição de Xavier do Amaral e o dia do seu desaparecimento são ainda hoje objecto de narrativas diversas e contraditórias, em que a natureza do seu envolvimento quer com a Resistência quer com os indonésios é vista de uma forma diferente consoante a fonte de informação. É neste quadro que se deve interpretar a ‘reabilitação’ oficial levada a cabo pelo parlamento, que foi apenas o inicio de um novo processo. Logo que recebeu do Estado o reconhecimento do papel na Resistência, e os consequentes benefícios financeiros enquanto ‘Combatente da Libertação Nacional – Grau 1’, um dos irmãos de Afonso Sávio tratou de realizar um funeral condigno. Na verdade, Afonso tinha mais três irmãos que morreram na Resistência, e que haviam sido objecto de cerimónias fúnebres há muito mais tempo, logo após a independência. O caso desses irmãos foi visto como um assunto familiar, enquanto que no de Afonso Sávio se considerou merecer este um estatuto oficialmente reconhecido, viabilizando que as cerimónias fúnebres tivessem lugar de forma nobre e articulada com o processo nacional. As cerimónias a Afonso Sávio realizadas em 2013 assumiram uma dupla face. Por uma banda, procedeu-se de acordo com a ‘cultura’ Fataluku: organizou-se uma cerimónia para chamar o seu espírito, recolheu-se um sinal da sua presença (um gafanhoto que foi embrulhado no tais em que pousou) e celebrou-se um ritual fúnebre no qual foram investidos perto de $13,000 (sendo que Xanana mandou $4,000, o irmão Horácio entrou com $3,000, um outro irmão deu 10 cabeças de gado entre búfalos, porcos e cabritos). Um professor português que foi convidado admite terem estado cerca de duas mil pessoas nessa festa que durou vários dias. Por outro lado, Horácio Sávio tomou uma iniciativa inédita em Lospalos: solicitou autorização ao Secretário de Estado para os Assuntos dos Veteranos para guardar os restos mortais de Afonso Sávio no Ossuário que se encontra no ainda inacabado Jardim dos Heróis distrital. Essa decisão não terá agradado a toda a família, mas encontrou respaldo político: a FRETILIN deu grande apoio às cerimónias, e estas contaram com a presença do Secretário de Estado Vítor da Costa. Havia uma justificação: ‘Eles é que lutaram. Quando o estado reconhece e dá os meios, deve-se seguir o que o estado diz’. E o estado estava ‘ansioso’ por encontrar uma forma airosa de inaugurar o cemitério oficial destinado aos heróis da Pátria. Como nos disse 89

Horácio, o governo autorizou este funeral porque a cerimónia ‘abre caminho’ ao ossuário (e ajuda a enraizá-lo junto da população local). Afonso está hoje simbolicamente depositado no Ossuário, aguardando que a sua campa definitiva seja construída. Junto a ele, uma grande fotografia, uma bandeira da FRETILIN, e um cartaz em que se enaltece a sua contribuição para a luta. Está entronizado como um verdadeiro herói. Nenhuma dúvida sobre a sua dedicação deve subsistir. Estudo de caso II: O Comandante Falu Cai No dia 21 de Julho de 1985, o Comandante Falu Cai e oito dos seus homens morreram num massacre a poucos quilómetros da vila de Lospalos. Nessa ocasião morreu também Luís Monteiro Leite, figura grada do regime. Este episódio aparece narrado nas memórias de Mario Carrascalão (2006: 256-259), amigo chegado de Monteiro Leite, de uma forma que põe a nu a existência de versões desencontradas, já que familiares de Falu Cai e alguns veteranos nos deram várias outras interpretações do complexo evento. Segundo Carrascalão, Monteiro Leite estaria a colaborar numa tentativa de capturar o líder nacionalista, e teria marcado um encontro entre uma delegação do novo regime e representantes da Resistência esperando que nela comparecesse o próprio Xanana. Nessa época Xanana mantinha uma relação romântica com uma irmã sua, que poderá ter sido o ‘correio’ escolhido. O que sucedeu a seguir é controverso. Os militares indonésios informaram o governador que o encontro teve lugar, que os guerrilheiros abriram fogo e nessa troca de tiros haviam perecido vários deles bem como Monteiro Leite e os seus assessores. Carrascalão não acredita nessa versão, e com base nos testemunhos da viúva e do motorista do seu amigo inclina-se para considerar que os indonésios traíram o seu próprio aliado e abriram fogo sobre a casa onde decorria o encontro, matando todos os que lá se encontravam – esperando ter a cabeça de Xanana como troféu. A iniciativa política que resultou nesse encontro pode ser considerada de alto risco, e não terá sido encarada de ânimo leve pelas estruturas da Resistência. Alguns dos elementos da Resistência consideram que a iniciativa teria sido protagonizada por quem estaria a tentar trazer para a sua causa timorenses com posições ambivalentes. Seria esse o caso de Monteiro Leite aos olhos de Falu Cai, responsável militar, e Mau Velis, um comissário político que se encontrava na mesma base e que também morreu nesse dia. Do ponto de vista da estrutura militar marcadamente hierárquica que regia a Resistência, a pergunta que surge é a de saber em que condições terá Falu Cai ido ao encontro de Monteiro Leite: a mando de Xanana? Ou pelo contrário, por iniciativa própria? Neste ultimo caso, ultrapassando ou não os limites das suas atribuições? Ouvimos várias memórias interpretativas do evento. Por um lado, talvez pelo insucesso da missão, alguns membros da Resistência consideram que a iniciativa partira de Falu Cai e Mau Velis, tendo eles sido ‘aventureiros’, agindo precipitadamente. Outros membros afirmam mesmo que o fizeram em contradição com ordens recebidas. Em alguns casos a mesma pessoa avança para ambas as visões: por um lado, considerando que Falu Cai e Mau Velis, enquanto comandantes militar e político da unidade da região tinham autoridade para fazer os contactos locais, mas por outro, tratando-se de um encontro com uma personalidade que não era apenas do nível regional, não poderiam ter a iniciativa sem ordens superiores. Recolhemos um importante testemunho de Mau Nana, guerrilheiro que esteve directamente envolvido no processo, segundo o qual as ordens de Xanana foram contrárias à realização do encontro, mas tendo sido ele próprio encarregue de as levar, infelizmente chegara tarde demais à base de Falu Cai, já depois do massacre. Somoco é de opinião que Falu Cai agiu no quadro das suas competências. Talvez Xanana tenha mais elementos desta teia complexa de circunstâncias que um dia se poderão vir a conhecer. A Senhora Albina Marçal Freitas, hoje deputada do CNRT, que na sequência do massacre ficou viúva de Falu Cai com filhos a cargo, saiu do mato, voltou a Lospalos, e foi de imediato detida. Passou quatro anos na prisão, sofrendo moralmente por esse afastamento que perdurou até perto do Referendo de 1999, não se conformando com o evento. Junto da população da Ponta Leste, entretanto, subsiste a controvérsia sobre o comportamento de Falu Cai: soldado disciplinado ou aventureiro? É este facto que devemos sublinhar, não o resultado de investigações independentes sobre o caso. Neste quadro de narrativas concorrentes, a Senhora Albina entendeu proceder à reabilitação da memória do marido (e dos seus homens). Para tal, meteu mãos à obra de construir, no local onde 90

eles foram mortos e singelamente sepultados em valas comuns, grandiosos memoriais – usando para tal os apoios financeiros que o reconhecimento oficial do estatuto de veterano (tanto dele como dela própria) lhe proporcionava. As obras viriam mais tarde a receber apoios especiais por parte de entidades públicas – nomeadamente do Parlamento Nacional, com $50,000 votados por todas as bancadas - , ascendendo o seu custo total a mais de $100,000. Também neste caso, nenhum esforço foi poupado para afirmar uma narrativa ‘oficial’ e remeter para o olvido as versões que diminuíam Falu Cai e projectavam uma sombra sobre a sua heroicidade. Apontamentos conclusivos: capital simbólico, distinção, status A sociedade timorense dos nossos dias valoriza de forma muito especial o estatuto dos mártires da pátria. Os ‘veteranos’ da luta de Resistência dispõem de um leque significativo de benefícios materiais, que se estende aos familiares sobrevivos, e que compreende, entre outros, uma pensão regular, facilidades de acesso ao ensino e aos cuidados de saúde, e mesmo condições especiais de acesso a concursos para obras públicas. Mas este aspecto não esgota a importância do culto dos heróis. Nos dois casos que acabamos de apresentar, os indivíduos que tomaram a iniciativa de promover os memoriais investiram fundos pessoais e familiares de montante significativo, mesmo sabendo que o reconhecimento do estatuto de Combatentes da Libertação Nacional estava já garantido. Significa isto que a necessidade sentida por esses familiares de prestar uma publica homenagem nos termos em que o fizeram não tinha como objectivo dissipar dúvidas que pudessem subsistir junto das autoridades que concedem esse estatuto, e aceder aos benefícios materiais directos que dele decorrem. Existe uma dimensão simbólica com um elevado valor moral que se atribui aos heróis da pátria e que comporta significados diversos. A afirmação de uma narrativa que substitua a dúvida pública derivada da existência de memórias contestadas por um discurso oficial, presumivelmente baseado na verificação independente das condições que concorrem para a valoração positiva de determinado evento ou da conduta de um individuo é assim uma necessidade sentida por muitos para poderem gozar plenamente do estatuto de familiar de mártir. O sociólogo francês Pierre Bourdieu dá-nos pistas para entender o que se passa nos casos em apreço, quando se refere ao ‘capital simbólico’ numa obra sobre a ‘distinção’ (2010), ou seja, aquilo que normalmente chamamos de prestigio ou honra, elementos a partir dos quais uns têm maior acesso do que outros à fruição de bens ou à satisfação da suas necessidades (Bourdieu 2010: 298-299). Quer dizer: a distinção simbólica traduz-se igualmente em diferenciação social. É precisamente a constituição de uma base suficientemente sólida para que a ‘distinção’ que advém da pertença no passado à Resistência seja apreendida pelo conjunto da comunidade e se possa reflectir nas praticas sociais contemporâneas que julgamos estar em causa nos memoriais a que vimos a fazer referencia. A este propósito Kelly Silva (2009) mostrou como a noção de ‘sofrimento’ (próprio ou de familiares próximos) é um factor critico de legitimação (e poderíamos acrescentar, de distinção) da acção política em Timor – e nada melhor do que estes memoriais para formatar adequadamente o sofrimento dos heróis. Poderíamos dizer, ainda, que os monumentos funerários de Lautém são um instrumento importante na conquista de status social - um conceito originariamente formulado por Max Weber em 1920 na sua abordagem global ao problema da estratificação social – mas que tem também fortes reverberações no debate regional sobre a importância do respeito e da dignidade em contextos do sudeste asiático. Para Weber, além da estratificação baseada em critérios económicos (classe) ou puramente políticos (partidos), haveria uma forma que derivava a sua morfologia de qualidades tais como o prestígio e a honra. Qualquer destas formas implicam uma distribuição desigual de poder no seu sentido mais amplo, e por isso podem ser encaradas como as bases da estratificação e diferenciação social. No caso que estamos a tentar analisar trata-se de um status adquirido – aquele que advém de uma prática que envolve os dotes dessa pessoa, os seus esforços e a sua habilidade. Na verdade, e aqui terminamos, neste caso o status não é só um reconhecimento de atos passados. Diferentemente - e esse foi o argumento principal do que aqui apresentámos - a linhagem de um Combatente da Libertação Nacional resulta da confluência entre o que o herói, no seu próprio tempo, levou a cabo, 91

pagando com a sua própria vida o enfrentamento da guerra, e as práticas desenvolvidas pelos familiares no presente (o resgate da memória) que ao mesmo tempo as envolve também a elas nessa linhagem. Assim se tecem, a nosso ver, as teias que ainda estamos a desemaranhar do que significa ser um Mártir no timor contemporâneo. Bibliografia Bourdieu, Pierre 2010, A Distinção. Uma crítica social da faculdade do juízo. Lisboa, Edições 70 Carrascalão, Mario Viegas 2006, Timor Antes do Futuro. Dili, Livraria Mau Huran Jolliffe, Jill 2010, Finding Santana. Cambridge (MA), Wakefield Press Literatura Timor-Lorosa’e 2014, ‘Afonso Sávio: Patriota Ne’ebé didika nia an tomak (1946-1979)’, www.literatura-timor.bolgspot7pt/2014/01 Silva, Kelly 2009, ‘Suffering, dignity and recognition : sources of political legitimacy in independent TimorLeste’, in Christine Cabasset-Semedo & Frédéric Durand (eds) Timor-Leste: how to build a new nation in Southeast Asia in the 21st century, IRASEC, Bangkok, pp. 139-155 Weber, Max 1920, ‘Class, Status, and Party’, http://www.ac.wwu.edu/~jimi/363/webercsp.pdf

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15 A ‘Timorização’ dos apelidos Portugueses Dulce Marques Introdução A maioria dos timorenses de doze municípios de Timor Leste (excluindo do município de Oecusse) tem apelidos portugueses. Até o autor do artigo de ‘Línguas de Timor Leste’ (in Wikipedia) escreveu: ‘Um bom exemplo da aceitação popular do Português é o facto de 70% dos apelidos e 98% dos nomes próprios dos timorenses serem, ainda hoje, portugueses.’ Em 1930 os portugueses também usavam os apelidos do pai e da mãe. Atualmente existe um sistema fixo de apelidos, que imlica a adoção dos apelidos da mãe e do pai. Será que é verdade que os timorenses usam o sistema português? Método de pesquisa Nesta pesquisa eram realizadas entrevistas a 66 pessoas sobre os seus apelidos. Os entrevistados são estudantes e docentes do Díli Institute of Techology (DIT) de 12 municípios. Esta pesquisa foi realizada entre Abril e Junho de 2015. A faixa etária dos entrevistados é dos 18 aos 30. Como alguns dos entrevistados (6 pessoas) nos dão outras informações relativas aos seus familiares, no total recolhemos dados de 72 pessoas. As perguntas foram as seguintes : • • • • • •

Qual é o seu nome completo? De quem são esses apelidos? Como se chamam os seus pais? Em que municípios nasceram os seus pais? Qual é a razão dos seus pais lhe terem dado esses apelidos? Os apelidos dos seus irmãos são idênticos? Caso não sejam, quais são os apelidos deles? E porquê?

Dados Os resultados de tratamento de dados realizado são os seguintes: Sistema pai mae + pai pai + mãe pai = mãe mãe ? + mãe + pai mãe + madrinha madrinha padrinho + madrinha + mãe + pai avô paterno pai + irmão do avô paterno padrinho pai + padrinho avô paterno + pai + mãe + padrinho padre celebrante + padre ordenado + mãe + pai + padrinho padrinho + pai tia + pai = mãe avô materno + pai tio + tio + mãe + pai

Quantidade 18 16 8 6 3 3 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 93

? + mãe = pai mãe + ? + pai mãe + ? Total

1 1 1 72

Concluímos que existem muitos sistemas nesta pesquisa. A maioria dos inquidos usa o apelido do pai, o da mãe ou os dos dois. Pai (patrilinear) Os entrevistados que usam só o apelido do pai são 18. Eles vêm de um grupo étnico patriarcal. Às vezes usam só o último apelido do pai (Ex: Ana Mónica Vieira, o nome do pai é António do Carmo Vieira), ou usa os dois últimos. (Ex: Nelia Bakhita Rodrigues Lopes da Cruz, o nome do pai é Ricardo Manuel de Oliveira Verudo Lopes da Cruz; Lucia Barreiros Guimarães, o nome do pai é Leonardo Barreiros Guimarães). Neste dados nenhum entrevistado que use mais do que dois apelidos do seu pai. Neste estudo, segue também o outro sistema à adoção do apelido da mãe e do pai. Ao todo 16 pessoas apresentam essa situação. Os entrevistados usam o apelido da mãe depois do seu nome e, no fim usam o apelido do pai (Ex: Grigorio Almeida Amaral, e os nomes dos pais são Maria de Fátima Almeida e Mário de Fátima Amaral). Este sistema de adoção do apelido da mãe seguido do apelido pai é igual sistema de adoção de apelidos em Portugal. Mãe=pai Encontramos também apelidos da mãe e do pai iguais, sem haver uma relação sanguínea (Eles não são primos, mas têm o mesmo apelido.) Os filhos usam só um apelido dos seus pais, não usam os dois (Ex: o nome da filha é Pelagia da Costa, os nomes dos pais Marinela da Costa e Mateus da Costa). Há 6 entrevistados nesta pesquisa que apresentam este tipologia de adoção de apelidos. Mãe (Matrilinear) No grupo étnico de Bunak e Tetun terik, os filhos seguem a mãe no sistema matrilinear. Então, ela também influencia a adoção de apelidos dos filhos. Nos dados que foram obtidos, 3 entrevistados usam o apelido da mãe, 2 entrevistados usam o apelido da mãe e da madrinha, e 2 o das madrinhas. Os filhos se usam o apelido do pai têm o apelido da mãe no fim. São 8 os entrevistados que se encontram neste grupo. Há também um exemplo do sistema patriarcal que apresenta a adoção exclusiva do apelido da mãe (Ex: Domingas Guterres), porque o pai foi perseguido pelos tropas indonésias e, por isso, o uso do apelido da mãe aconteceu apenas para proteger os filhos. A mulher casada adota o apelido do esposo Verificamos também a existência de um outro sistema: a mulher casada adota o apelido do esposo depois dos seus apelidos. Este sistema é influenciado pela cultura portuguesa. Nestes dados só existem três mulheres casadas que adotam os apelidos do esposo, e todos eles pertencem ao município de Díli. No facto numa observação fora de estudo mas é exemplo de situação do conhecimento geral, abemos que algumas esposas das elites ou líderes timorenses também usam os apelidos do seu esposo (Ex: Marina Ribeiro Alkatiri). Os apelidos dos irmãos são idênticos? De acordo com esta pesquisa, os apelidos dos irmãos muitas vezes não são os mesmos. O resultado da análise revela que 24 entrevistados têm apelidos idênticos e 42 entrevistados adotam diferentes apelidos dos irmãos. A razão da existência de diferentes apelidos são várias: Em 4 casos da cultura matrilinear, as irmãs usam os apelidos da mãe e os irmãos usam os apelidos do pai. Há 10 entrevistados que usam os apelidos do padrinho ou da madrinha; por isso os apelidos dos irmãos não 94

são idênticos porque têm outros padrinhos. Há também 3 entrevistados que têm outros apelidos, por erro no registo, e 6 que não sabem de onde vem um dos apelidos, porque não é um apelido de família. Conclusão Por fim concluímos que, em Timor-Leste, não há um sistema fixo de adoção dos apelidos. Os ‘ingredientes’ são de Portugal mas, a ‘receita’ é de Timor-Leste. Os timorenses dão os apelidos de acordo com as suas referências e com a sua identidade: usam os apelidos dos pais, dos tios, dos avós, dos padrinhos ou das madrinhas e dos padres. Podemos observar este caso: Domingos Alvares Monteiro da Costa Alves Belo (apelido do padre celebrante, apelido do padre ordenado, apelido da mãe, apelido do pai, e do padrinho. Por que motivo o sistema de adoção de apelidos não é fixo? Em primeiro lugar, o costume de uso dos apelidos em Timor-Leste é novo. Os timorenses só adotam apelidos quando se batizaram, e a maioria batizou-se no tempo da ocupação indonésia. A primeira geração que adota apelidos em geral, recebeu os apelidos dos padres ou padrinhos. Thomaz (2002, 111) escreve que, ‘Os cristãos timorenses adotaram nomes portugueses, sendo o nome de família normalmente o do padrinho; o facto de este ser habitualmente escolhido de entre pessoas importantes deu origem a que existam, ainda hoje, em Timor, muitos de família com um sabor aristocrático como Noronha, Ximenes, Saldanha, Doutel Sarmento, etc.’ Segundo o autor Bispo Belo, também, (2013, 19), ‘Quanto aos nomes cristãos que ele usavam, era mais provável que tivessem tomado o apelido das duas grandes famílias preponderantes que, na metade do século XVII, governaram Timor, isto é, as famílias de António Hornay e Mateus da Costa. Alguns deles adotaram nome e apelidos dos missionários e dos oficiais portugueses.’ Será que os apelidos são muito importantes para a identidade dos timorenses? Nesta pesquisa encontrámos 6 entrevistados que não sabem de onde vem um dos seus apelidos. Será que a origem do apelido é pouco importante? Afinal o apelido não indica a origem de um timorense. A identidade dos timorenses é a uma lisan (casa sagrada). Bibliografia Belo, Dom Carlos Filipe Ximenes 2013, Os Antigos Reinos de Timor-Leste, Reis de Lorosay e Reis de Lorothoba, Coronéis e Datos. Porto, Porto Editora. Genealogia em Portugal 2015, http://c.geneal.over-blog.com/article-27866931.html Línguas de Timor Leste 2015, em Wikipédia, http://pt.wikipedia.org/wiki/L%C3%ADnguas_de_Timor-Leste. Thomaz, Luís Filipe F.R. 2002, Babel Loro Sa'e: O Problema Linguístico de Timor-Leste. Instituto Camões.

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16 O trauma do colaboracionista num romance curto de Timor-Leste Isabel Moutinho Após o período de ocupação indonésia (1975-1999) e desde a independência, em 2002, Timor-Leste optou pela via da reconciliação, tanto com a grande potência vizinha como entre todos os timorenses. Contudo, esta escolha oficial não sempre reflete automaticamente a atitude da população, que pode sentir a necessidade de ajustar contas com a história, dissecando, ou talvez exorcizando, o sofrimento – que sem dúvida experimentou, mas também infligiu – durante o conflito. É este o tema do pequeno romance Iha Nafatin Dalan Atu Fila (2011), de Maximus Tahu (nascido em 1984), vencedor do concurso ‘Istória Timor’ em 2010.1 O livro trata da questão espinhosa do colaboracionismo durante a ocupação indonésia de Timor-Leste, do impacto que essa colaboração teve em toda a comunidade e de como o fenómeno é agora avaliado por uma geração mais nova que até não terá sofrido diretamente as atrocidades desse tempo. O romance examina emoções que afetam fortemente as sociedades que passam por um processo de justiça de transição, prestando considerável atenção a questões de traição, inversão de princípios, ressentimento e vergonha, o que levanta a questão que tento analizar aqui: se a experiência traumática da traição por parte de uma quinta coluna de timorenses que participaram nas milícias, compartilhada por uma comunidade inteira, pode automaticamente receber perdão. Iha Nafatin Dalan atu Fila (Ainda há um caminho de volta) lida com um aspecto altamente traumático, mas menos conhecido, da ocupação indonésia de Timor-Leste: a participação em milícias pró-indonésias por parte de jovens timorenses, que assim se envolveram em atrocidades contra o seu próprio povo. O enredo do romance gira em torno de um jovem, Ambere, que mudou completamente depois do assassinato de seu pai, perpetrado quer por um soldado indonésio quer por um soldado das Falintil: ‘Ema balun hateten katak soldadu Indonézia mak tiru nia apá … Mosu mós lia anin seluk katak Falintil sira mak tiru nia apá,’ [algumas pessoas dizem que foi um soldado indonésio que disparou contra o pai, mas também há quem diga que foram as Falintil] (Tahu 2011, 9). O assassinato do pai de Ambere teve lugar em Dezembro de 1997, ou seja, pouco antes do referendo de 1999, que levou à independência. Esse foi o momento em que as milícias timorenses se tornaram mais ativas. O jovem odeia-se desde então, porque no fundo do coração tudo o que ele deseja é vingar-se: ‘Ambere ne’ebé nia laran nakonu ho ódiu vingansa!’ (Tahu 2011, 15), uma pulsão que ele não consegue confessar, porque sente vergonha de si próprio. Como Helen Lynd (1958, 66) reconhece, a vergonha é uma emoção que nos isola. Ambere rompe com Anya, a jovem que ama há muito tempo, porque acredita que foi o pai dela (Tiu Afonso)—que nessa altura era o chefe da aldeia declaradamente pró-indonésio—quem matou seu pai : ‘Tiu Afonso, eis militar Indonézia nian ida ne’ebé pró-Indonézia’ (Tahu 2011, 18). O pai de Ambere, pelo contrário, era um pequeno agricultor (‘nain baibain ida,’ Tahu 2011, 9) respeitado na aldeia como partidário da independência. Assim, estes dois homens, o presumível assassino e a vítima, representam forças antagónicas nos momentos finais da ocupação indonésia de Timor-Leste: aqueles que alinharam com o ocupante e aqueles que lutaram pela libertação do seu país. Mas Tiu Afonso não é um caso claro porque, segundo a mãe de Ambere, ‘Tiu Afonso muda-an ona hahú fulan haat kotuk, agora ema hotu fiar nia nu’udar lideranza grupu ukun-an nian iha ne’e’ [Tiu Afonso mudou de opinião há quatro meses e agora o povo da aldeia confia nele como chefe do grupo pró-independência] (Tahu 2011, 17). Este é um romance muito introspectivo. Enquanto Hau Maka Lucas, de Teodósio Batista Ximenes, o romance vencedor do concurso inaugural, enfatiza a confusão e perplexidade das crianças roubadas pelos militares indonésios (e isso se reflete no desenvolvimento um pouco confuso dessa história), Iha Nafatin Dalan Atu Fila concentra-se na expressão e exame de sentimentos e emoções. Descobrindo-se cheio de ódio e sede de vingança, Ambere torna-se uma pessoa diferente, perdendo a sua anterior doçura de carácter. Está agora obcedado com a vingança pessoal contra quem lhe matou o pai, mas também se sente, simultaneamente, atormentado pelo enorme sentimento de culpa, por se sentir indigno por albergar semelhante sentimento. Eventualmente, ele que, como seu pai, sempre

1

O livro que Maximus Tahu enviou ao concurso ‘Istória Timor’ no ano seguinte (2011), Diáriu Husi La’orai Ida, ganhou o segundo prémio.

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tinha sido pró-independência, agora junta-se à milícia pró-indonésia da aldeia, com o único objetivo de encontrar uma oportunidade de matar o homem que ele acredita que assassinou seu pai. No entanto, Ambere acaba por perder essa oportunidade. Em vez dele, é o líder do grupo de milícia quem acaba por matar Tiu Afonso (por razões só dele conhecidas), roubando a Ambere a satisfação da vingança almejada. Para Ambere, as consequências do que ele sente como um avassalador desejo de vingança são muito marcantes: ele é completamente incapaz de lidar com a vergonha que trouxe sobre si por mudar de lado politicamente, por usar o lenço que identificava as milícias, por ter quebrado o compromisso com a noiva, e pelo que ele vê como o seu fracasso em apoiar a mãe e o irmão mais novo devido à sua obsessão com a vingança. Depois do referendo, Ambere foge para Atambua, em Timor Ocidental, e é só no fim do romance que encontra a coragem para regressar a Timor-Leste, para implorar perdão à família—infelizmente tarde demais, pois sua mãe acaba de morrer. A vergonha e a necessidade de se fazer perdoar são portanto contrapontos poderosos neste romance. Ambere sofreu uma mudança de posição política radical, semelhante à de Tiu Afonso, mas na direção oposta. Tiu Afonso deixou de apoiar a proposta de autonomia sob soberania indonésia tornando-se um líder pró-independência. Ambere deixa de apoiar as Falintil na sua luta pela independência, para se tornar membro da milícia pró-Indonésia da aldeia. Sobre as razões de Tiu Afonso não sabemos nada. Mas acerca das emoções de Ambere temos uma ideia bastante clara. A sua estranha mudança radical é certamente muito complexa: Ambere começa como vítima (do sofrimento que o assassinato de seu pai trouxe à sua família); em seguida, escolhe o caminho do justiceiro transgressor (com a intenção de fazer justiça pelas próprias mãos, dispondo-se a matar um homem), mas acaba realmente privado dessa oportunidade de vingança porque alguém se lhe adianta e comete o assassinato em vez dele. Isso significa que ele não se torna efectivamente culpado de assassinato, embora dentro da família e da sociedade não possa ser ilibado de culpa em geral. Estabelecendo a distinção fundamental entre os conceitos de vergonha e culpa, até então muitas vezes confundidos, Helen Lynd (1958) oferece uma explicação clara da diferença entre eles: a culpa é algo que sentimos em relação a determinados actos que fizemos ou não, mas a vergonha refere-se ao nosso próprio ser, ao que cada um de nós é, ou seja, ao sentimento de identidade. São muitos os estudiosos que têm investigado a maneira como a vergonha funciona para paralisar alguém.2 Para Michael Morgan (2008, 20), por exemplo, [shame is] ‘not just a sense of having failed to be what others expect us to be; it is a sense of having failed to be what we expect of ourselves’, ou seja, a vergonha ‘não é só a sensação de ter falhado no que os outros esperam de nós; é a sensação de ter falhado no que nós esperamos de nós próprios.’ Isto é muito claramente o caso neste romance, onde Ambere sempre teve um comportamento exemplar na sua comunidade e agora não consegue sequer aceitar o orgulho que a mãe sente por ele: ‘Dalaruma nia hakarak hakilar ba sira totu, ‘tansá tenke hanorin imi nia oan sai ema di’ak!’ [Às vezes quer gritar a todos eles, ‘porque é que vocês têm de dizer aos vossos filhos que sigam o meu exemplo?’] (Tahu 2011, 15). No campo da filosofia, Lilian Alweiss acrescenta uma distinção que nos permite outro entendimento do dilema moral de Ambere neste romance: ‘[S]hame, unlike guilt, implies a social dimension ... we cannot feel shame if we see ourselves in isolation’ [ao contrário da culpa, a vergonha implica uma dimensão social ... não podemos sentir vergonha se nos vemos em isolamento] (Alweiss 2003, 314). Isto é particularmente pertinente no caso de Ambere porque, apesar de o seu desejo de vingança ser essencialmente pessoal (vingar a morte do pai), não há dúvida de que nele se manifesta também uma forte dimensão social, numa sociedade que estava a ponto de ser dilacerada por fações políticas. O que torna as emoções de Ambere fascinantes é o facto de a sua posição ser sempre ambígua no romance: por exemplo, está disposto a matar para vingar a morte do pai, mas acaba por não se tornar culpado do acto, só da intenção. Além disso, enquanto o romance descreve o sofrimento da família de Ambere (morte da irmã mais nova, tristeza da mãe, impossibilidade do irmão de continuar os estudos), Ambere nunca pensa no sofrimento que o seu desejo de matar Tiu Afonso provocaria na família deste (que inclui até a própria noiva de Ambere). Quer dizer, apesar da forte consciência

2

Quero reconhecer aqui a inspiração que me deu o trabalho de David Callahan, que estuda a ficção australiana que decorre ou se concentra em Timor-Leste como expressão de um sentimento australiano de vergonha pelo seu papel (ou inação) no momento em que Timor-Leste precisava de auxilio: apoiando a ocupação indonesia ou quando muito fingindo ignorá-la.

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moral que Ambere revela ao sentir uma vergonha profunda do seu desejo de vingança, ele é incapaz de transcender os limites dos seus próprios sentimentos e abarcar os dos outros. Poderá o malfeitor alguma vez mostrar empatia com a angústia da vítima? Esta ambiguidade fundamental é levada até ao desenlace, que é de facto frustrado, tal como o verdadeiro momento de vingança é frustrado quando o líder da milícia intervém e mata Tiu Afonso sem dar tempo a Ambere de o fazer. Quanto aos acontecimentos seguintes, o romance explica: ‘[h]afoin halo tiha estragu barak iha Timor-Leste, milisia sira halai ba Atambua’ [após semear o caos em Timor-Leste, as milícias fugiram para Atambua] (Tahu 2011, 49). Um ano mais tarde, Ambere continua a estudar e a trabalhar em Timor Ocidental, mas sente-se agora dividido entre a ideia de se matar (como forma de livrar-se do fardo da vergonha) e a vontade de voltar para a sua aldeia em Timor Leste, para pedir perdão à mãe.3 Embora o facto de Ambere considerar a possibilidade de suicidar-se confirme a profundidade do seu sentimento de vergonha, é sobretudo o seu desejo de perdão que aponta para a ambiguidade omnipresente no romance. A verdade revela-se num desenlace clássico, com o tradicional artifício literário da ‘introdução e recitação de uma carta no palco,’ cuja origem, segundo Patricia A. Rosenmeyer (2006, 63), remonta a Eurípides e à tragédia grega. Aqui não há palco e a carta não é recitada, mas como Maun João, o líder da milícia que mata o suposto assassino do pai de Ambere, também acaba de morrer em Kupang, o leitor só pode descobrir as razões por trás do assassinato lendo a confissão de Maun João numa carta que ele próprio entregou a Ambere. A função narrativa de tais cartas é ‘transmitir informações importantes que não se podiam revelar de outro modo, de acordo com as convenções [do género]’ (‘to impart critical information that could not, according to … conventions, otherwise be revealed’ (Culpepper 1998, 72)). Recorde-se que este romance não é autobiográfico. Embora se centre quase exclusivamente no que sucede na mente de um protagonista único, sem insistir muito no seu lugar na comunidade, tornase claro que o romance tenta, por um lado, fazer o leitor entender os motivos que levaram alguns jovens timorenses a juntar-se às milícias que desencadearam uma tremenda onda de violência contra o seu próprio povo, no rescaldo do referendo; e, por outro, apresentar a sua humanidade essencial, dissecando com grande sensibilidade os sentimentos de culpa e vergonha que atormentam o protagonista. Há nisto uma complexidade considerável: como já se mencionou, Tiu Afonso, o homem que Ambere suspeita de lhe ter assassinado o pai, tinha sido um líder declaradamente pró-indonésio antes de se tornar inesperadamente o líder do grupo pró-independência da aldeia. Por este motivo, Ambere, além de o odiar por considerá-lo o assassino de seu pai, também o despreza por ser um camaleão. Mas neste processo Ambere torna-se igualmente um camaleão, um traidor: sendo filho de uma família pró-independência, comprometido com o ativismo político pró-independência enquanto estudava em Dili, junta-se agora a uma milícia que tenta impôr a integração na Indonésia, a fim de vingar a morte do pai. Isto significa, no entanto, que a sua posição dentro da milícia não é verdadeiramente política, mas sim de oportunismo pessoal, para obter vingança para a sua família. Iha Nafatin Dalan atu Fila retrata um jovem apanhado no turbilhão da ocupação indonésia e nas divisões que esta criou na sociedade timorense. O romance interessa-se claramente pela necessidade de compreender as motivações daqueles que se tornaram traidores, assim como pela exigência de perdoar (ou pelo menos chegar a aceitar) a traição desses colaboracionistas que se voltaram contra a sua propia comunidade. É neste sentido que o livro mostra precisamente que, como o título sugere, ‘ainda há um caminho de volta’ para o seio da sua comunidade. Aqueles que trairam os seus concidadãos podem explicar as suas acções, pedir perdão e voltar a encontrar lugar na sociedade. Se isso corresponde à visão pessoal do autor, à decisão oficial do governo de perdoar tanto a agressão indonésia como a colaboração interna, ou aos objectivos da Comissão de Acolhimento, Verdade e Reconciliação não nos importa aqui. A CAVR visou precisamente abrir caminhos que permitissem que os traidores fossem aceites na suas comunidades, assim como o movimento de justiça de transição internacional visa promover mecanismos semelhantes. É isto que Maun João, o

3

Iha Nafatin Dalan Atu Fila compartilha com o romance Hau Maka Lucas, de Teodósio Ximenes, esta ânsia de regresso ao país natal. No romance de Ximenes, há uma cena de reconhecimento pessoal entre mãe e filho. No de Tahu, tal reconhecimento pelo progenitor não é possível porque a mãe acaba de morrer (e também não é necessário porque o irmão o reconhece imediatamente), mas há uma cena típica de revelação por meio de uma carta.

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líder da milícia local e eventual assassino de Tiu Afonso, repetidamente afirma a Ambere para aliviar o esmagador sentimento de culpa deste, quando se reunem em Atambua pela última vez: ‘Bere, ó tenke kila…ha’u fiar katak, dalan di’ak liu ba ó mak fila ba ita nia rain, tanba ó nia fuan la iha ne’e… ha’u mós sei ajuda ó, atu sira hotu bele simu fali ó!’ [Bere, tu tens de voltar para lá…Eu acredito que o melhor que tens a fazer é voltar para a tua terra, porque o teu coração não está aqui. Eu vou te ajudar, para que eles te recebam outra vez!] (Tahu 2011, 65). A ajuda secreta que ele oferece é a carta que revela a inocência de Ambere (quanto ao assassinato) na cena final do livro. O perdão não pode ser plenamente concedido porque a mãe de Ambere morre antes de ele voltar à sua aldeia natal. Mas, no seu leito de morte, ela pede ao filho mais novo, Aleki: ‘ó tenke buka ó nia maun, amá hatene nia seidauk mate…ó tenke hodi nia mai fali uma ne’e…’ [tu tens que procurar o teu irmão. Eu sei que ele continua vivo…tu tens que o trazer para casa] (Tahu 2011, 69). A reconciliação, portanto, não é formal, mas é anunciada e de algum modo confirmada quando Ambere, ainda em Atambua, sonha com a mãe no momento em que esta morre e a vê correndo em direção a ele e sorrindo-lhe, o que desencadeia nele profundo remorso: ‘ne’e hotu ha’u nia sala… maibé tansá ha’u seidauk hakneak husu perdua ba nia, nia husik ona ha’u…’ [a culpa é minha… porque é que não me ajoelhei e lhe pedi perdão?, agora ela deixou-me](Tahu 2011, 74). Por fim ele consegue pedir perdão não à mãe, mas a Anya (filha de Tiu Afonso e durante muito tempo sua noiva): ‘ha’u husu deskulpa tanba halo ó nia laran-moras… ha’u hatene ha’u sala…’ [peço-te deculpa porque te fiz mal … Eu sei que estou em falta...] (Tahu 2011, 80), o que sublinha o aspecto não estritamente familiar mas social deste conflito. Ela perdoa-lhe, mas na condição de ele nunca mais a deixar. Este perdão condicional corresponde exatamente ao direito de asseverar um protesto moral, como gesto de agência por parte de uma vítima, que Jeffrey M. Blustein (2014) considera prerrogativa das vítimas de delitos e ofensas que estão dispostas a perdoar, mas sem se deixarem espezinhar por quem as ofendeu. Iha Nafatin Dalan atu Fila concentra-se nas reações que a consciência de ter atraiçoado deseancadeia na mente de um jovem que se junta a uma milícia pró-Indonésia causando dor à família e à comunidade. O romance obriga o leitor a pensar no dilema moral com que se confrontam tanto as vítimas como os malfeitores numa sociedade que tenta alcançar a reconciliação. A maneira como uma comunidade compartilha profundamente as memórias coletivas e as experiências traumáticas vividas por todos explica a necessidade de encontrar razões, embora não conduza automaticamente ao perdão absoluto. A mensagem do livro é bastante clara: que os malfeitores devem pedir perdão, na esperança de voltar a ser aceites na comunidade. Só assim é que uma sociedade que foi devastada por um conflito interno pode um dia alcançar ‘um equilíbrio entre todas as partes’ (‘an equilibrium among all parties’ (Blustein 2014, 92)). No entanto, a dúvida permanece na mente do leitor: Ambere não comete afinal nenhum assassinato, nenhuma atrocidade. Os seus crimes são a nível de transgressão das expectativas e dos padrões de comportamento da família e da sua sociedade. Mas teria sido possível perdoar com a mesma facilidade no caso de Maun João, que de facto cometeu não só um, mas muitos assassinatos? Por isso não se resolve essa ambiguidade no romance, que opta por uma solução de compromisso: Maun João morre de velhice e doença em Atambua, sem ser julgado por ninguém. Evitam-se assim perguntas muito mais difíceis de responder—as que se adivinham entre as linhas do texto, talvez sobre os limites e dificuldades do perdão, bem como da impunidade, mas a que nele se não dá resposta. Bibliografia Alweiss, L 2003, ‘Collective guilt and responsibility’, European Journal of Political Theory 2(3): 307-318. Blustein, JM 2014, Forgiveness and remembrance: remembering wrongdoing in personal and public life, Oxford University Pres, New York. Culpepper, RA 1998, The gospel and letters of John: interpreting biblical texts series, Abingdon Press, Nashville, TN. Lynd, HM 1958, On shame and the search for identity, Harcourt Brace, New York. Morgan, M 2008 On shame, Routledge, New York. Rosenmeyer, P. 2006, Ancient epistolary fictions: the letter in Greek literature, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Tahu, M 2011, Iha nafatin dalan atu fila, Timor Aid, Dili, Timor-Leste. Ximenes, TB 2009, Hau maka Lukas, Timor Aid, Dili, Timor-Leste.

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17 Governando pessoas, coisas e rituais. A construção da nação como um processo de purificação em Timor-Leste. Kelly Silva1 Este artigo discute alguns dos modos pelos quais o Estado leste-timorense tem se apropriado da prática conhecida como tara bandu, a partir de 2009. Em Silva (2014) sugeri que tal fato tem se dado de modo a gerar efeitos de pacificação, integração, reconfiguração e monopolização do poder. Neste texto vou além. Com base na análise do tara bandu instaurado em Ermera em 2012, argumento que o tara bandu tem sido apropriado de modo a gerar efeitos de purificação, tal como compreendido por Latour. Por meio dele, certos agentes de governança tentam engendrar um projeto de subjetivação específico – no qual palavras, coisas, rituais, perdem lugar de agência sobre o mundo e também na construção da pessoa, e o ser humano emerge como única fonte de agência. Neste contexto, o tara bandu figura como um dispositivo de pedagogia econômica. Meu ponto de partida é o reconhecimento da poliarquia das dinâmicas de governança no Timor-Leste pós-colonial. Boege et ali (2009), Cummins (2011) e Browm (2012), entre outros, têm qualificado este fenômeno como governança híbrida, a qual se caracteriza pela coexistência de instituições e dispositivos de poder originários, de um lado, de estruturas estatais coloniais e nacionais (seculares e religiosas) e, de outro, de dinâmicas e instituições indígenas de organização social. Tais instituições cooperam e ao mesmo tempo disputam entre si espaço político. Outra premissa de minhas reflexões se assenta no reconhecimento da pluralidade dos fenômenos com poder de agência sobre o mundo nos diferentes contextos de sociabilidade lestetimorenses. Além das pessoas – vivas e mortas – são imbuídas com forte poder de agência palavras e coisas. Inspirada por Elias (1993), Mandani (1998), Dumont (1977, 1983) entre outras referências da sociologia política, propus recentemente (Silva, 2014) que a formação do Estado em Timor-Leste pode ser interpretada como os processos pelos quais esta instituição se apropria de e subverte os elementos dos complexos locais de governança – instituições que estruturam os modos locais de organização social; saberes rituais e suas técnicas; posições de autoridade – de modo a transformá-los em conduítes para geração de efeitos de pacificação, integração, reconfiguração e monopolização do poder. Tais fenômenos de apropriação e subversão permitem ainda ao Estado mobilizar elementos dos complexos locais de governança para promover a transposição e internalização de práticas e projetos modernos de organização social e subjetivação. A partir da análise do tara bandu realizado em Ermera em 2012, argumento no presente texto que o complexo de governança implicado neste evento estava trabalhando para desvincular a constituição de pessoas individuais e coletivas (como a casa) do quanto elas são capazes de doar para fins de aliança ou sacrifício, propondo ser o trabalho, a escolarização e a retenção de bens (por oposição à doação), em forma monetária ou não, fontes e modos privilegiados de produção de valor e distinção. Minha principal fonte de inspiração para tal análise são os trabalhos de Webb Keane (2007). Inspirado por Latour (1994), Keane demonstra como o processo de adesão de populações de Sumba ao cristianismo implicou efeitos de purificação relacionados à monopolização da agência. Neste contexto, passaram a ser considerados cristãos e civilizados somente aqueles que tomavam os homens e o Deus cristão como exclusivas fontes de agência. Tal processo de purificação se transformou em uma narrativa moral, pela qual se diferenciava civilizados de não-civilizados. Assim, os nãocivilizados seriam aqueles que atribuiriam indevidamente agência a fenômenos desprovidos dela, como palavras e coisas. Bruno Latour (1994), por sua vez, entende por purificação os processos de separação e imposição de fronteiras ontológicas e limites de poder exclusivos entre o que são tomados como experiências, seres e domínios diversos que compõem a vida social. Por meio desses processos de separação se inscreve tais agências a certos lugares típicos-ideais para sua existência ou se projetam

1

Departamento de Antropologia – Universidade de Brasília

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sobre elas configurações tidas como legítimas. Destacam-se, neste contexto, que os processos de purificação são instrumentos políticos pelos quais se produzem múltiplos efeitos de poder. Oposições como natureza e cultura, tradicional e moderno, política e conhecimento, justiça e poder, humanos e não-humanos, civilizados e não-civilizados, são exemplares deste processo de separação. Desde tal chave analítica, a configuração híbrida das práticas de governança em Timor-Leste e alhures parece ser transitória (enquanto projeto e desde a perspectiva do governo central), configurando-se como uma etapa ou tática pela qual o Estado moderno e outros agentes de governança – como as igrejas – negociam e ampliam, aos poucos, o seu poder e a configuração cosmológica que os sustenta. Tal fato está longe de ser inédito, tendo uma longa história social na trajetória de expansão dos estados coloniais. Minha argumentação está organizada em três seções. Na primeira, apresento uma descrição sumária do que é o tara bandu e de seus usos desde 1999. A seguir, analiso o conteúdo do tara bandu de Ermera, realizado em 2012. Na terceira seção, discuto os impactos deste tara bandu, tal como percebidos pelos agentes de governança que estiveram nele envolvidos. Por fim, nas considerações finais, argumento que o tara bandu de Ermera configura-se como uma ferramenta de pedagogia econômica que se estrutura pela articulação de dois projetos de purificação interligados e de efeitos interdependentes, a saber: 1. a subtração ou enfraquecimento da agência das coisas e da troca ou sacrifício das mesas em contextos rituais para a produção e reprodução do mundo; 2. A proposição de que somente pessoas tem agência no mundo e de que elas devem se constituir exclusivamente pela relação que estabelecem com instituições modernas de produção de diferença, como escolarização e a retenção/acumulação de bens (por oposição a aculumação de relações de e para a troca). Usos contemporâneos do tara bandu De um modo sintético, o tara bandu (‘dependurar proibição’) pode ser descrito como um dispositivo local de governança que opera pela imposição ritual de regras e proibições. Nos rituais que o instituem podem tomar parte autoridades locais e nacionais, bem como entidades espirituais às quais se credita, em seu conjunto, agência nos processos de reprodução social. Em tais ocasiões, são realizados sacrifícios e falas rituais. Tais procedimentos têm como objetivo instaurar canais de comunicação entre as autoridades (vivas e mortas) presentes e validar publicamente as proibições prescritas, as quais são lidas em alta voz para a comunidade (Yoder 2007, 47) e inscritas em símbolos, que são a seguir fixados nas áreas de cobertura do tara bandu. Além de instaurar proibições relativas a relações entre seres humanos e meio ambiente, seres humanos e instituições públicas e entre seres humanos e seres humanos, o tara bandu também institui punições àqueles que desobedecerem às ordens prescritas. A despeito de sua origem colonial, como bem demonstra Roque (2012), o tara bandu tem sido considerado como eminentemente local pelos vários atores envolvidos em sua configuração e manejo contemporâneo. O reconhecimento e estímulo às práticas de tara bandu no Timor-Leste pós-ocupação indonésia derivavam, em um primeiro momento, de preocupações relacionadas à preservação e manejo do meio ambiente (Yoder 2007; De Carvalho e Correia 2011). Entretanto, o incentivo à retomada de tal dispositivo ganhou novo fôlego a partir de 2006. Considerada, desde o ponto de vista do Estado, uma tecnologia local de governança eficaz para recomposição da ordem para além da relação com o meio ambiente, o Estado leste-timorense e algumas agências de cooperação internacional passaram, a partir dos últimos meses de 2006, a disponibilizar recursos para realização de tara bandu em Díli e em outros distritos do país, criando para tanto um novo órgão de governo no Ministério da Solidariedade Social, a Secretaria de Coesão Social (UNDP 2013, 34-35; 62). O tara bandu passou então a ser considerado um instrumento de pacificação entre grupos em conflito (jovens envolvidos com gangues e outras associações políticas) e, posteriormente, uma tecnologia de construção e manutenção da ordem, em um contexto de crise institucional das forças de segurança do Estado. Assim, a fim de superar a crise de governança produzida em 2006, o Estado passou a estimular a elaboração de “leis” de alcance local (com jurisdição no domínio dos sucos ou de um

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conjunto de sucos), construídas e consensuadas pelos representantes comunitários e outras autoridades locais, a partir de alguma consulta popular e junto aos órgãos do Estado2. Tara bandu em Ermera Com o objetivo de promover o desenvolvimento econômico, a segurança alimentar e a proteção ao meio ambiente (Akta 2012), autoridades locais ligadas a diferentes instituições no distrito de Ermera – Igreja católica, organizações não governamentais, Estado – trabalharam juntas a fim de elaborar princípios gerais para um tara bandu de alcance distrital, o qual, esperava-se, seria regulamentado de forma mais detalhada em cada um dos subdistritos ou sucos que o compõem. Segundo Pascoela Aida da Costa Exposto, diretora da organização Feto Kiik Servisu Hamutuk (FKSH, Mulheres Jovens Trabalhando Juntas), tal iniciativa se consolidou em razão da constatação dos altos índices de pobreza entre a população de Ermera, a despeito do grande potencial de produção de riqueza da região em razão das plantações de café. De acordo com ela, tal configuração dos fatos seria decorrência dos grandes investimentos realizados pela população em práticas rituais, os quais necessitavam de algum controle externo a fim de propiciar um tipo de acumulação material que permitisse às pessoas melhorar suas condições de vida, de modo a ter segurança alimentar, prover educação escolar aos seus filhos, cuidar de sua saúde etc. Nesse sentido, além de temas recorrentes nas experiências de tara bandu analisadas acima, uma das dimensões mais importantes do tara bandu de Ermera, para os fins de governo explicitados há pouco, reside na tentativa de controle de investimentos rituais. O discurso de Pascoela não é um fato isolado. Desde 1999, pelo menos, a configuração e agenda ritual das diferentes populações leste-timorenses têm sido mobilizada por diferentes instituições do Estado e da cooperação internacional, bem como pela Igreja (desde muito tempo) como explicação para o que é percebido como pobreza, déficit de desenvolvimento do país, violência contra a mulher (em razão do barlake), entre outros coisas. Em tais discursos o que é percebido como dispêndio material excessivo para fins rituais deve ser objeto de práticas de governo. O tara bandu em Ermera regula, de forma mais abrangente, três tipos de relações diferentes: relações das pessoas com a natureza; relações das pessoas com os animais e relações entre as próprias pessoas. Assim, proíbe-se, por exemplo, a colheita de frutas não maduras (Akta 2012, Parte 1 Ab), a destruição de bens públicos (Akta 2012, Parte I Ae), caça de animais selvagens em terras secas ou alagadas protegidas pela comunidade (Akta 2012, Parte II Ac), relações sexuais com crianças entre os 5 e os 15 anos (Akta 2012, Parte III Aa) e tráfico humano (Akta 2012, Parte III Ae). Chama a atenção, contudo, uma dimensão das proibições voltadas à relação entre pessoas. A proibição de realização de rituais de desluto (kore metan) e outras modalidades de istilo (rituais), durante os oito anos que seguem à instauração do tara bandu (Akta 2012, Parte III Bd), ou seja, até 2020. O tara bandu proíbe também a imposição de quantidades específicas de animais para sacrifício ou doação em rituais fúnebres, quando as partes envolvidas (em geral doadores e tomadores de mulheres de diferentes gerações) negociam as dádivas a serem ofertadas para tal fim. Sugere-se explicitamente que a quantidade de animais a serem sacrificados ou doados deve depender sempre das capacidades dos descendentes diretos da família do defunto/ da defunta (Akta 2012, Parte III Be). A instauração do tara bandu de Ermera foi realizada por meio de uma grande cerimônia, na qual se fizeram presentes o bispo de Díli, Dom Alberto Ricardo, bem como o então presidente da República, José Ramos Horta. Desde então, tal evento parece ser olhado com atenção por autoridades de Díli e da região de Ermera, sendo objeto de avaliações e comentários em diferentes partes do país. Por ocasião do aniversário de seis meses do tara bandu, foi realizada em Ermera uma reunião de avaliação a respeito de seus impactos. A minuta da reunião expressa bem os objetivos buscados pelas diferentes instituições (Estado, Igreja, organizações não governamentais) envolvidas em sua concepção, indicando os modos pelos quais ele serve de suporte para transposição de projetos modernos de organização social e subjetivação. Avaliando o tara bandu em Ermera

2

Para uma análise ampliada dos usos contemporâneos do tara bandu em Timor-Leste, nos espaços urbanos e rurais ver: Silva (2014, 2016)

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Grosso modo, um tom celebratório faz-se presente em todas as avaliações relatadas na ata da reunião de avaliação de seis meses do tara bandu de Ermera. Do ponto de vista das autoridades eclesiais, os indicadores destacados como efeitos positivos do tara bandu em Ermera eram: 1. aumento do tempo de trabalho aplicado à secagem de café pela população; 2. redução dos maus gastos das pessoas com os rituais no período da colheita do café, que levariam à chamada corrupção cultural; 3. aumento da disciplina de e para o trabalho por parte da população. Os chamados maus gastos referem-se, neste contexto, a investimentos rituais considerados excessivos, manifestos no sacrifício ou oferta de um grande número de animais ou na doação de muito dinheiro (via o regime da dádiva) para efeitos de construção ou reposição de alianças entre doadores e tomadores de mulheres, para além de outros fins. O aumento do número de animais sacrificados ou aumento da circulação de dinheiro para dinâmicas de reprodução social locais qualifica o que se denomina como corrupção cultural (Revisaum 2012,1-2). Além de citar, mais uma vez, os impactos do tara bandu para o aumento da produção de café na região, o administrador do distrito de Ermera sugeriu que o ritual estaria contribuindo para consolidar as fronteiras distritais. Como indicado anteriormente, a execução do tara bandu implica a exibição pública (o dependurar) de símbolos que evocam as proibições por ele impostas nos limites territoriais em que elas operam. Assim, a distribuição dos símbolos do tara bandu de Ermera nos limites territoriais do distrito estaria contribuindo para o aumento da consciência dos limites territoriais do próprio distrito. Não obstante, o administrador também destacou o fato de algumas pessoas avaliarem tal tara bandu como um dispositivo ditatorial, ilegítimo em tempos de democracia (ibidem, 2). Tal avaliação foi também relatada pelo representante da organização não governamental Hametim democracia no igualdade (Consolidar a democracia e a igualdade), presente na reunião. Na percepção do administrador do subdistrito de Hatualia, a dimensão mais desafiadora na implementação do tara bandu seria aquela que diz respeito às relações entre as pessoas (ibidem, 3). Nesse sentido, ele demandou às autoridades e aos representantes comunitários ali presentes novas regulamentações, voltadas explicitamente às prestações matrimoniais e às primeiras fases dos rituais fúnebres. Por fim, outro representante de organizações não governamentais destacou os efeitos de pacificação do tara bandu. Segundo ele, teria havido uma diminuição do número de casos de conflito encaminhados ao chefe de suco para resolução. Sugeriu, ainda, que a diminuição do número de conflitos estaria contribuindo indiretamente para melhoria das condições econômicas da população, pois se fazendo desnecessárias cerimônias para resolução de conflitos não era preciso dispor de animais nem de outras modalidades de recursos para fins de pagamento de multas ou reconciliação (ibidem: 3-4). Com base em tais avaliações, pode-se concluir que o tara bandu em Ermera visa, e em alguma medida implica, a domesticação e o controle das condutas individuais e coletivas de modo a produzir corpos e outras modalidades de recursos voltados à produção para e pelo trabalho. Tal fato parece ser cultivado e estimulado pelo controle das práticas rituais, sobretudo pelo controle dos recursos nelas investidos. Paralelamente, celebram-se os efeitos de pacificação produzidos pelo tara bandu, que facilitariam a governança local. Tais efeitos de pacificação trabalham também a favor da acumulação de outros recursos que permitiriam às pessoas a saída de sua condição de vulnerabilidade e participação em outras instituições civilizatórias, como a escola, por exemplo. Neste contexto, os investimentos em práticas rituais de reprodução social são vistas como impedimentos, entraves ao engamento das pessoas no processo de desenvolvimento. Dadas as avaliações e demandas apresentadas na reunião de avaliação de seis meses do tara bandu de Ermera, o coletivo de governo ali presente decidiu pela inserção de duas novas proibições em seu interior: proibiu-se a realização de prestações matrimoniais que, em sua totalidade, fossem superiores a US$2.500. Prevê-se que o desrespeito desse limite implica pagamento de multa no dobro do valor dispendido e proibição de realização de desluto e outras modalidades rituais por 16 anos. Impôs-se também o limite de sacrifícios de animais para cerimônias fúnebres que vão do velório até o que, em tétum, é chamado de ai-funan midar. Para tanto, pode-se sacrificar, no máximo, dois búfalos, dois porcos e dois cabritos. O desrespeito de tais limites implica pagamento de multas, de modo que se forem sacrificados três búfalos a multa consistirá em dois búfalos, acrescidos de US$ 1.000. Se forem sacrificados quatro búfalos, quatro búfalos também devem ser pagos como multa, acrescidos de mais US$ 2.000 e outros animais. Em ambos os casos, os infratores ficam proibidos de praticar rituais por 16 anos (Revisaum 2012, 4-5). 103

Por ocasião do aniversário de um ano deste tara bandu, foi publicada uma matéria especial no sítio eletrônico semioficial da presidência da República em Timor-Leste, no qual se registraram as avaliações de autoridades envolvidas em sua execução. Entre outras coisas, o administrador de Ermera destacou os grandes efeitos positivos deste dispositivo para diminuição da violência e de conflitos entre a população bem como do percentual de pessoal em situação de grande vulnerabilidade (com fome ou sem casa). Isso porque o tara bandu teria como consequência aumento do tempo investido pelas pessoas na produção de alimentos e de café. Ele ressaltou também o aumento do número de crianças nas escolas e melhorias nas condições de saúde da população, de modo geral.3 Considerações Finais Em Silva (2014) argumento que o Estado leste-timorense tem feito uso do tara bandu, que é instaurado via sacrifícios rituais, para difundir valores e preceitos modernos de sociabilidade, como a igualdade de gênero e preservação do meio ambiente. Mais importante, contudo, é a constatação de que o tara bandu tem sido mobilizado para controlar modalidades de sacrifícios rituais, tomadas como prejudiciais para engajamento das pessoas em formas modernos de subjetivação e reprodução social. Por meio da análise do tara bandu realizado no distrito de Ermera, argumento que o complexo de governança envolvido em sua realização estava trabalhando para desvincular a constituição de pessoas individuais e coletivas (como a casa) do quanto elas são capazes de doar para fins de aliança ou sacrifício, propondo ser o trabalho, a escolarização e a retenção de bens, modos privilegiados de produção de status e prestígio. Parece-me, neste caso, que estamos diante de um projeto de purificação manifesto em uma pedagogia econômica que se estrutura pela articulação de dois processos interligados e de efeitos interdependentes: 1. a subtração ou enfraquecimento da agência das coisas e da troca ou sacrifício das mesas em contextos rituais para a produção e reprodução do mundo; 2. A proposição de que somente pessoas tem agência no mundo e de que elas devem se constituir exclusivamente pela relação que estabelecem com instituições modernas de produção de diferença, como escolarização e a retenção/acumulação de bens (por oposição a acumulação de relações de e para a troca). Nesse sentido, alguns dos usos do tara bandu parecem trabalhar para enfraquecer o papel das trocadas cerimoniais e dos rituais, de modo geral, na construção da pessoa. Ao trabalhar para o enfraquecimento dos rituais, certos usos contemporâneos do tara bandu podem estar trabalhando, no limite e em uma perspectiva de longa duração, para diminuição da agência dos ancestrais e da construção material da subjetividade, como fonte de governo e prestígio entre as populações lestetimorenses. Em uma perspectiva de longa duração, a domesticação das práticas rituais por parte do Estado e outros agentes de governança, por meio de uma pedagogia econômica particular, podem contribuir para a monopolização das fontes de produção de diferença e prestígio por parte do Estado e outras instituições modernas. Referências Boege et ali 2009, ‘Hybrid political orders, not fragile states’, Peace Review: A Journal of Social Justice 21(1): 13-21. Brown, M. Anne 2012, ‘Entangled worlds: village and political community in Timor-Leste’, Local Global. Identity, Security, Community 11: 54-71. Cummins, Deborah 2010, Local governance in Timor-Leste: the politics of mutual recognition (Ph.D. Thesis) University of New South Wales Australia. De Carvalho, Demetrio Amaral e Correia, Jose 2011, ‘Tara bandu as traditional ecological knowledge’, in de Carvalho, Demetrio do Amaral (eds) Local knowledge of Timor. Jakarta: UNESCO Jakarta. Dumont, Louis 1977, From Mandeville to Marx (Homo Aequalis I), University of Chicago Press, Chicago. --- 1983, Essais sur l’individualisme. Une perspective anthropologique sur l’idéologie moderne, Paris, Seuil. Elias, Norbert 1993, O processo civilizador, Jorge Zahar Ed, Rio de Janeiro. Keane, Webb 2007, Christian moderns. Freedom and fetish in the mission encounter, University of California Press, Berkley.

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Matéria consultada a 20.03.2013, em http://aitaraklaranlive.wordpress.com//?s=tara+bandu&search=Go.

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Latour, Bruno 1994, Jamais fomos modernos, Rio de Janeiro, Ed. 34. Mamdani, Mahmood 1998, Ciudadano y súbdito. África contemporánea y el legado del colonialismo tardío. Madri, Siglo XXI Editores. Roque, Ricardo 2012, ‘A voz dos bandos: colectivos de justiça e ritos da palavra portuguesa em Timor-Leste Colonial’, Mana 18(3): 563-594. Silva, Kelly 2014, ‘O governo da e pela kultura. Complexos locais de governança na formação do Estado em Timor Leste’, Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais 104, http://rccs.revues.org/5727 ; DOI : 10.4000/rccs.5727 --- 2016, Administrando pessoas, recursos e rituais. Pedagogia econômica como tática de governo em TimorLeste, Revista Horizontes Antropológicos 45, No prelo. Yoder, Laura S. Meitzner 2007, ‘Hybridising justice: state-customary interactions over forest crime and punishment in Oecusse, East Timor’, The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 8(2): 43-57. UNDP 2013, Breaking the cycle of domestic violence in Timor-Leste. Access to justice options, barriers and decision making processes in the context of legal pluralism. Díli: 2013. Disponível em, http://www.tl.undp.org/content/timor_leste/en/home/ourwork/democraticgovernance/TL_DG_AboutJS P/TL_DG_Justice_reports_papers/_jcr_content/contentPar/download_0/file.res/Domestic%20Violence %20Report%20%255bwith%20cover%20FINAL%255d.pdf Access in 25th March 2013. Fontes Primárias Akta no regulamentu Tara bandu Distrito Ermera2012, Mimeo. Revisaun Regulamentu Tara-Bandu (Rezultado Evaluasaum Fulan ne’en) 2012, Mimeo.

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18 Perspectivas e trajetórias de vida: mulheres de Timor-Leste com ensino superior1 Camila Tribess2, Cláudia Kreidloro3, Ethiana Sarachin4, Gabriela Batista5, Juliana Santiago6, Vanessa Diniz7 Introdução Este artigo tem por finalidade expor brevemente a pesquisa realizada no âmbito do Grupo de Estudos sobre Mulheres de Timor-Leste (GEM) do Programa de Qualificação de Docentes e Língua Portuguesa (PQLP/CAPES) da Cooperação Brasileira em Timor-Leste. O grupo realizou, durante o ano de 2014, leituras e reflexões sobre as principais questões relativas às mulheres em Timor-Leste, tendo como textos condutores estudos sobre a violência doméstica em Díli (Simiao 2006), o papel das mulheres no desenvolvimento rural (Narciso and Henriques 2008), sobre Barlaque (Silva 2012)8 entre outros. Nessas leituras, foi possível perceber que os relatos das mulheres, na maioria das vezes, problematizam a vitimização, apresentando histórico de violência e sujeição nos quais geralmente suas vozes acabam silenciadas. Conforme aponta Perrot (2005), esse silenciamento não significa que as mulheres tenham sempre respeitado, de forma passiva, as condições sociais e culturais impostas. Além disso, consideramos pertinente compreender as transformações que ocorreram ao longo do processo histórico que, segundo Durand (2009), trata de uma sociedade que funcionava com alguns grupos matrilineares no período pré-colonial, em que as mulheres ocupavam uma posição importante e teriam perdido, ao longo dos séculos, sua participação em diversos setores das comunidades devido a influências externas. Ansiávamos em conhecer a história a partir das mulheres como sujeitos sociais de sua própria vida e trajetória, tentando perceber suas escolhas e vivências. A partir dessa inquietação e de depoimentos cedidos por algumas mulheres de Timor-Leste - especialmente elaborado para nossa pesquisa, buscamos nas histórias individuais as respostas para algumas de nossas inquietações. Após algumas leituras chegamos às seguintes questões iniciais de pesquisa: quem são as mulheres com acesso ao ensino? Qual a influência da educação na vida dessas mulheres? Qual a relação da educação com a vitimização e as relações sociais? Assim, chegamos ao seguinte tema de pesquisa: mulheres com ensino superior em Díli: mudanças e trajetórias de vida, cujo o objetivo principal consiste em buscar compreender de que maneira a mulher enxerga em sua vida a influência do ensino superior e como este acesso modificou sua experiência enquanto mulher em Timor-Leste. Tentamos responder a essas questões por meio de entrevistas com professoras e alunas que estão no ensino superior atualmente. No que diz respeito à metodologia, essa pesquisa utiliza uma abordagem qualitativa, servindose de entrevistas semiestruturadas, realizadas individualmente, como meio para a coleta de dados. A entrevista semiestruturada é realizada a partir de um esquema básico, porém sem rigidez, podendo o entrevistador fazer adaptações. Ela também possibilita uma liberdade de percurso conforme o entrevistado e o decorrer do trabalho. Tentamos levar em consideração o contexto social, histórico e

1

Este trabalho é resultado da pesquisa realizada no âmbito do Grupo de Estudos sobre Mulheres de Timor-Leste (GEM) da cooperação brasileira em Timor-Leste de 2014 a 2015 (PQLP/CAPES) e será publicado de forma mais completa em livro. 2 Mestra em Ciência Política pela Universidade Federal do Paraná. 3 Mestra em Educação pela Universidade Estadual de Campinas. 4 Mestranda em Educação pela Universidade Federal de Santa Maria. 5 Pós-graduanda em Gênero e Diversidade na Escola pela Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina e em Psicopedagogia pelo Centro Universitário Leonardo da Vinci. 6 Mestra em Linguística pela Universidade Federal do Ceará. 7 Mestra em Ensino e História das Ciências da Terra pela Universidade Estadual de Campinas. 8 Segundo Silva (2014), o Barlaque pode ser considerado como uma categoria analítica flutuante, isto é, necessita ser analisada no contexto de cada comunidade. Porém, podemos dizer de forma generalista que o Barlaque é uma série de negociações e de trocas antecedentes ao casamento realizadas pela família do noivo para com a família da noiva.

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cultural em que se encontram as participantes desta pesquisa, apresentando, dessa maneira, um olhar possível sobre os sentidos construídos pelas entrevistadas. As perguntas foram em torno da formação acadêmica e a possível ascensão social decorrente dela, a experiência de estudos fora do país e as dificuldades, especialmente as culturais, encontradas por estas mulheres durante sua formação na Universidade. Todas as mulheres entrevistadas para essa fase da pesquisa foram ou são estudantes de graduação ou pós-graduação e passaram algum tempo no Brasil para estudar. Essas mulheres são jovens, entre os 20 e os 40 anos e foram entrevistadas por tarem contato direto com alguma das integrantes do grupo de pesquisa. Assim, nossa amostra sofre desse viés, que reflete as dificuldades desse tipo de pesquisa, no entanto, traz possibilidades e dados interessantes para a reflexão que buscamos. Achados preliminares da pesquisa Os sujeitos da pesquisa são todas mulheres timorenses, falantes da língua portuguesa. A escolha dessas mulheres partiu principalmente de nossas limitações em trabalhar com o tétum e as outras línguas maternas existentes no país. Essas mulheres já completaram ou estão cursando o ensino superior, com experiências de estudos também no Brasil. Todas as mulheres que entrevistamos buscaram ou estão buscando no ensino superior uma melhoria na sua condição de vida, principalmente relacionado a uma melhor inserção no mercado de trabalho. A associação entre nível educacional e possibilidade de empregos melhores é direta e declarada nas falas das mulheres: Eu pensava que o estudo ia resolver minhas dificuldades e também da minha família, então eu pensava que o que era melhor pra mim era ter o ensino superior, e até mais do que isso, para poder trabalhar melhor (Larissa). Porque é para um melhor futuro e todos ficam felizes (Ivana). Eu queria ser uma professora, pra não só ajudar minha família, eu queria trabalhar com as crianças e com os adultos também (Carolina).

As mulheres já formadas demonstram estar satisfeitas profissionalmente no contexto em que se encontram, especialmente quando se comparam às amigas ou parentes que não tiveram acesso ao ensino superior. Como exemplo, Larissa relata as mudanças ocorridas na sua vida em consequência do acesso aos estudos. Sou mais valorizada e valeu a pena, e muito. Tiveram muitas mudanças nessas coisas, eu mudei o lugar de trabalho, estou [lecionando] no [ensino] secundário, mas também na UNTL, e é muito importante (Larissa).

Entretanto, Larissa, a única entrevistada que já concluiu o mestrado, menciona que conseguir um bom emprego não é fácil e que, para as mulheres, essa situação é ainda mais complicada. Ela se considera uma mulher determinada e que luta por melhores condições de vida sem depender de ninguém, mas percebe também que a formação que teve foi determinante no processo de mudanças profissionais em sua vida: Eu sabia como determinar minha vida, eu fiquei muito independente, eu sabia como trabalhar. Até hoje eu não dependo de ninguém. Mas, aqui existe outra coisa, quando a mulher não tem capacidade, não é bem formada, é uma discriminação, é uma competição. Não é só com os homens, mas também com as próprias mulheres, por exemplo, quem tem conhecimento tem mais acesso, consegue trabalhar em qualquer entidade, em qualquer serviço, então... e quem não tem acesso na educação fica mais difícil pra elas atingirem seus objetivos (Larissa).



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Mas o acesso aos estudos e a ascensão profissional não invalidam algumas premissas culturais da estrutura patriarcal que ainda prevalecem na sociedade. Larissa afirma também que, na sua kultura9, quando a mulher possui estudo, ela deverá ter um esposo cujo nível de formação seja igual ou superior ao da mulher. Pelo menos nos contextos que pudemos conhecer, uma mulher parece não casar com um homem com um nível de instrução inferior ou que possua um salário menor do que o dela. O esposo de Larissa possui curso superior e também trabalha na UNTL. Podemos perceber algo semelhante na fala de Carolina quando esta relata um pouco sobre sua kultura em relação aos estudos e o casamento: Eu não sei de outras kulturas, mas eu sei que na minha kultura, as mulheres não podem ter o acesso mais alto que os homens, superior, mais alto, porque depois que ela casar a mulher só trabalha em casa, são os homens que vão trabalhar fora e é isso que os pais pensam, e quando conversam com as filhas dizem assim ‘vocês não podem estudar muito, depois que acaba o ensino médio pode casar, porque vocês não vão ter responsabilidades’. Isso que incomodam as filhas para não terem vontade de estudar depende dos pais, das kulturas próprias, das famílias (Carolina).

As palavras de Carolina evidenciam uma forma de representação dos papéis relacionados ao homem e à mulher. Com efeito, ser homem ou mulher na sociedade não resulta apenas da constituição biológica, mas também dos discursos, das ações, da cultura e da história. Conforme nossos referenciais, em especial Beauvoir (1967) e Meyer (2010), essa constituição é uma construção social e está permeada por relações de poder, as quais ainda estão sob a crença da supremacia do masculino. Nas nossas entrevistas ficou evidente que o acesso ao estudo permitiu às entrevistadas compreender o quanto elas podem e têm competência para assumir cargos e dar conta da vida pública. Acreditamos que essas mulheres estão percebendo (ou sempre perceberam e agora estão sendo ouvidas) que podem ser ativas na história e podem atuar em espaços que antes eram reservados aos homens. Por exemplo, quando perguntada se acreditava que o ensino superior transformou sua vida enquanto mulher, Amanda respondeu que: [...] agora as mulheres tem o mesmo direito que os homens, então as mulheres que tem capacidade, têm coragem (Amanda).

A ligação entre acesso ao trabalho por meio dos estudos apareceu também na fala de Larissa: Até hoje em dia, são poucas mulheres mais velhas que trabalham. Isso aconteceu, porque antigamente o pensamento popular era que o homem devia ter mais acesso do que a mulher. Nas minhas famílias10 também existe esse preconceito (Larissa).

Quando comparou sua atual condição de professora da UNTL com a vida de suas primas, ela disse: Hoje em dia, quando eu comparo minha vida, eu acho que tem muitas diferenças com a vida das minhas famílias, minhas primas... elas tinham acesso a qualquer coisa, em dinheiro, em transporte, tudo. Estudo também tinham. É uma pena, mas elas não conseguiram concluir seus estudos, elas esqueceram que escola é uma coisa muito importante. E hoje em dia elas ficam com o quê? Com angústia, fica estressada, porque não tem como trabalhar melhor, trabalha como empregada de pequena fábrica, vende as coisas e é isso (Larissa).

Carolina também reflete sobre suas primas que não tiveram acesso ao ensino superior:

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Baseadas no texto da professora Kelly Silva (2014), que utiliza para o contexto Timor-Leste a diferenciação de Carneiro da Cunha (2009) entre cultura enquanto categoria de análise sociológica e ‘cultura’ (entre aspas), enquanto os usos dessa palavra na fala dos/as agentes locais, utilizaremos aqui o termo em tétum, kultura para fazer referência às falas de nossas entrevistadas em diferenciação ao conceito de cultura enquanto categoria de análise. 10 Muitos timorenses se referem às ‘suas famílias’, no plural, pelo fato de as estruturas familiares e de parentesco em Timor-Leste serem bastante ampliadas, assim as famílias dos tios, avós, sogros e cunhados são considerados ‘suas famílias’e a referência no plural especifica este fato.

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As mulheres podem ter uma visão própria para escolherem o que querem ser no futuro, e isso é importante para nós que temos acesso escolar. Mas, para os outros que não tem o acesso, isso é muito(…). As famílias, as minhas primas que não tiveram o acesso porque faz parte da responsabilidade dos pais também. Porque quando os pais tem uma vontade, uma coragem pra continuar a estudar no ensino superior, isso é melhor. Mas algumas partes tem uma relação com a kultura (Carolina).

A partir dos relatos, podemos perceber que o ensino superior pode proporcionar a essas mulheres maior coragem e autoestima, certa independência financeira e status social, possibilitando a elas o poder de serem, em certa medida, donas de suas próprias escolhas. Entendemos ainda que, embora considerem a kultura de seu povo muito importante, as participantes da pesquisa refletem sobre algumas questões que podem dar maior liberdade à mulher e compreendem que não precisam necessariamente ficar restritas às tarefas da casa e ao cuidado dos filhos. Amanda, quando questionada sobre quais características do Brasil gostaria que tivesse em Timor-Leste, respondeu que: as brasileiras, na maioria, são corajosas. A mulher tem coragem de fazer qualquer coisa que ela quiser, e quando eu voltar para Timor eu quero ser mais corajosa e não quero isso só para mim, mas para as outras mulheres também porque lá a kultura é mais fechada[...].Eu não vou implementar isso. Com o mundo mais moderno, eu penso que os timorenses vão mudar sobre mulheres e homens, vivemos em uma democracia, mas a kultura é fechada, então elas [as mulheres] pensam que não podem fazer o mesmo que os homens ou dar um passo à frente do homem. A mulher sempre está atrás do homem (Amanda).

Amanda acredita que muitas coisas já mudaram em seu país, porém essas mudanças acontecem mais na capital Dili, que é a área mais urbanizada de Timor-Leste. Segundo ela: Na área rural, nos subdistritos tem os Knua11 e então cada Knua tem sua kultura. Eu gosto que as meninas brasileiras podem falar sobre educação, sobre política, sobre qualquer coisa. Elas têm o mesmo direito que os homens (Amanda).

Como já mencionado, todas as mulheres entrevistadas moraram por algum tempo no Brasil, contempladas pelas diversas políticas educacionais. Muitos estudantes timorenses que falam língua portuguesa (mesmo que em nível muito básico) têm diversas oportunidades de complementar seus estudos de graduação ou pós-graduação no Brasil ou em Portugal. Esses futuros profissionais se tornarão uma elite no país que, posteriormente, formará os quadros de professores universitários e o médio escalão de governo, ministérios e organizações internacionais. A ida ao Brasil, em todos os casos, foi apoiada e incentivada pela família, porém todas têm ou tiveram um compromisso de retorno com seus familiares, cada uma de uma forma diferente: Minha irmã mais velha tem oito filhos e esses filhos são divididos pelos irmãos. Eu sou responsável por duas sobrinhas, então, depois eu tenho que ajudar (Ivana). É um costume - nas outras famílias eu não sei, mas na minha é um costume - quando eu acabar o curso, eu vou trabalhar e ganhar dinheiro. Se eu trabalho vou ter dinheiro…e vou poder ajudar […] Na minha família, todos os irmãos ajudam os outros e quando eu voltar, vou ajudar também os filhos deles (Amanda).

O retorno para Timor-Leste, depois de uns meses ou até 2 anos morando no Brasil, causa certo estranhamento e faz com que essas mulheres voltem ao seu país com aspirações, ideias e possibilidades diferentes, que vão desde coisas simples, como ter sua própria casa ao invés de morar com a família do marido, até a modificação de alguns valores fundamentais da sociedade timorense: Assim, eu senti muitas mudanças depois da minha volta do Brasil. A primeira coisa que eu fiz foi morar sozinha com meu marido e minhas filhas, mas eu senti muita responsabilidade

11

Knua é uma palavra nativa que designa os diferentes clãs e suas casas sagradas, que diferem muitas vezes nas formas rituais e nas práticas sociais comunitárias.

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comparando com o passado. Tem que cuidar sozinha das filhas, tem que fazer tudo direito, trabalhar em casa, tem que fazer tudo sozinha, e eu ficava reclamando, porque tinha as coisas da casa…(Larissa). (…) Por exemplo, tem trabalho que muitas vezes só homens que podem fazer [em TimorLeste], e as mulheres também poderiam fazer. Então, aqui [no Brasil] eu penso que tudo é possível, que as mulheres podem fazer qualquer tipo de trabalho (Amanda). Sim, eu decidi [morar em uma casa separada da família do marido]. Mas, tenho as reclamações ... é muito cansativo, saio do trabalho e tenho que trabalhar em casa. Eu sempre falo pro meu esposo ‘um dia vou fugir daqui, não vou mais ficar com vocês’ (Larissa).

Nesse sentido, percebemos novamente os conflitos entre os modos tradicionais de vida da kultura dessas mulheres com os aprendizados proporcionados pela educação e pela vivência fora do Timor. Ao mesmo tempo, que elas têm o apoio para os estudos e para avançarem profissionalmente, elas também enfrentam os problemas das sociedades patriarcais: as jornadas duplas de trabalho, as pressões sociais por ocuparem seus ‘lugares’ como mulheres de família etc. Algumas reflexões a partir desses achados Nos parece que o papel das mulheres na sociedade timorense era marcado e definido culturalmente conforme as etnias e comunidades, mas que muitas mulheres buscaram atuar de formas diversas dos papéis tradicionais, desde a época pré-colonial, até recentemente, no período dos conflitos e da invasão indonésia (1975-1999), seja na participação na luta armada e nas frentes de resistência, seja através de outras formas de organização. Percebemos que a entrada da ONU, do Banco Mundial, da democratização do país e das políticas de incentivo à igualdade de gênero trouxeram avanços e conflitos entre essas novas perspectivas e o papel tradicional das mulheres. Temos, assim, a formação de um novo cenário, onde a mulher ocupa novos papéis, mas ainda enfrenta os preconceitos e as dificuldades de uma sociedade em transição. A inclusão dessas mulheres se dá através de empregos, de incentivo à formação e de geração de renda, sob o ponto de vista do capitalismo e das receitas de boa governança da ONU. Nesse sentido, a educação promove mudanças e traz possibilidades de transformação na vida das mulheres, que passam a agir com maior autonomia e também se permitem questionar a posição ocupada por elas na sociedade e o próprio local (seja a família ou o trabalho) em que atuam, como aparece na fala das mulheres aqui entrevistadas. Apesar desses avanços, dentro dos parâmetros ocidentais e capitalistas, essa inclusão não altera e estrutura social que vigora há séculos. As dificuldades que essas mulheres enfrentam junto às suas famílias permanecem e surge o conflito entre a necessidade de cumprir uma agenda estatal de igualdade de gênero e de desenvolvimento capitalista - que necessita da mão de obra qualificada feminina - e de, ao mesmo tempo, cumprir funções previamente determinadas (determinação esta construída pelas kulturas de suas comunidades e famílias de origem) como sendo ‘dever’ das mulheres. Bibliografia Beauvoir, S. de 1967, O segundo sexo: a experiência vivida. Volume II. São Paulo: Difusão européia do livro. Carneiro da Cunha, M. 2009, ‘Cultura’ e cultura: conhecimentos tradicionais e direitos intelectuais’, in Cultura com aspas e outros ensaios. São Paulo: Cosac Naify. CPLP. Plano Estratégico para Igualdade de Gênero e Empoderamento das Mulheres. 2013. Disponível em: http://www.cig.gov.pt/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/PLANO_ESTRATEGICO_VERSAO_FINAL.pdf Acesso em janeiro de 2015. Durand, F. 2009, História de Timor – Leste: da pré-história à actualidade, Lidel, Lisboa. Meyer, D. 2010, ‘Gênero e Educação: teoria e política’, in Louro, Guacira L. et al. (eds) Corpo, Gênero e sexualidade – um debate contemporâneo, Vozes, Petrópolis. Moraes, R. 2003, ‘Uma tempestade de luz: a compreensão possibilitada pela análise textual discursiva’, Ciência& Educação 9(2): 191-211.

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Narciso, V. Henriques, P.D. de S. 2008, O Papel das Mulheres no Desenvolvimento Rural: Uma Leitura para Timor-Leste. (working papers) CEFAGE-UE, Universidade de Évora, abril de 2008. Disponível em: http://www.cefage.uevora.pt/pt/producao_cientifica/working_papers_serie_cefage_ue/o_papel_das_mu lheres_no_desenvolvimento_rural_uma_leitura_para_timor_leste, Acesso em janeiro de 2015. Perrot, M. 2005, As mulheres ou os silêncios da história.Edusc, Bauru. Silva, K. 2012, ‘Riqueza ou preço da noiva? Regimes morais em disputa nas negociações de casamento entre elites urbanas timorenses’, Leach, M. et al. (eds) New Research on Timor-Leste, Swinburne University Press, Hawthorn. --- 2014, ‘O governo da e pela kultura. Complexos locais de governança na formação do Estado em Timor Leste’, Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais, 104. Silva, K. and Simião, D. 2017 [in press], Negotiating culture and gender expectations in Timor-Leste: ambiguities in post-colonial government strategies. To be published at: Niner, Sara (ed) Women and the politics of gender in Timor-Leste, Routledge, London. Simião, D. 2006, ‘Imagens da dor: sentidos de gênero e violência em negociação no espaço urbano de Dili, Timor-Leste’, in Paulo Seixas (ed) Diversidade Cultural e a Construção do Estado e da Nação em Timor-Leste. Editora Universidade Fernando Pessoa, Porto, pp. 165-178. World Bank 1994, Enhancing women’s participation in economic development: a World Bank policy paper. World Bank, Washington DC.

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19 ‘CEUTA’, um laço lusófono Carlos Leitão Carreira Apresentação Todos os dias milhares de pessoas passam em frente ao Palácio do Governo, em Díli, Timor-Leste. Para aqueles que olham para o interior dos jardins que adornam o grande edifício, não passa despercebido um monumento central, em pedra branca, que encabeça todo o cenário. Poucos saberão, contudo, que existem pelo menos outros sete espalhados por outros continentes, idênticos entre si, e que têm um nome: CEUTA. Imagem 1 - Monumento de Díli, Timor-Leste, em frente do Palácio do Governo

A nossa atenção para esta obra surgiu em 2008, o ano da nossa primeira visita a Timor-Leste. Foi então que, pela primeira vez, reconhecemos em Díli a exacta mesma forma existente em Torres Novas, cidade ao centro de Portugal e a única onde se pode encontrar o monumento na Europa. Foi então que, inserido nas comemorações da cidade e assinalando o Ano Internacional para o Diálogo Intercultural, levamos a cabo um trabalho de investigação, de forma a poder contextualizar este monumento na história da cidade e em cada um dos locais onde ele se encontra replicado. Nessa busca apurámos que o monumento se encontra em 8 países diferentes, todos anteriormente pertencentes à administração colonial portuguesa. Foram todos erigidos no ano de 1960, e com o propósito de assinalar os 500 anos da morte do Infante D. Henrique, o príncipe português que iniciou os estudos náuticos e lançou a gesta dos Descobrimentos, movimento percursor da globalização e dinamizador do mundo moderno. O resultado final da investigação levada a cabo traduziu-se num breve texto de apoio a uma exposição sobre o monumento, intitulada ‘48 anos do Padrão Henriquino – um marco de cooperação e amizade’, que teve lugar no teatro de Torres Novas, em 2008. Investigação que seria posteriormente complementada para publicação em revista científica portuguesa, e, a 9 de Julho de 2015, apresentada na 5ª edição das Conferências da TLSA. O texto que se apresenta trata-se dessa publicação, revista e aumentada.

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Uma conjuntura difícil Em fins da década de 50, Portugal vivia um crescente sobressalto político e social. Nas eleições de 1958, o General Humberto Delgado havia feito sombra ao governo autoritário do Estado Novo, obrigando-o a um gigantesco esforço de manipulação dos resultados. O ambiente de contestação era declarado e há muito se havia apagado o estado de graça conferido ao regime, no decorrer da neutralidade portuguesa na II Guerra Mundial. Da própria Igreja, aliado sempre próximo do regime, chegavam manifestações de desagrado. A carta pública de D. António Ferreira Gomes, Bispo do Porto, criticando o líder máximo do regime, Salazar, e o exílio que se seguiu do prelado, aprofundam a crispação e a falta de apoio ao regime. Dois dos principais sustentáculos do Estado Novo, a Igreja e as Forças Armadas, pareciam agora divididos, menos convictos no seu apoio. Um precedente nunca mais sanado, agravando-se até à revolução de 1974. Portugal entrava, então, na recta final de uma ditadura com mais de trinta anos. Interna e externamente, perspectivavam-se já as primeiras convulsões contra o domínio colonial português. O Estado da Índia, longínquo e vulnerável, vivia sobre a crescente ameaça de anexação por parte da União Indiana. Os movimentos independentistas africanos ensaiavam também o início de ofensivas contra a presença do Estado Português. Em Portugal a emigração ameaçava traduzir-se numa sangria de proporções dramáticas, rumo a França, Alemanha ou Canadá e Estados Unidos. Ainda assim, o regime procurava dar mostras de vigor ideológico, alheio à conjuntura que se agravava. Depois das grandes comemorações da década de 40 (8º Centenário da Fundação e 3º Centenário da Restauração) o ano de 1960 trazia novo pretexto para exultar os símbolos nacionais e revalidar os dogmas do Estado Novo: o V Centenário da Morte do Infante D. Henrique. E necessitado que estava de encontrar novas formas e pretextos para a sua própria reabilitação e revalidação ideológica, o regime busca nestas comemorações a assunção e partilha geral de um espírito colectivo, apaziguador e militante. Linhas Novas Peça importante neste derradeiro fôlego do regime seria, como outrora, a acção criativa dos artistas portugueses. Desde há muito empenhado em fazer-se valer pela projecção, nacional e internacional, de uma imagem onde imperasse a vanguarda e o vigor artístico, o Estado Novo procura continuar a sua ‘Política de Espírito’, implementada desde 1933. A promulgação da nova Constituição, em 1933, traria consigo a criação do Secretariado de Propaganda Nacional (depois SNI). Este organismo, vocacionado para uma orientação ideológica da produção artística e da criatividade em geral, marcará decisivamente a evolução das artes plásticas em Portugal, anunciando um rumo modernista e na vanguarda de um ‘estímulo à vida do espírito’ (de resto, inicialmente apoiado pelo próprio Fernando Pessoa). Assim se anuncia um ‘gosto oficial’, que relega para a indiferença outras tendências e sensibilidades. Na arquitectura denota-se a apreensão de uma linguagem modernizante e clássica, de clara tendência conservadora. O traço severo, tendencialmente geometrizante, em blocos, funda-se na utilização de novas técnicas e materiais industrializados, entre o cimento e o ferro, que permite ao regime uma eficácia produtiva que importava implementar, marcando o seu espaço e criando uma nova identidade, também ao nível artístico: a ordem e a disciplina. Verifica-se como que uma apropriação da estética nazi-fascista, recorrendo à sua gramática fortemente clássica, à padronização das técnicas de representação e proporções monumentais, procurando colocar o Estado, materializado na sua obra, em superioridade face ao indivíduo. Contudo, essa influência cessa onde começa a tónica nacionalista e historicista do Estado Novo, que reconhece no culto ao passado, dos feitos pátrios, e na sua transição para uma escala monumental, a forma de garantir uma autenticidade e maior aceitação desse ‘gosto oficial’, contribuindo para o discurso da grandiosidade nacional nas outras vertentes de aculturação. Na Escultura Também na escultura se reflectiriam os cânones instituídos pelo gosto dominante. A Escultura Pública, enquanto forma de enaltecer figuras e concepções adequadas à mensagem do regime, segue uma deriva de subserviência e sujeição à entidade promotora, o Estado. A dependência face à sua 113

iniciativa conduz a uma uniformização das abordagens, com raras excepções de maior autonomização. A reprodução de uma iconografia invariavelmente pautada pelos valores da Ordem e da Nação, recorrendo à estilização de géneros nacionais, integram peças laudatórias, portadoras de narrativas que visam enaltecer e mistificar os heróis e o espírito que, crêem, sustenta a legitimidade do regime, seu herdeiro moderno. Nesse sentido, a escultura conquista um lugar de destaque na atenção institucional. A criação de prémios, por parte do Secretariado de Propaganda Nacional e outras instituições governamentais, revelam esse empenho no desenvolvimento e estímulo da disciplina. Contudo, em fins da década de 60, arquitectos, escultores e artistas plásticos, encontram-se igualmente tocados pela profunda interrogação social que se fazia ao regime, o que constitui uma óbvia contrariedade à necessidade sentida por este de renovar a tradução da sua mensagem, cada vez mais anacrónica e incompreendida. Os jovens artistas, capazes de inovação, de trazer uma nova linguagem à arte, adoptavam outros paradigmas, recusando a temática oficial, e outras mensagens, nomeadamente a de contestação ao regime, pelo que recusavam ser com este conotados. A ausência de consensos, ou sequer de uma ampla participação, conduzem a um impasse e contribuem para a anulação sucessiva de importantes concursos, que visavam uma actualização da linguagem iconográfica do Estado Novo. É esta a conjuntura vivida aquando das comemorações do V Centenário da Morte do Infante D. Henrique, em 1960. O Padrão Henriquino Falecido aos 66 anos, a 13 de Novembro de 1460, D. Henrique deixava como legado uma escola de ciência, um rumo inevitável e uma nova vocação para Portugal: a expansão por mar. Factor de incremento e empreendedorismo, a gesta dos Descobrimentos marcaria a transição do reino medieval para o Estado moderno, levando de arrasto toda uma Europa, já então em acesa competição. Foi esta a figura, desde sempre presente no imaginário nacional, a homenageada de 1960 que mobilizou toda a máquina ideológica e propagandística do Estado Novo. Por todo o país se multiplicaram os concursos, jogos, desfiles e paradas, colóquios, inaugurações, discursos e publicações, num verdadeiro corrupio de comemorações onde as crianças eram peça chave, arregimentadas pelas escolas e comandos da Mocidade Portuguesa. Imagem 2 - Infante D. Henrique – Pormenor dos Painéis de São Vicente, de Nuno Gonçalves (1470-1480)

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Ora, mas se para o regime seria fundamental um assinalar expressivo da efeméride na metrópole, não menos o seria junto das colónias, desejavelmente imbuídas no mesmo espírito, enquanto símbolo vivo do ‘legado henriquino’ e verdadeiro motor de uma economia delas dependente. Era então criada, em 6 de Setembro de 1958, pela Presidência do Conselho e Ministério do Ultramar, a Comissão Ultramarina das Comemorações do V Centenário da Morte do Infante D. Henrique, presidida pelo Contra-Almirante Manuel Maria Sarmento Rodrigues. A 11 de Setembro de 1958 eram nomeadas as Comissões Provinciais do V Centenário da Morte do Infante D. Henrique, para estabelecer correspondência directa com a Comissão Ultramarina. Em Timor, a comissão provincial era presidida pelo Intendente de Distrito, Dr. Leovigildo Lisboa Santos, chefe dos Serviços de Administração Civil, posteriormente substituído pelo Comandante da Defesa Marítima de Timor, Capitão-Tenente António Sérgio Pereira Cardoso. A Comissão Provincial de Timor tinha um orçamento total de 2.750$00 para o seu programa, onde se incluía a emissão de um selo postal específico da província, alusivo à efeméride. Por sua vez, à Comissão nacional caberia a organização e divulgação, junta das respectivas Comissões Provinciais, do programa de comemorações destinado a cada província. Desse programa, e somando aos itens próprios de cada província, fizeram parte iniciativas abrangentes como um ‘Acampamento internacional da juventude’. À referida Comissão Ultramarina caberia ainda a promoção de um concurso para a escolha de um ‘Padrão Comemorativo, a erigir nas províncias ultramarinas pelas respectivas Comissões Provinciais’. Os resultados, conhecidos a 13 de Janeiro de 1960, atribuiriam o segundo prémio, no valor de 15 mil escudos, ao arquitecto Joaquim Areal, sendo o primeiro prémio, no valor de 25 mil escudos, entregue ao pintor e escultor conimbricense Severo Portela Júnior, com o projecto/modelo denominado ‘CEUTA’. Imagem 3 - Modelo do projecto vencedor de Severo Portela: CEUTA

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Severo Portela Júnior – (n. 10 Set.1898 / m. 8 Jul.1985) Severo Portela Júnior cursou escultura na Escola de Belas Artes de Lisboa, tendo o seu primeiro trabalho obtido a classificação de 20 valores. Desde cedo foi viver para Almodôvar, vila do Baixo Alentejo, onde se começou a dedicar mais à pintura, por influência da mulher, a pintora Maria José Carrilho Marreiros, aluna particular de pintura de Mestre Carlos Reis. Em 1930 recebe o prémio Rocha Cabral e a primeira medalha de ouro da Sociedade Nacional de Belas Artes, prémio que torna a receber no ano seguinte com o quadro ‘1860’, adquirido pelo Estado para o Museu de Arte Contemporânea. Foi bolseiro da Junta Nacional de Educação, em 1933, e do Instituto de Alta Cultura. Para além de primeiro classificado no concurso do Padrão Henriquino, seria o segundo premiado no concurso da medalha comemorativa do monumento a Nun’Álvares. Seria condecorado com a Ordem da Instrução Pública em 1936, e com a Ordem Militar de Cristo, em 1981. Era ainda membro jubilado da Academia Nacional de Belas Artes. Encontra-se, por sua vontade, sepultado em Almodôvar, local onde se concentra a maior parte do seu espólio artístico. O Padrão nas ex-colónias No âmbito da Escultura Pública, este será dos casos raros em que aquela se faz de forma tão ampla, dispersa e unificadora ao mesmo tempo. Observando o referido Programa de Comemorações, destinado às Províncias Ultramarinas, foram várias as cidades que, nas ex-colónias, adoptaram este modelo arquitectónico como forma de se associar às comemorações e fazer perpetuar a memória desse símbolo maior da ocupação colonial: Díli (Timor), Água Grande (S. Tomé e Príncipe), Lourenço Marques (Moçambique), Cidade da Praia (Cabo Verde), Bissau, Farim e Cacheu (GuinéBissau), Pangim (Goa, Índia), são algumas cidades onde, ainda hoje, se poderá encontrar o Padrão no seu lugar. Por confirmar ficarão as reminiscências de uma possível presença em Angola. Com efeito, apesar de no Programa se encontrar indicada a pretensão da sua construção na generalidade do Império, o prazo para a obra raramente se encontra estipulado, ficando dependente da capacidade e da iniciativa de cada ‘Comissão Provincial’, em alguns não se tendo chegado a concretizar. Assim, para Angola, admitia-se a ‘implantação de um monumento ao Infante, segundo plano que seria posto a concurso’. A Caravela Padrão A obra com a divisa ‘Ceuta’ insere-se na tipologia do Monumento, veiculando uma homenagem e evocando uma memória específica. Contudo, importa primeiro reconhecer a natureza formal desta peça, procurando desconstruir a criação do autor. O corpo principal do monumento, à primeira vista interpretável como uma vela estilizada, é, antes de mais, o comum ‘Padrão’, um marco de pedra que, no período dos Descobrimentos, os capitães mandavam implantar no solo descoberto, como forma de afirmar a soberania portuguesa e reclamar o direito de precedência. Estes marcos, em forma de pedestal, eram constituídos por uma coluna cilíndrica de alguns metros, contendo a respectiva inscrição do capitão. Seria depois encimada por um cubo, cujas 4 faces apresentariam gravadas as armas portuguesas, em baixo-relevo. No topo do cubo fixada a cruz de Cristo.

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Imagem 5- Réplica do padrão colocado pelo navegador Diogo Cão, no Cabo da Cruz, na Namíbia, em 1485

Este motivo nacional, e sobejamente reproduzido na escultura do Estado Novo, foi o ponto de partida tomado pelo artista, podendo-se reconhecer, na face frontal do monumento cada uma das componentes do padrão tradicional (coluna inscrita, cubo com armas nacionais, e cruz no topo). Severo Portela toma então a liberdade de dinamizar o estático padrão, fazendo com que o seu corpo de prolongue para trás, dando-lhe a forma de uma vela enfunada, a sensação de movimento. Por seu lado, a base da composição é composta por uma rampa que sobe no sentido da vela, o que poderá ser interpretado como forma estilizada do casco do navio. O monumento é erigido em pedra, calcário moleano, possuindo motivos decorativos em baixo-relevo. O tema desses motivos, a pretexto da comemoração do V Centenário da Morte do Infante D. Henrique, trata da composição entre uma homenagem e a evocação de uma memória. É exactamente essa duplicidade que se vislumbra na iconografia presente, em baixo-relevo, contornando o cubo deformado do Padrão. Assim, para além das armas do Infante, gravadas na face frontal do cubo, a sua face esquerda oferece a imagem do Quadrante e do Astrolábio, envoltos em estrelas.

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Imagem 6 - Instrumentos náuticos, gravados a baixo-relevo na face direita do cubo – monumento na Cidade da Praia, Cabo Verde

Estes dois elementos, essenciais à navegação nocturna, surgem como homenagem à empresa do Infante, principal organizador e financiador da gesta dos Descobrimentos. Na face direita, observamse duas caravelas que se aproximam de terra, retratando o momento antes do desembarque que daria lugar à conquista de Ceuta, em 1415. Imagem 7- Caravelas aproximando-se de Ceuta, gravado a baixo-relevo na face esquerda do cubo - monumento em Díli, Timor-Leste

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Trata-se da evocação dessa memória. A expansão da fé cristã e o aumento de solo sob domínio cristão foram algumas das motivações que levaram à conquista da importante praça marroquina de Ceuta. Revestindo o espírito de cruzada, o Infante D. Henrique é apontado como principal instigador do avanço sobre África, tendo insistido junto de seu pai, D. João I, para que tomasse a decisão. Após a tomada chegaria a ser encarregue do governo da praça. Daí a forte ligação do Infante a Ceuta. Daí a temática escolhida por Severo Portela. Por fim, na sua face esquerda, em letras a bronze, o monumento contém a inscrição ‘POR MARES / NUNCA DANTES / NAVEGADOS’, citando as estrofes do poeta português Luís Vaz de Camões. Na sua face direita, também em letras a bronze, encontra-se escrito ‘V CENTENARIO / DA MORTE DO / INFANTE D. HENRIQUE’. Tendo partido de um pintor com visível predilecção pelo estudo da gente simples, seus rostos, trajes e alfaias, um pouco ao gosto naturalista, torna-se peculiar esta sua incursão pelas linhas rectas e formas clássicas da escultura monumental do Estado Novo. Não se lhe conhecem outros projectos do género, salvaguardando-se a criação de alguma estatuária. Num tempo em que o regime procurava contrariar todas as novas tendências, políticas, económicas, sociais e, inclusive artísticas, Severo Portela terá condescendido em criar algo de acordo com os cânones da idade de ouro do Estado Novo. Uma nova missão Conservado que foi em 8 cidades da Lusofonia, o Padrão Henriquino representa, agora, pouco mais que a ténue memória de uma época em que a arte tinha uma função eminentemente ideológica e política. O símbolo de um regime, a marca de uma época, o selo de uma presença dominante. Hoje, ultrapassadas todas as dúvidas e redefinida a identidade destes países, compete-nos o dever de estreitar laços e encorajar novas formas de diálogo. O Padrão Henriquino, longe de representar hoje, para os povos que o mantêm, um símbolo da devassa ou da tutela de um povo, poderá representar e cumprir uma nova missão, como símbolo comum entre estas cidades e legado de uma história partilhada. Este e outros monumentos do período colonial pertencem agora à herança cultural destas novas nações. Uma parte da sua própria história e um bem para o seu futuro. Bibliografia Aavv, 1998, Severo Portela (1898-1985) – O Homem e o Artista No 1º Centenário do seu Nascimento, s.n., 2ª edição, Braga

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Abreu, José Guilherme, 2007, Escultura Pública e Monumentalidade em Portugal (1948-1998), Tese de Doutoramento na FCSH-UNL Grande Enciclopédia Portuguesa e Brasileira, Vol. 22, Editorial Enciclopédia, Lda., Lisboa – Rio de Janeiro, pag.580 Programa das comemorações nas províncias ultramarinas, 1960, Presidência do Concelho e Ministério do Ultramar, Lisboa Tostões, Ana Cristina, 1995, ‘Arquitectura portuguesa do século XX’, in: História da Arte Portuguesa, Dir. Paulo Pereira, Barcelona, Círculo de Leitores, Col. Grandes Temas da Nossa História, Vol. III

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Timor-Leste: the local, the regional and the global Edited by Sarah Smith

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20 Portugal and the Netherlands in Timor, 1945-1949 Steven Farram The post-Second World War Dutch-Portuguese relationship in the context of Timor appears to have been friendly and co-operative. Nevertheless, the two European administrations had different views on how to engage their subject populations, and were competitive in their efforts to develop their territories. Otherwise, post-war anti-colonialism gave the two colonial powers a mutual identity previously lacking. A related issue was the establishment of the United Nations (UN) as a body for resolving international disputes. The Dutch and Portuguese also had to respond to Australia’s determination to play a greater role in the region. Following the Japanese capitulation, Australia occupied the eastern Indonesian archipelago for the Allies. Both the Dutch and Portuguese expected that their representatives would accept the Japanese surrender in their respective halves of Timor, but Australia thought otherwise. Australia informed the United Kingdom (UK) that it believed Portugal had been ‘an acquiescent spectator in the Pacific War’ and was ‘unfit to be entrusted with defence of territory so important to the security of this area’. Australia proposed that after accepting the Japanese surrender, its forces should remain in Portuguese Timor until Portugal and Australia concluded defence and economic arrangements first proposed in 1943. The UK countered that an Australian occupation would have a negative effect on the UK, which wished to maintain good relations with Portugal to ensure continued use of bases on the Azores Islands. Australia then suggested that Portuguese Timor could be placed under UN trusteeship (Addison 1989, 377-380; Commonwealth 1989a, 374-376; Commonwealth 1989b, 391393). By this time, Australia had learnt that the Japanese had not established separate commands in eastern and western Timor, so that only one surrender ceremony was necessary, which took place at Kupang on 11 September 1945, but with the Dutch denied any major role (Farram 2007, 57). Australia remained determined to appear as the victor in Portuguese Timor also and on 23 September, Brigadier Lewis Dyke of the Australian forces arrived in Dili. Dyke formally notified Governor Manuel de Carvalho of the surrender of Japanese forces on Timor. At Dyke’s suggestion, he and Carvalho made speeches at a public ceremony the following day acknowledging Australia’s association with the liberation of Portuguese Timor (Forsyth 1989, 470-472). Some Australians believed that the best way to protect Australia’s north was to take control of Timor. In August 1945, an Australian representative asked the Portuguese ambassador in London how his government would respond to the suggestion of a 100 year lease of Portuguese Timor to Australia. The ambassador replied that Portugal could not relinquish sovereignty of any of its territory (Farram 2007, 57). In January 1946, Australia’s first consul to Portuguese Timor, Charles Eaton, arrived in Dili to keep an eye on Australia’s interests. West Timor had not been forgotten, however, and in April 1947, it was suggested to Dutch officials that the Netherlands could diminish its war debt by allowing Australia to administer West Timor. The following month, Eaton travelled to West Timor, partly to investigate means of Australia gaining a long-term lease of the territory or some parts of it. Eaton, however, could make no suggestions on how to gain concessions there from the Dutch (Farram 2010, 1, 35). The fact was that Dutch officials had been instructed to have no discussions on the matter. Despite some ambitions, Australia’s post-war military presence in Timor was short-lived. Following Australia’s departure, Portuguese-Dutch relations returned to the pre-war routine where the main disputes were those concerning the Timorese. For example, in October 1946 the head of the Dutch administration, Resident C.W. Schuller, reported that there had recently been crossings from both sides of the border that had resulted in a number of killings. The Dutch and Portuguese set up a joint commission to investigate the incidents and agreed to a number of measures for maintaining order (Schuller 1946). These included: • •

Both parties to punish subjects who cross the border with weapons Both parties to prevent subjects shooting across the border 122

• •

Both parties to report monthly on the number of immigrants Border patrols to be carried out by police, not soldiers

Many of the problems were caused by livestock theft. In March 1946, the controleur (controller) of the Dutch sub-division Belu reported cattle thefts organised from Portuguese territory (De Rooy 1973, 474). A year later, Schuller reported 200 buffaloes had recently been stolen from Netherlands territory (Schuller 1947). And in February 1948, it was reported that 100 head of cattle had been driven into Oecusse from Netherlands Timor in October the previous year. According to the Dutch, the cattle were transported by sea to Dili and other places in Portuguese territory (Schuller 1948). Then in April 1948, it was reported that a chefe de posto (administrative head of a sub-district) in Portuguese territory near the central border was implicated in receiving stolen horses (Van Es 1948). In June 1948, Schuller reported that old feuds were often the cause of such thefts and were not considered by the Timorese to be a crime, but something meritorious (Schuller 1948). In 1948 in Belu 167 cases of livestock theft were reported, as well as twenty-four other thefts, forty-five murders, and many other cases. How many of those cases involved Portuguese Timorese is unclear, but in one dramatic case in September 1948, thirty-four Portuguese Timorese who had crossed the border several years earlier to live in Dutch territory were carried off by a band of armed men together with livestock and household items (Verhoef 1949). In his June 1948 report, Schuller claimed that Portuguese Timorese sought refuge in Netherlands territory for three main reasons: to escape high taxation; to avoid corvée (forced labour); and to avoid punishment for the commission of crimes. Portuguese officials sent letters weekly to their Dutch counterparts seeking extradition of such fugitives. In most cases the people concerned were simply collected by the police and returned to the other side. The Portuguese performed the same service for the Dutch. The Dutch, however, would not return people who they believed had settled in their territory only to avoid high taxes and heavy labour (Schuller 1948). Corvée was not continued in West Timor post-war, but in Portuguese Timor it was, with each village providing workers for one month each year. An Australian in Portuguese Timor in 1947 described the system as ‘brutal’, with workers labouring ‘under the whip’ ‘from dawn to dusk’ (Taylor 1991, 14). On top of this, Eaton reported in December 1946 that an increase in the yearly head tax from six patacas to sixteen patacas had caused ‘shock and grumblings’ (Eaton 1946b, 1946c). Meanwhile, Dutch Timorese had to pay a head tax of four guilders a year, failing that they must work for ten days, that is, labour was required in lieu of tax, not in addition to it (Eaton 1946b, 1947). During a tour of the Hatolia, Bobonaro, Marobo and Balibo districts in December 1946, Eaton witnessed collection of the head tax firsthand. Fifty per cent of people had paid, but it was difficult collecting the rest. Some people had ‘gone bush’ to avoid payment. The remaining tax defaulters were said to be ‘bad men’ who had co-operated with the Japanese during the war; such people were subject to corporal punishment (Eaton 1946d). No doubt, it was experiences such as these that encouraged some Portuguese Timorese to relocate across the border. In the meantime, Australian investigators had collected information about Japanese war crimes and cases of collaboration with the enemy. The only cases to proceed, however, concerned maltreatment of Australian prisoners of war and the killing of two Allied servicemen: Australian Corporal J.H. Armstrong and the English gunner Martin (no other name cited). The cases were heard in Darwin in March-April 1946. A number of the Japanese were acquitted and the remainder received light sentences. Lieutenant Colonel Yutani Yujiro, however, was found guilty of ordering the executions of Armstrong and Martin and executed at Rabaul in August 1946 (Farram 2009, 199; Gill 1992, 100). Following Australia’s withdrawal, the Dutch continued investigations. In February 1947, 127 Japanese were held in Kupang, but only nine cases were ready to proceed (Schuller 1947; Versluys 1947). In June 1947, more Japanese accused were brought from Java, but in August 1947, five prisoners escaped. One was soon recaptured and three others were shot dead while on the run. The fifth, Sergeant Major Yoshimitu Sato, was caught in Portuguese Timor. In a Dili prison, Sato unsuccessfully attempted suicide, both by slashing his wrists and hanging himself. He was flown back to Kupang by the Portuguese (Schuller 1947; Pigram 1947). Sato’s ultimate fate is unclear. Trials in Kupang proceeded with two cases around the time of Sato’s return resulting in one Japanese being sentenced to twelve years imprisonment and another sentenced to death (Schuller 1947). At least three 123

Japanese were sentenced to death in 1948. Others received sentences ranging from one to twenty years imprisonment. There was at least one acquittal (Van Es 1948; Schuller 1948; CommiesRedacteur 1948). In October 1946, Raja Pius Rasi Wangge, ruler of Lio on Flores Island, was found guilty of inciting ‘rebellion and collaboration’ in May 1942. Wangge was executed in April 1947. Roefoes Takoe, a Timorese agent of the Japanese military police, the Kempeitai, was also sentenced to death in October 1946 and executed in February 1947 (Schuller 1946, 1947). And TaEl TaEk, ‘the notorious war criminal from Atambua’, was sentenced to death in March 1947. Throughout 19471948, trials continued in Kupang with other collaborators receiving sentences ranging from a few months to twenty years (Schuller 1947, 1948; Van Es 1948). In Portuguese Timor there were also people labelled ‘collaborator’. In many cases the Japanese instigated the killings of Portuguese officials and civilians, such as occurred in late September-early October 1942, when Captain Freire da Costa, his wife and several officials were massacred at Aileu. On 15 November 1942, the administrador (administrator) of Lautem, Manuel de Barros, his wife and three Portuguese civilians were killed. At Aileu the Timorese involved were said to have been mainly from West Timor, but at Lautem they were locals. Japanese instigated killings also took place at Ermera (Chamberlain 2005, 3-4). By 1943, most Portuguese had been interned by the Japanese at Liquiça and Maubara, where some Timorese worked as guards. Meanwhile, members of the Arab community were reported to have been appointed chefe de posto or to have worked for the Kempeitai (Gunn 1999, 226). The Dili commander of the Kempeitai, Kato Kazusada, was later returned to Dili by the Dutch to stand trial (Schuller 1947, 1948). The outcome is presently unclear. In May 1946, the Australian consul at Dili reported that ‘250 natives who collaborated with the Japanese’ had recently been sent to Atauro (Eaton 1946a). In January 1949, the Dutch resident (resident) also reported that ‘collaborators’ were being held there (Verhoef 1949). In 1954, Portuguese Timor’s chief justice informed the Australian consul that about 1,000 collaborators had been sentenced to varying terms of imprisonment on Atauro, while about 100 people were still awaiting trial. The slow progress was due to cases only being heard when other legal business was not too heavy. Most of those tried had been involved in the Aileu, Ermera and Lautem massacres. They were all Timorese, although one ‘Portuguese half caste’ received a ten year sentence for instigating Timorese collaboration in Lautem (Whittaker 1954). Meanwhile, development of aviation facilities was deemed important by both the Dutch and Portuguese. In the early post-war years, aircraft travelling from Australia to Java used the Penfui airfield at Kupang as a staging post. In May 1947, Schuller was invited by Governor Oscar Ruas to the opening of the Baucau airfield. Schuller noted that Baucau was clearly designed as an international airport and rival to Penfui. Plans were already laid, however, for improvements at Penfui, which from 1 April 1948 would be officially classed as an international airport. In late 1947, Schuller was told by Ruas that it was expected that from 1 January 1948, Constellation aircraft on the Darwin-Singapore-Hong Kong route would stopover in Baucau (Schuller 1947). By March 1948, improvements at Penfui had still not begun, but neither had the international flights to Baucau, although plans for a Sydney-Darwin-Baucau-Shanghai-Hong Kong route were said to be ‘getting stronger’ (Schuller 1948). In a March 1948 report Schuller noted that the Portuguese company TAT was expected to soon start flying Douglas DC3 or Lockheed Hudson aircraft, but by June, Schuller seemed almost exultant when he declared, ‘In the meantime, the great plans for the TAT to open an international airline with DC3s or other large machines is not so noticeable!’ (Schuller 1948). In January 1949, the Dutch noted that nothing had come of the plans for international air traffic at Baucau (Verhoef 1949). In fact, neither Penfui nor Baucau operated as genuine international airports during the period of this study. The Dutch also had to deal with the independence claims of the Republic of Indonesia. Part of Dutch policy for containing the Republic was an extension of political rights to the Indies inhabitants, with those from West Timor being represented in the parliament of the new state Negara Indonesia Timur (NIT, State of East Indonesia). The system saw some Dutch officials replaced by Indonesians, but senior positions such as resident and department head remained in Dutch hands. Nevertheless, there was a decentralisation of authority that created some ambiguity. Thus, in May 1947 when the Australian consul at Dili visited West Timor, he was told by Schuller that he was not happy that he was a representative of the Dutch government, but also an adviser to the Indonesians. This meant he 124

had to obey the orders of the NIT government in Makassar and the Netherlands Indies government in Batavia (Jakarta). Schuller said he would be glad when it was time for him to leave. Similar complaints were heard from other Dutch officials (Farram 2009, 206-213). In April 1947, Ruas informed Schuller that he wanted no contact between Liran and Atauro. Ruas claimed that people from Liran, the Dutch island closest to Atauro, were spreading ‘Indonesian propaganda’ (Schuller 1947). Australia’s representative at The Hague reported in October that the Dutch had sought Portuguese assistance to prevent anti-Dutch propaganda entering West Timor from across the border. The Portuguese apparently agreed readily out of fear of repercussions in their territory and even suggested a combined Portuguese-Dutch police force take action if any trouble occurred on either side of the border (Officer 1994). The Australian consul at Dili was asked to comment on the report and replied that in discussions he had with Ruas, the latter denied the existence of any nationalist aspirations in Portuguese Timor and that he had no doubt of the loyalty of the Timorese. Problems on the other side of the border, said Ruas, were due to the ‘natives’ being imbued with the spirit of ‘democracy’ (White 1994, 421-422). The Dutch had considered the Republic of Indonesia to be of little account, but due to outside pressure they had to accept its right to exist. Finally, claiming that the Republic had not maintained security, the Dutch launched a ‘police action’ in July 1947, attacking Republican territory in Java and Sumatra. This resulted in the case being brought before the UN Security Council. Indonesia’s struggle to attain independence and Dutch efforts to prevent it has been described at length elsewhere (e.g., George 1980). Here it is sufficient to note that while the Dutch appear to have considered the Portuguese system of colonialism as practiced on Timor to be an outdated model, they were happy to elicit Portugal’s support to help them continue to practice their own version in their half of the island and elsewhere in Indonesia. On 6 September 1947, H.F.L.K. van Vredenburch, Dutch head of Political Affairs, met the Portuguese charge d’affaires, Mr. Reymao. Van Vredenburch told Reymao how the UN was limiting Dutch ability to deal with the Republic. According to Van Vredenburch, Reymao realised that a worsening Dutch position would have consequences for Portuguese Timor, so he asked how he could help. Van Vredenburch requested that Portugal inform Brazil of the situation with a view that Brazil’s representatives in the UN would not make the Dutch position any worse (Van Vredenburch 1983). The Netherlands was assured of Portugal’s support, but Portugal could do little, as it was not a member of the UN. In December 1948, the Dutch launched their second ‘police action’ against the Republic. The following month, Dutch foreign minister, D.U. Stikker, informed his colleagues of the reactions of various countries. Regarding Portugal, Stikker said that the government had understanding and sympathy for Dutch efforts to neutralise the Republic. Stikker also told his colleagues how the press was dealing with the issue in each place he mentioned. In Portugal, he said, the press did not have an independent version of events, an attitude enforced by a government that had difficulties in its own Asian colonies (Stikker 1992, 32). The first Dutch ‘police action’ was condemned by the international community. One result was the creation of the UN Good Offices Committee charged with seeking a resolution of the dispute between the Netherlands and the Republic. The second ‘police action’ led to further pressure for a solution to be found and even the leaders of the NIT turned against their Dutch mentors. Finally, the Dutch conceded they were no longer welcome and prepared to hand sovereignty to an independent Indonesia from 27 December 1949. On 29 October 1949, ex-resident A. Verhoef wrote his last report for West Timor, noting that the Timor residency had ceased to exist on 1 October and all administrative functions had been handed over to local authorities (Verhoef 1949). The strength of the internationally supported Indonesian independence movement had always meant that the Dutch would have difficulties in maintaining their position in the Indies. Australia made some vague efforts in the early post-war years to gain control of all or part of West Timor, but the strident support Australia gave to the Republic of Indonesia in the UN helped to strengthen the Republic’s claim for sovereignty over the whole of the Netherlands Indies. Portugal, in the meantime, did not need to deal with any nationalist movement in the immediate post-war Portuguese Timor. Portugal was also largely immune from international criticism of its colonial system due to guarantees given by the UK and the United States of America (USA) to respect Portugal’s colonial possessions after the war as a condition for the military use of the Azores Islands 125

(Gunn 2011, 9). Australia had agreed to this condition also, but still threatened to occupy Portuguese Timor after the war and also recommended that it come under UN control. Australia was dissuaded from such action by the UK. Australia then sought influence in Portuguese Timor by establishing a consulate there in 1946. By the time the Dutch vacated their half of the island, Australia’s enthusiasm for Timor had begun to wane. The Australian consulate in Dili finally closed in 1971, but Australia seems to have lost interest in having a presence on the island well before then (Farram 2010). By December 1975, conditions and policies had changed and Indonesia, with the covert support of Australia and the USA, invaded East Timor, declaring that it had become Indonesia’s twenty-seventh province in 1976 (Farram 2007, 58-59). But that is another story. Bibliography Addison, Viscount 1989, ‘Addison to Commonwealth Government. Cablegram 344. London, 30 August 1945’, in W.J. Hudson and Wendy May (eds), Documents on Australian Foreign Policy, 1937-49, Volume VIII: 1945, Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra, pp. 377-380. Chamberlain, Ernest 2005, Faltering Steps: Independence Movements in East Timor in the 1950s and 1960s, self-published, Point Lonsdale. Commies-Redacteur 1948, ‘Lijst van den op 27sten Augustus 1948 per post aan Z.E. den Luit. Gouv.-Generaal van Ned. Indie, verzonden dienststukken. Koepang, 27 Augustus 1948, De Commies-Redacteur’, No. 3260. Politieke and economic verslagen betreffende de residentie Timor en Onderhorigheden, uitgebracht door de resident in Kupang; 1948 jan-1949 sep [hereafter, No. 3260], Algemeen Rijksarchief, Den Haag, no pagination. Commonwealth 1989a, ‘Commonwealth Government to Addison. Cablegram 256. Canberra, 28 August 1945’, in Hudson and May, Documents on Australian Foreign Policy, Volume VIII, pp. 374-376. --- 1989b, ‘Commonwealth Government to Addison. Cablegram 269. Canberra, 3 September 1945’, in Hudson and May, Documents on Australian Foreign Policy, Volume VIII, pp. 391-393. Eaton, Charles 1946a, ‘Despatch No. 1. C. Eaton, Consul, Australian Consulate, Dili. 5 May 1946’, NAA [National Archives of Australia]: A1838, 377/1/3 Part 1, no pagination. --- 1946b, ‘Despatch No. 9. C. Eaton, Consul, to the Rt. Honourable J. B. Chiffley [sic], Acting Minister of State for External Affairs. 27 August 1946’, NAA: A5954, 2269/4, no pagination. --- 1946c, ‘Despatch No. 16. C. Eaton, Consul, to the Rt. Hon. Dr. H.V. Evatt. 4 December 1946’, NAA: A1838, 377/1/3 Part 1, no pagination. --- 1946d, ‘Despatch No. 17. C. Eaton, Consul, to the Rt. Hon. Dr. H.V. Evatt. 18 December 1946’, NAA: A1838, 377/1/3 Part 1, no pagination. --- 1947, ‘Consular series No. 63. C. Eaton, Consul, to the Secretary, Department of External Affairs, Canberra, A.C.T. 12 May 1947’, NAA: A1838, TS400/1/9/1/1, no pagination. Es, A.J. van 1948, various documents, No. 3260, Algemeen Rijksarchief, Den Haag, no pagination. Farram, Steven 2007, ‘Australian interest in Timor: A historical overview’, in Dennis Shoesmith (ed), The Crisis in Timor-Leste: Understanding the Past, Imagining the Future, CDU Press, Darwin. Farram, Steven 2009, A Political History of West Timor: 1901-1967, LAP, Köln. --- 2010, A short-lived enthusiasm: The Australian consulate in Portuguese Timor, CDU Press, Darwin. Forsyth, W.D. 1989, ‘Report by Forsyth. Extract. 1 October 1945’, in Hudson and May, Documents on Australian Foreign Policy, Volume VIII, pp. 470-472. George, Margaret 1980, Australia and the Indonesian Revolution, Melbourne University Press, Carlton. Gill, Rob 1995, ‘The aftermath of war (Japanese soldiers on trial in Darwin)’, Northern Perspective, 18(2): 95100. Gunn, Geoffrey C. 1999, Timor Loro Sae: 500 Years, Livros de Oriente, Macau. --- 2011, Historical Dictionary of East Timor, Scarecrow Press, Lanham. Officer, Keith 1994, ‘Officer to Evatt. Ministerial Despatch Hag 26/47. The Hague, 8 October 1947’, in Philip Dorling (ed), Diplomasi: Australia and Indonesia’s Independence. Documents 1947, Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra, p. 348. Pigram, Norman 1947, ‘Ministerial Despatch No. 7/47. N. Pigram, A/Consular Clerk, Dili-Timor, to the Rt. Hon. J.B. Chifley. A/Minister of State for External Affairs, Canberra, A.C.T.’ 9 October 1947, NAA: A1838, 377/1/3 Part 2, no pagination. Rooy, C.C. de 1973, ‘Politieike verslag van chief commanding officer Nica (De Rooy) betreffende Borneo en de Groote Oost, 16 febr.-1 maart 1946’, in S.L. van der Wal (ed), Officiële Bescheiden betreffende de Nederlands-Indonesische Betrekkingen 1945-1950. Deel 2, Martinus Nijhoff, ’s Gravenhage, pp. 470474.

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Schuller, C.W. 1946, various documents, No. 3259. Politieke and economic verslagen betreffende de residentie Timor en Onderhorigheden, uitgebracht door de resident in Kupang; 1946 okt-1947 dec [hereafter, No. 3259], Algemeen Rijksarchief, Den Haag, no pagination. --- 1947, various documents, No. 3259, Algemeen Rijksarchief, Den Haag, no pagination. --- 1948, various documents, No. 3260, Algemeen Rijksarchief, Den Haag, no pagination. Stikker, D.U. 1992, ‘Minister van buitenlandse zaken (Stikker) aan de leden van de ministeraad en de vertegenwoordigers van Nederland in het buitenland, 14 jan. 1949’, in P.J. Drooglever and M.J.B. Schouten (eds), Officiële Bescheiden. Deel 17, pp. 30-38. Taylor, John G. 1991, Indonesia’s Forgotten War: The Hidden History of East Timor, Pluto Press, Leichhardt. Verhoef A. 1949, various documents, No. 3260, Algemeen Rijksarchief, Den Haag, no pagination. Versluys, J.D.N. 1947, Various documents, No. 3259, Algemeen Rijksarchief, Den Haag, no pagination. Vredenburch, H.F.L.K. van 1983, ‘Aantekening van de chef directie politieke zaken van het ministerie van buitenlandse zaken (Van Vredenburch), 8 Sept. 1947’, in Drooglever and Schouten, Officiële Bescheiden. Deel 11, p. 56. White, Harold 1994, ‘White to Burton. Memorandum 152. Dili, 26 November 1947’, in Dorling, Diplomasi, pp. 421-422. Whittaker, F.J.A. 1954, ‘FJAW 12/1/1, No. 3. Memorandum for the Secretary, Department of External Affairs, Canberra A.C.T. 8th February 1954. Collaboration with the Japanese, Portuguese Timor 1942-1945’, NAA: A1838, 3038/7/1 Part 1, no pagination.



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21 Road traffic accidents and policy interventions in Dili José Lucas Do Carmo Da Silva and Bernardo Idalina Leto1 Introduction Road traffic injuries are a major cause of death and disability globally and are currently ranked ninth globally among leading causes of disability adjusted life years lost (DALYs) and is projected to be ranked as the most common cause of disability by 2030 (Murray 1996; WHO 2003). According to the Global Road Safety Partnership (hosted by the International Federation of Red Cross) 1.2 million people die each year worldwide as a result of traffic accednets, and as many as 50 million are injured. Of these, over 75% to 85% of deaths occur in low and middle income countries and account for 96% of the all child deaths are related to traffic accidents (Krug 1999). Despite this, road traffic accidents (RTAs) and related injuries are under-recognized as a major public health problem in low income countries (WHO, 1983) compared to infectious diseases such as malaria and HIV/AIDS which together with RTAs continue to causes morbidity, mortality and disability in developing countries. Regionally in South East Asia RTAs accounted for 334,815 deaths during 2010, at a rate of 18.5 per 100 000 population. Furthermore, rates of traffic deaths are higher (19.5 per 100 000 population) in middle income countries in comparison to low income countries (12.7 per 100 000 population) (WHO 2013a). The survey estimates revealed that the road traffic death rate per 100 000 population in East Timor is the second highest in the region after Thailand. East Timor is an agriculture and also oil dependent country. The recent discovery and earliest exploration of oil and gas subsequently resulted in a boom of oil prices since 2004 and has subsequently changed the economy and life style of the Timorese people. The gross domestic product (GDP) and the per capita income has grown rapidly in East Timor, making the country classified as a middle income country with a per capita of 10 to 12 percent (World Bank Report 2012). Despite the commercial exploitation of oil in the last decade, the economy of East Timor continues to focus on subsistence agriculture and fishing. Urbanization has occurred rapidly, changing the spatial distribution of the population with intensive migration from rural to urban areas and from less developed to more developed areas. Consequently, road construction programs have increased in their collaboration with other development programmes in East Timor. In 2002, highways extended across approximately 3.800 km (2.361 mi), however only about 428 km (266 mi) were paved (WEN 2007). Today paved highways stretch to double the previous number. East Timor has undergone rapid motorization with the number of cars and motorbikes on the roads in Dili, the capital city, doubling in just three years as indicated in Table 1. The result has been a large increase in the number of automobiles usage and car ownership in East Timor. Table 1 - Total number of registered vehicles by year. Source: Direcção Nacional dos Transportes Terrestres/National Directorate for Land Transports 2010; DNE 2013.

Year 2004 2005 2006

Total vehicle registered 6.590 2.259 1.4613

1

The authors wish to thank Mr. Hugo Fernandes, the Director of Asia Foundation in Timor Leste for the funding for this study. Our gratitude also goes to the Director of CNIC for his moral support, chief of Transit Department from the National Police of East Timor (PNTL), the head of Direcção Nacional dos Transportes Terrestres (DNTT) for their data, support and details comments about traffic accidents in Dili. We would like also to thank our fellow Gobie Rajalingam, from the TAF Office for his valuable comments. The authors believed that their dedication to their work is certainly a contributing factor to the recent reduction of road traffic accidents in Dili particularly and East Timor generally. This study would not have been feasible without their support.

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2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013

1.415 5.669 11 525 10.940 8.526 13.940 15.978

Consequently, there has been contribute to an increase in RTAs with casualties and fatalities creating a serious public health problem in East Timor as indicated in Table 2. Table 2 - Types of accidents recorded by year.

Types of Accidents Minor injuries

Year 2010 1509

2011 1228

2012 1039

2013 1164

Serious injuries

391

328

232

367

Fatalities

76

73

43

69

Total recorded traffic accidents

1.976

1.534

1.314

1.600

Source: PNTL/Traffic Accident Department and DNE, 2013

RTAs not only bring an amount of human suffering, but also incur huge economic and social costs in East Timor. In addition, the road safety status in the WHO South East Asia Region revealed that there has been large increase in the number of automobiles usage and car ownership in East Timor approximately 26649 total registered vehicles per 1000 population by 2011 (WHO 2009). Numerous studies also discovered that human error constitutes over 80% of RTAs (Domian 2006; Jain et al. 2012; Pratte 1998) followed by vehicles elements and environmental and road network factors (WHO 2013b). Despite the fact that East Timor has an estimated high rate of RTAs, very little has been done to establish the causes of this problem. There is a paucity of literature about the motorization RTAs in East Timor. To our knowledge, no comprehensive work has been undertaken on level trends and determinants of road traffic accident and its causality in East Timor past. Objective of the Study This study aims to collect opinions of relevant stakeholders on possible underlying factors contributing to traffic accidents in Dili with particular focus on human error, vehicle conditions and road networks. The findings of this study may have essential policy implications for transport and road safety planning in East Timor. Research design and methodology Study Area The intention of this research is to undertake a comprehensive study on RTAs in Dili district, with selected locations across the city (see Figure 1). These locations included: protocol venue from Comoro to towards the Government Palace and also four main bus terminals in the town – Becora, Mercado Lama, and Tasi-Tolu. The study locations were selected based on the following criteria: • •

High volume and frequency of transportations mobility, Protocol venues which required certain level of driving accuracy and skills, 129

Road users are highly vulnerable to the traffic accidents, Communities that are already exhibiting some level of RTAs Compared to other locations in the country.

• • •

Figure 1 - Locations of study areas indicated with red circles.

2 Taci-tolu bus Terminal

4

1 Avenida Presidente Nicolau Lobato

Becora bus terminal 3

M. Lama bus terminal

Methodology The procedure for data collection employed in the field based on both qualitative and quantitative techniques. Structure interviews, focus group discussions, observations and review of secondary data were conducted. Qualitative The use of qualitative methodology helps to understand life experiences and to reflect on the understandings and shared meaning of peoples’ everyday social life and realities (Limb 2001). Focus group discussion with the accident victims who attended the National Hospital, Officials from the Ministry of Health, Police Office and the National Hospital Guido Valdares, and personal observation with Government officials. This approach employed to gathering the views of an organization is more appropriate through descriptive method interviews. This is because it is recognised that being asked questions by a neutral listener is generally rewarding for respondents, since it gives them more opportunity to explain situations and attitudes in their own words rather than in a pre-determined format (Seale 1998). The aim of collecting information from key informants is to seek the views of government officials in various organizations about what the central government has done about RTAs in East Timor. Quantitative Quantitative methods were employed to provide comparisons and statistical aggregations of data obtained from interviews (questionnaire based). The questionnaire used for the road users were mainly drivers in the capital of the country. Typically, quantitative methods are characterized by the use of close ended questions for yes or no answers or through a set of predefined answers using the Likert scale (example strongly agree or strongly dis-agree) which can be quantified, comparable and measurable to provide numeric results. This survey design was influenced by a previous perception survey (Jones 1997) and the questionnaire designed is based on attitude rating scales and tick boxes, using a five category Likert scale devised to indicate how much the respondent agrees or disagrees with the statement (Myatt et al. 2003). The code for the respondent was one to five (e.g. 1=strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3= don’t know, 4=agree and 5=strongly agree).

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In this study, quantitative source of data was collected in the field driver’s opinions on the three major elements which potentially contributed to the traffic accidents in Dili city, East Timor. Sample Size Target populations for this study include public and private drivers which operating their vehicles in Dili and co-operates institutions that works associates with RTAs. Sample Size study for the questioner based 197 and 20 participants for the FGD. To determined sample size for the quantitative methods derived from total number of registered vehicles in 2014 from the DNTT annual report which is 14300 based on Slovin methods with significant 10%. Particularly for the 20 participants for FGD were selected from their respective institutions to participate in the research discussion. A checklist form and questionnaire guide was developed to collect individual opinions through direct interview with a set of questionnaires. In total this study administered a total sample size of 200 respondents for the quantitative sample. Include 100 questionnaires were administered in the protocol venues (from Comoro roundabout / lafatik toward Audian), 30 questionnaires for bus terminal in Tasi tolu, 30 Becora terminal and 40 in Mercado lama terminal in the capital city. In addition to the Focus Group Discussion (FGD) with 20 respondents which devided in to three small groups. The quantitative data was analyzed using Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS). Results or Findings Presentation of the results in the report was divided into three main sub-sections: first section determines the demographics of respondents: occupation, age, gender, locations as well as how long have been driving, second section consisted of introductory questions and third section concentrated on stakeholder’s opinions on the main factors contributing to RTAs in Dili. Respondents Profile Respondents for the study composed of men (96%) and female (4%) respondents. Most (88%) respondents originally from Dili city just few (12%) of the respondents from the districts. As far as drivers category is concerned respondents mainly comprised of public transport drivers (such as bus drivers, microlet drivers, taxi drivers and others) (58%). and private drivers (33%). Other respondents who participated in this study made up approximately 9% of the respondents as presented in Graph 1. Graph 1 - Summary of respondents type



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Graph 2 demonstrates that the majority of respondents (23%) had completed junior high school, followed by respondents who completed high school (16%), completed primary school (15%) and enrolled in the primary school, but never finished (14%). Remaining respondent groups together made 18% of the respondents. Graph 2 - Summary of the respondent’s educational level.

Never attendded School 3% University 12%

Not Completed High School 11%

Completed High School 16%

Completed Primary School 15%

Not Completed Primary School 14%

Completed Junior High School 23% Not Completed Junior High School 6%

Almost 60% of respondents were aged between 18 and 30 years old (Graph 3). 34 % of the respondents were aged between 31 and 45 years old and 7% of the respondents age between 46 and 65 years old. Only 2% of the respondents under 18% years old as demonstrated in the graph below.

132

Graph 3 - Summary on Respondents age.

Results presented in the graph 4 indicate that 37% of the respondents have been working as a public transport driver between 6 – 10 years. Approximately 26% of the respondents have been driving for the duration of 11 – 20 years. 23% of the respondents have been driving for less than 5 years and 11% of the respondents were driving for almost 21 – 35 years. Only 3% of the respondents had been driving between 36 – 45 years. Graph 4 - Duration working as driver. 21 to 35 years 11%

36 to 45 years > 50 years 3% 0%

< 5 years 23% 11 to 20 years 26%

6 to 10 years 37%

Introductory Questions In this report, two introductory questions were devised to explore the extent of each respondent’s opinions on the level of understanding on the importance of traffic accidents in the capital of Dili and possible causes. Graph 5 demonstrates that majority opinions of respondents regard traffic accidents as an important issue need to be addressed in the capital of Dili. 133

[CATEGORY NAME], [VALUE]

[CATEGORY NAME], [VALUE]

RESPOMDENTS (%)

[CATEGORY NAME], [VALUE]

Graph 5 - Road and Traffic Accidents is an important issue need to be addressed in the capital Dili.

YES

NO

I DONT KNOW

Results presented in Graph 6 shows that human error is the most dominant factor. Other factors such as; car conditions and road conditions remain low in the contributions.

HUMAN ERRORS

VEHICLE CONDITIONS

ROAD CONDITIONS

[CATEGORY NAME], [VALUE]

[CATEGORY NAME], [VALUE]

[CATEGORY NAME], [VALUE]

[CATEGORY NAME], [VALUE]

RESPONDENTS (%)

Graph 6 - Opinions on common factors contributing to traffic accidents in Dili.

ALL THREE COMPONENTS

Possible causes of the traffic accidents in the capital Dili Results in graph 7 demonstrate respondents strongly agree that main causes of the RTA’s are human errors which constitutes from speaking with passengers while driving (64%), high speed driving (54%) and overtaken (52%). Repondents also demonstrates that using mobile phone while driving, fatigue, drinking alcohol, eating while driving and driving without a driver’s license are main causes for the traffic accidents.

134

Graph 7 - Summary of respondents opinions on the human error.

Strongly Agree Agree I dont know Disagree Strongly Disagree

Respondents (%)

In parallel respondents agree that factors include; listening to music while driving, lack of concentration, fatigue, drinking alcohol and smoking while driving are possible causes for the accidents. Graph 8 - Summary respondents opinions on the car conditions.

Strongly Agree Agree I dont know Disagree Strongly Disagree

Respondents (%)

Car conditions such as; general maintainace,tyre conditions, oile and lights seems to be pronounced in common. Respondents strongly agree that regular change oile, general maintainace, brakes, lights and ster conditions while respondents also agree that seat belt, steer conditions, mirros and brakes are considered possible contributes factors. Aproximately 8% of the respondents represents don’t know. While other 18% of the respondents disagree and 12% of the respondents. 135

Graph 9 - Respondents opinions on the road conditions.

Strongly Agree Agree I dont know Disagree Strongly Disagree

Respondents strongly agree with that narrow bridge (61%) ,narrow road (55%) and traffic lights (54%) most contributed to the RTAs. While respondents also demonstrated their agreement on issues such as; sharp junctions and traffic signs, other respondents disagreed (15.2%) and strongly disagreed (6.6%). FGD Results The FGD results demonstrated in Graph 12 revealed that most of the respondents opinions considered that almost issues listed are important. Issues that identified as very important to be resolved are required improvement in the traffic regulation (95%), required restrict penalty (95%) and three main causes of the RTA’s (90%). Graph 10. - Summary results of the Focus Group Discussion (FGD).

RTA's important needs to be resolved

85 90 75 75

Lack of knowledge Requiered regular inspection car & driver docs Required impvovement in trafaic regulation PNTL,DNTT,MPW & MoH work with RTA's Redcross provide RTA's preventions measures Required regorious drivers license tests Required strict penalty Preventions measures are necessary Political intervention

95 85 65 80 95 80 75 0

20

40

60

80

100

Respondents (%) Disccussion

136

The findings presented in the result section using both quantitative and qualitative methods shows that the majority of respondents opinions reveal that traffic accidents are an important problem to be resolved in Dili city (Graph 5) and human error is idenfied as the primary underlining factors (Graph 6). As illustrated in Graph 7, drivers that speak with passengers, overtaking at high speed, using mobile phone while driving and driving without a drivers license are idenfied as the most common factor contributing to road traffic accidents. Researchers (Ming Yang 2003) have argued that despite the existence of road safety programmes and good vehicle conditions, in many cases drivers have not received sufficient training. Subsequently the impact of poor lane discipline, especially at traffic junctions, detreriorates the already overcrowded junction congestion. The same study (Ming Yang 2013) also noticed a significant drop of driving violations following the introduction of enforced regulations that include: 1) seat belt use and license suspension for failure of correct use; 2) expansion of monitoring and camera system, 3) financial reward for traffic violation evidence, 4) introduction of road safety inspection system and introduction of life-long education program towards safer drivers safe traffic. Other studies (Saria 2008), have emphasized the importance of education towards road safety and permitting only skilled drivers to obtain drivers licenses. Furthermore strengthening the Traffic Law is very important to enhanced human errors. In conjunction to that Jacob (2008) and Jain et al. (2012) state that road signs to reduce speed, accessories and road traffic police to targeted districts along major roads, has the potential to reduce the occurrence of serious RTAs. Other interventions are to restrict drivers from talking to passangers, from using mobile phones as well as eating and drinking alcohol while driving. General maintainaces, brake checks, regular oil changes, lights and frequently checking tyre conditions are main contributors to the RTAs in the Dili city (Graph 8). Research (Saria 2008) has indicated that the introduction of policies of regular service for the cars and documents inspections can also reduce RTAs. Vehicle conditions were identified as second most common cause of traffic accidents, as demonstrated in the graph 10, and thus require the introductionpolicies of regular service for the cars and documents inspections. The least common contributer to RTAs, as depicted in graph 5 is road conditions. According to Jain et al. (2012) this situation has occurred in many urban capitals due to following reasons:1) poor urban planning; 2) poor road and traffic discipline; and 3) lack of alternative traffic means, 4) archaic management and tighter budgets. In parallel, the FGD results indicate that factors most concerned with the increase of traffic accidents in Dili were: human error, car and road conditions, lack of traffic management, lack of human resources and under age drivers. Through understanding such underlying factors contributing to the traffic accidents in Dili, the findings of this study may potentially contributes to the policy for transport and road safety planning in Dili particulaly and East Timor generally. Conclusions Despite existing traffic regulations in the country there is a need to improved the safety of traffic system for road users and to further reduce the risks of incurring RTA’s caused by human behaviours vehicle and road networks. The data presented in this report indicates that a lack of regular and long-term community education programmes on road safety, rigorous assesment of drivers before providing drivers licenses and the strengthening of the Government Traffic Act is imperative to reducing RTAs. Greater cooperation between relevant sectors towards the establishment of a comprehensive plan for new roads constructions, road maintenance and rigorous traffic monitoring. Recommendations 1. Initially, it is of great importance that rigorous assesment of drivers is conducted before issuing drivers licenses; 2. Sectoral cooperation is required to established a constructive and comprehensive road development plan; 3. Introduction of regulations on hat improve driver understanding of human behaviours and vehicles conditions prior to being issued driving license; and 137

4. Introduction of regular and long-term community education programmes on road safety 5. Further research required to investigate in 2012 has the second highest number of vehicles registered, but the lowest number of traffic accidents. It may be interesting to hypothesize why? Bibliography Direcção Nacional dos Transportes Terrestres/National Directorate for Land Transports 2010. Flick, U. 1998, An introduction to qualitative research, Sage Publications Ltd, London. Jacob G. and Sayer, I. 1984, Road accidents in developing countries, Transport and Road Research Laboratory. Jain. V., Sharma, A. and Subramanian, L. 2012, ‘Road Traffic Congestion in the Developing World’, ACM DEC ’12 Proceedings of the 2nd ACM Symposium on Computing for Development, New York University, New York. Limb, N. and Dawyer, C. 2001, Qualitative methodologies for geographers: issues and debates, Oxford University Press, Oxford. Krug. E 1999. Injury: a leading cause of the global burden of disease, World Health Organisation, Geneva, www.who.int/violence_injury_prevention/index.html Murray C and Lopez A. 1996, The global burden of disease, Harvard School of Public Health, Harvard. Myatt, L., Scrimshaw, M. and Lester, J. 2003, ‘Public perceptions and attitudes towards a forthcoming managed realignment scheme: Freiston Shore, Lincolnshire, UK’, Ocean & Coastal Management 46(6-7): 565582. Pratte, D. 1998, ‘Road to ruin: road traffic accident in the developing world’, The Canadian Student Journal of Anthropology 13(1). Saria, S. 2008, An Assessment of the magnitude of road traffic accident in the Kilmanjaro Region, Tanzania 2008, http://www.fatoafrique.org/congres2013/IMG/pdf/saria_salome_ppt_eng.pdf Seale, C. 1998, ‘Doing social surveys’, in Seale, C. (ed) Researching society and culture, Sage, London. Worldmark Encyclopedia of Nations (WEN) 2007. World Bank Report, 2012, East Timor Country Development Report. WHO 2009, Global status report on road safety: time for action, World Health Organization, Geneva. --- 2013a, Global Status survey on road safety, World Health Organisation, Luxemburg. --- 2013b, Road Safety Status in the WHO South-East Asia Region, 2013. Fact Sheet.

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22 Coconut shells as oviposition sites for vectors of dengue and chikungunya in Same, Manufahi Esther Anderson Dengue fever is endemic in Timor-Leste, and chikungunya has been sporadically reported. Both diseases are transmitted by Aedes mosquitoes, and Aedes aegypti and Aedes albopictus, the major vectors of both diseases are present in Timor-Leste. Aedes albopictus is widespread and highly invasive (Benedict et al 2007; Bonizzoni et al 2013; Miller and Loaiza 2015). Contributing to its success as an invasive species is its ability to utilize a variety of container habitats, both natural and artificial, for oviposition. Coconut (Cocos nucifera) Arecaceae shells (endocarp, with or without husks (mesocarp plus exocarp)) that have been gnawed by rodents or broken for domestic use, discarded and subsequently filled with rainwater are common habitats for larval Ae albopictus in various countries where coconut trees are abundant (Thavara et al 2004; Eapen et al 2010; Guillaumot et al 2012; Gopalakrishnan et al 2013; Noda et al 2013; Vijayakumar et al 2014) either as the sole Culicidae species or coexisting with two or more different Culicidae species (Lounibos et al 1983; Mercer et al 2005; Banerjee et al 2013). Ae aegypti larvae are less frequently found in coconut shells (Edillo et al 2012). Coconut trees are abundant in the sub-District of Same, District of Manufahi, where this study was conducted. Broken or cut shells/husks are spread throughout the study area, usually close to houses or to groves of coconut trees, mainly as a result of harvesting for domestic use, although fallen shells that appear to have been gnawed by animals are also present. Coconuts are generally harvested either as green coconuts at approximately 9 months old, at the stage where the solidifying endosperm is still soft and translucent (Jackson et al 2004), for coconut ‘water’ and/or white coir (mesocarp) or as mature (brown) coconuts, to harvest solid endosperm and/or brown coir. Under normal circumstances (i.e. in the absence of strong winds or disease) green coconuts do not fall from the tree, but it is desirable to harvest them at this stage, in areas where they are randomly planted or self-sown because after the exocarp has turned brown, coconuts will fall spontaneously, endangering people and livestock. Coconuts at different stages of ripeness are present on the one tree, and coconuts are harvested or fall all year, so there is a continuous supply of new coconut shells that potentially could become larval habitats. Gravid female Aedes rely on a range of sensory cues when locating and assessing suitable oviposition sites and subsequently being stimulated to oviposit. These cues relate to physical properties of the habitat, such as reflectance, colour, depth of water, surface area of the container and proportion of oviposition site above the water-line (e.g. Clements 2006; Wong et al 2011; Dieng et al 2011) and also to other factors, which the female mosquito may detect by visual or chemical cues that indicate the presence of conspecific or heterospecific eggs, larvae (Allan and Kline 1998; Zahiri and Rau 1998; Ong and Jaal 2015), predators (Torres-Estrada et al 2001; Albeny-Simões et al 2014) or potential larval food (Reiter et al 1991; Arbaoul and Chua 2015). For coconut shell habitats, sensory cues are likely to depend partly on the stage of maturity at harvest and the progress of the decomposition process. Decomposition affects visual, olfactory and tactile properties, and also waterholding capacity. Liquid in rainwater-filled coconut shells varies in colour from very dark brown to clear, odours vary from extremely pungent to slight, and texture from viscous to non-viscous. The inside of the shell changes from very pale brown to dark brown, and the exocarp may darken to almost black as decomposition progresses. Mattingly (1969) observed a succession of Culicidae species over time, relating this to the decomposition of endosperm, so when investigating coconut shells as larval habitats for Ae albopictus, the effect of the decomposition process on oviposition choices of potential competitors or predators was also considered. Method Larval surveys Larval surveys for container-breeding mosquitoes were conducted in wet and dry seasons (September 2010, January, July and November 2011, January and July 2012, January 2013 and November 2014) 139

sampling all available container habitats, over an area of approximately 1 km2 bordering the Welala River in Same sub-district, Manufahi District. The area included forest, land cleared for grazing and agriculture and houses. Effect of larval Armigeres spp on oviposition Three trials were conducted using placed pairs of spring-water filled coconut shells to determine if the presence of larval Armigeres in coconut shells deterred oviposition by Ae albopictus. Trial 1 (late wet season): Coconuts (72) were split in half along the long axis with a machete, resulting in 144 half shells (72 pairs). The layer of endosperm remaining in the shell was scraped out with a knife. Halved coconut shells (consisting of exocarp, mesocarp (husk) and endocarp) were placed in pairs, over three land use types (domestic, i.e. close to houses, in cleared areas and in forest) throughout the study area. The shells in each pair were placed approximately 10 -20 cm apart (at least 100 metres from another pair) and filled with spring water. A strip of red velour paper was placed in one shell of each pair (Shell A) as an oviposition site and the other shell (Shell B) was covered with wire mesh to prevent oviposition, Shell A was monitored until stage 3 or 4 larvae were detected, and if the larvae were identified as Armigeres (Ar malayi or Ar milnensis) then the wire mesh was removed from the covered shell, the old red velour strip was removed from Shell A and new strips placed in both shells. Mosquito eggs subsequently deposited on oviposition strips in each shell were counted, and eggs hatched and stage 4 larvae identified. If shells initially were overturned or chewed by pigs, goats or cattle, they were replaced where possible, in a more secure or hidden setting. The contents of shells placed at the base of trees tended to be washed out by heavy rain; if this occurred the shells were placed in a more protected site. Trial 2 (mid dry season). Method as in Trial 1, but only 35 coconuts were used (70 half shells) and the entire internal surface of the half shells above the waterline was covered with red velour paper. Trial 3 (end of extended dry season). Method as in Trial 2. Identification of mosquito eggs Aedes sp. oviposit primarily on the sides of containers, with a varying proportion of eggs laid directly on the water surface. Armigeres sp. in the subgenus Armigeres also oviposits on the sides of containers (Amerasinghe and Alagoda 1984; Mattingly 1971b). Ar milnensis and Ar malayi are classified as subgenus Armigeres. Although Aedes eggs can be distinguished visually, with a hand lens, from, for example, Culex and Anopheles eggs, which are laid on the water surface, Aedes eggs cannot easily be distinguished from Armigeres eggs (Mattingly 1971a) and it was not possible to determine visually with a hand lens or digital microscope whether eggs on the strips were Aedes eggs or Armigeres eggs, therefore the eggs on the strips were hatched in vials of avocado (Persea americana (Mill) leaf infusion or grass infusion (species unknown). Some were identified when larvae had grown to Stage 4, and others were allowed to pupate and eclose, and identified as adults. Statistical analysis Statistical analysis for Trials 1 and 2 was performed using SPSS statistical software. Pairwise comparison was performed by the Wilcoxon Signed Ranks test. Results Larval surveys Ae albopictus larvae were found frequently in rainwater filled broken coconut shells in the wet season, less frequently in the dry season. Ae albopictus larvae were found in shells at different stages of decomposition, often as the sole or predominant Culicidae species (Table 1). Armigeres spp larvae were also common in water-filled broken coconut shells, with Culex and Tripteroides species being observed less frequently.

140

Table 1- Number of coconut shells containing Ae albopictus or Armigeres spp. alone or cohabiting with other larval Culicidae

Species Ae albopictus only Ae albopictus + Culex sp. Ae albopictus + Tripteroides sp. Ae albopictus + Uranotaenia sp. Ar. malayi only Ar. milnensis only Ar. malayi + Ar milnensis Ar. malayi + Ae albopictus Ar. milnensis + Ae albopictus Ar. malayi + Culex sp Ar. milnensis + Culex sp Ar. malayi + Ae albopictus + Culex sp. Ar. milnensis + Ae albopictus + Culex sp. Ar. malayi + unidentified larval Culicidae

Late wet season 4* 3 1

Mid dry season 2 0 0

Early season 3* 4* 1

wet

End of extended dry season 0 0 0

1

0

0

0

8⌘ 3 6 7 3

3 1⌘ 0 1 0

7⌘ 3 3⌘ 4 1

0 0 0 0 0

2 1 1

0 0 0

0 0 0

0 0 0

0

0

0

0

3

1

2

0

*Includes shells in which the exocarp and endocarp had earlier rotted away, leaving only the mesocarp, and the water in the shell was clear. ⌘ Includes whole shells with a small aperture, as well as half shells. Effect of Armigeres larvae on oviposition Significantly more eggs were laid in Shell Bs (with no larvae) than in Shell As (with larvae) (p≤0.05) in Trial 1 and Trial 2 over all land use types (domestic, agricultural and cleared), whether an oviposition strip was used that left areas of the shell exposed (Trial 1) or whether the surface of the shell above the water line was covered (Trial 2). No eggs were laid in any of the shells in Trial 3. Discussion Larval surveys have shown that rainwater-filled discarded coconut shells are common oviposition sites for Ae albopictus in this area of Timor-Leste in the wet season, less so in the dry season, and in an extended dry season they cease to function as larval habitats. Egg dormancy induced by drying occurs in both Aedes and Armigeres and it is likely that coconut shells will harbour dormant eggs over the dry season. Effect of larval Armigeres on Ae albopictus These field trial results suggest that the presence of larval Armigeres in coconut shells deters oviposition by container-breeding mosquitoes (Armigeres and Aedes sp) in that significantly fewer eggs were laid in shells without larval Armigeres than in shells with larval Armigeres. Larval Armigeres may be not only competitors for resources but also predators on early stage culicid larvae (Tanaka 1979), which may be a factor in the deterrent effect. Ar milnensis and Ar malayi had not previously been recorded in Timor-Leste (Anderson and Davis 2014) and it is possible that they are recently arrived species. Features of larval Armigeres that may give them a competitive advantage in coconut shells rich in decomposing organic matter include 141

a short hatching period, large, fast-growing larvae that survive crowding, an ability to thrive in a semiliquid, viscous medium (Lounibos 1983) and large mandibular teeth that both increase efficiency in grazing and also in predation on early stage larval Culicidae (Tanaka 1979; Lounibos 1983;). In general, container-dwelling larvae may suffer from desiccation of their habitats in the dry season, and being flushed out of their habitats in the wet season (Koenraadt and Harrington 2008). Culicid larvae and pupae differ in their ability to resist the flushing effects of rain (Koenraadt and Harrington 2008; Dieng et al 2011). Larval Ar malayi and Ar milnensis attach themselves tenaciously to the insides of coconut shells, to the extent that when the shells are overturned, many larvae remain inside. Similarly, when water is splashed out of a coconut shell, as may happen in heavy rain, larval Armigeres tend to remain attached to the shell. This may give them a competitive advantage over larval Ae albopictus. It was observed in larval surveys in wet and dry seasons that while larval Ae albopictus was sometimes present in shells high in organic matter that were quite turbid and also in shells in clear water with little organic matter, larval Armigeres predominated in shells high in decomposing endosperm. Further experiments would be necessary to ascertain whether it is the presence of Armigeres spp. or some feature of the habitat itself that is responsible for the lower incidence of Ae albopictus in these shells. Decreasing vector populations by source reduction Many of the Culicidae species that oviposit in coconut shells are vectors of disease, including filariasis, malaria and Japanese encephalitis, as well as dengue and chikungunya (Table 2). Table 2 - Disease vectors that oviposit in coconut shells

Species Ae aegypti ⌘ Ae albopictus Ae oceanicus Ae polynesiensis Ae quasiscutellaris Ae scutellaris Anopheles balabacensis An farauti Ar subalbatus Culex Fuscocephala C gelidus C quinquefasciatus

Disease Vector of many arboviruses e.g. dengue, chikungunya and yellow fever virus Vector of many arboviruses e.g. dengue, chikungunya and zika virus Wuchereria bancrofti filariasis Wuchereria bancrofti filariasis

Reference Banerjee et al 2013; Khan et al 2014 Banerjee et al 2013, Grard et al 2014

Lambdin et al 2008 Mercer et al 2005; Burkot et al 2007; Lambdin et al 2008 Wuchereria bancrofti filariasis Lee et al 1987 Potential vector of dengue virus, Trpis 1981 Brugia malayi and Brugia pahangi filariasis Malaria Taylor and Maffi 1978; Sinka et al 2011 Malaria and filariasis Taylor and Maffi 1978 Brugia pahangi filariasis, also Khan et al 2014, Muslim et al 2013, Dirofilaria immitis Lee et al 2007 Japanese encephalitis Van den Hurk et al 2009; Khan et al 2014 Japanese encephalitis Taylor and Maffi 1978 Wuchereria bancrofti filariasis Khan et al 2014

Filariasis (caused by both Brugia timori and Wuchereria bancrofti), Japanese encephalitis and malaria are present in Timor-Leste as well as dengue and chikungunya (David and Edeson 1965; Melrose and Rahmah 2006; Berger et al 2014; Cooper et al 2010). In addition to being breeding sites for nuisance biters, the fact that coconut shells are larval habitats for potential disease vectors is an added incentive to take steps to remove or destroy them. Eliminating larval habitats is a widely used strategy for reducing mosquito vector populations (Kittayapong 2006; Fonseca et al 2013; Unlu et al 2013; Healy et al 2014). At present there is little or 142

no attempt to prevent cut, broken or gnawed coconut shells from becoming larval habitats in the study area in Same sub-district. Husks and shells will eventually decompose to the point where they will no longer hold water, but in the interim they may well have been larval habitats for many generations of disease vectors. Coconut shells/ husks can be burnt or buried to prevent them becoming larval habitats, or used for coir fibre or handcrafts. At present, cooking over a wood fire is common rural Same, but shells appear to be underused as fuel. Although the coir industry is economically important in for example Indonesia, India and the Philippines (producing rope, fishing nets, sacks, brushes, mats, geotextiles for erosion control etc.) there is to date no coir industry in Same. Coconut husks, when buried, reportedly improve soil structure (Coconut Research Institute, 1989) so this is an option to consider. Destroying coconut shells is preferable to empting and overturning, because of the possibility they will be turned again, and again fill with rainwater, allowing not only the oviposition of fresh eggs, but the hatching of pre-existing dormant eggs. Raising awareness of the need to break, burn or bury or otherwise dispose of coconut shells as part of a concerted source reduction program may assist in reducing not only the prevalence of known disease vectors in the community, but also the prevalence of nuisance biters, such as Ar malayi and Ar milnensis whose vector status is at present largely unknown. Bibliography Allan, Sandra and Daniel Kline 1998, ‘Larval rearing water and pre-existing eggs influence oviposition by Aedes aegypti and Aedes albopictus (Diptera: Culicidae)’, Journal of Medical Entomology 35: 943947. Amerasinghe, Felix and TSB Alagoda 1984, ‘Mosquito oviposition in bamboo traps, with special reference to Aedes albopictus, Aedes novalbopictus and Armigeres subalbatus,’ International Journal of Tropical Insect Science 5: 493-500. Anderson, Esther and Jennifer Davis 2014, ‘First records of Armigeres malayi and Armigeres milnensis in Timor-Leste,’ Journal of the American Mosquito Control Association 30(1): 51-53. Banerjee, Soumajit, Aditya Gautam and Goutam Saha 2013, ‘Household disposables as breeding habitats of dengue vectors: linking wastes and public health,’ Waste Management, 33(1): 233–9. Benedict, Mark, Rebecca Levine, William Hawley and Philip Lounibos 2007, ‘Spread of the tiger: global risk of invasion by the mosquito Aedes albopictus’, Vector Borne Zoonotic Disease 7: 76–85. Berger, Stephen 2014, ‘Infectious Diseases of East Timor’ Gideon Informatics http://www.gideononline.com/ebooks/country/infectious-diseases-of-east-timor/ Viewed 21 Jan 2014. Bonizzoni, Mariangela, Giuliano Gasperi, Xioaguang Chen and Anthony James 2013, ‘The invasive mosquito species Aedes albopictus: current knowledge and future perspectives’, Trends in Parasitology 29(9):460-468. Burkot, Thomas, Thomas Handzel, Mark Schmaedick, Joseph Tufa, Jacqueline Roberts and Patricia Graves 2007, ‘Productivity of natural and artificial containers for Aedes polynesiensis and Aedes aegypti in four American Samoan villages’, Medical and Veterinary Entomology, 21(1):22 – 9. Clements, Alan 2006, The biology of mosquitoes, Vol. 2. Sensory reception and behaviour. Cabi Publishing; 2006, Oxon, UK. Coconut Research Institute. Lunuwila, 1989, ‘Use of husks and coir dust in coconut lands’, http://cri.nsf.ac.lk/handle/1/908 Accessed 6 Sept 2014. Cooper, Robert, Michael D Edstein, Stephen P Frances and Nigel W Beebe 2010, ‘Malaria vectors of TimorLeste’, Malaria Journal 9: 40. David, Hugo and JFB Edeson 1965, ‘Filariasis in Portuguese Timor, with observations on a new microfilaria found in man’, Annals of Tropical Medicine and Parasitology 59: 193-204. Dieng, Hamady, Saifur Rahman, Ahmad Abu Hassan, Che Salmah Rawi, Tomomitsu Satho, Fumio Miake F, Michael Boots and Sazaly Abu Bakr 2011, ‘The effects of simulated rainfall on immature population dynamics of Aedes albopictus and female oviposition’, International Journal of Biometeorology 56(1): 113-120. Eapen, Alex, K. John Ravindran, and Aditya Dash 2010,‘Breeding potential of Aedes albopictus (Skuse, 1895) in chikungunya affected areas of Kerala, India 2009,’ Indian Journal of Medical Research,129: 442 – 445. Edillo, Frances, Noel Roble and Nenito Otero 2012, ‘The key breeding sites by pupal survey for dengue mosquito vectors, Aedes aegypti (Linnaeus) and Aedes albopictus (Skuse), in Guba, Cebu City, Philippines’, Southeast Asian Journal of Tropical Medicine and Public Health 43(6): 1365-1374.

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23 Prevalence of round worm (Ascaris suum) in pigs in Timor Leste Acacio Cardoso Amaral and Joana da Costa Freitas1 Introduction Ascaris suum is widely distributed throughout the world (Vlaminck & Geldhof, 2013, 395). It is most commonly found in countries where pigs are raised extensively without proper treatment. A. suum is zoonotic, and adults are commonly found in children in contact with swine herds, beside human this worm is also can be found in other animal species such as lambs and calves, in which adult worms are located in the bile duct (Roepstorff, 2012). When pigs are infected, they show clinical signs such as reduce the growth rate; the presence of large number of adults worms may cause mechanical obstruction of the intestine (Urquhart et al., 1988), migration of larvae through the liver causes hemorrhage, fibrosis, and accumulation of lymphocytes seen as “milk spots” under the capsule and leading to condemnation of the liver at slaughter house during meat inspection (Roepstorff, 2012). The signs showed in infected human in the form of acute respiratory distress due to cough, dyspnea, anorexia and fever (Anonymous, 1970). Diagnosis of this parasite can be done by demonstrating the typical eggs (golden brown, thick pitted outer wall, 50–70 × 40–60 µm) by fecal analysis or by observation of large worms in feces (Roepstorff, 2012). The objective of this study was to determine the prevalence of A. suum in pigs through identification of ascarid eggs in pigs’ faeces. The study on the prevalence of A. suum in Timor Leste has been conducted by some animal Science and Animal Health students (for example Martins, 2013), however, the studies were limited to village Level. The objective of this study is to determine the prevalence of A. suum at the national Level. Materials and Methods Site selection Administratively, Timor Leste is divided into 13 districts (See Figure 1), 65 sub districts, 442 Sucos (village) and 2225 aldeias (hamlets) (NSD and UNFPA 2010). For this survey, the division of administrative area is based on survey recommendation by Amaral (2003, 38), who divides Timor Leste into three regions. The regions are 1) East Region (composed of the districts of Baucau, Viqueque and Lautem); 2) Central region (composed of Dili, Liquica, Aileu, Ermera and Manatuto districts); 3) West region (composed of Bobonaro, Ainaro, Manufahi and Covalima districts). The site selection for this survey was done as follows: one district was randomly selected for each region, then one sub district was selected for each selected districts. From the selected sub-districts, 2 sucos were randomly selected to represent each selected subdistricts. Of the selected sucos, at least half of the numbers of aldeias were covered. In total, there were 3 districts, 3 subdistricts and 6 sucos were selected as shown in Table 1. The survey was conducted from May to June 2014 in 3 districts representing each region in Timor Leste. Table 4- Site selection showing regions, districts and sucos Region

Districts

West

Bobonaro

Sub districts Balibo

Central

Aileu

Aileu Villa

Suco/village

Aldeia

Balibo Vila Leohitu Cotolau/Laulara Fatisi

Aman Dato, Atara, Balibo Villa, Fatu Lulic Falloway, Mohac, Ferik Katuas Binoma, Kotolau, Ornai, Raimerlau Bandro, Bocolelo, Dofonamo, Dom Fatumo, Maulaun, Uma laun

1

This research was funded by Fundo Presidencia RDTL. Data collection was done by students of Animal Health, UNTL.

146

Leste

Viqueque

Ossu

Ossu rua Waguia

Buareca, Laisorie, Samaria, Watudere Dolibuti, Luabara, Manular, Waitutumata

Figure 1 - Timor Leste´s map showing 13 districts

Design prevalence and sample size: The sample size of this survey was based on the design prevalence of 50%. This assumption of design prevalence was based on the prevalence of A. suum reported by Martins (2013, 29), which was between 23 to 86%. According to Cannon & Roe (1982, 21), if the design prevalence is 50%, then the sample size is 96. Collection of samples: Based on the sample size determined, 96 faeces samples were collected from each selected sucos based on non-random sampling (sample collectors - Animal Health Department students) work from house to house asking if farmers have pigs and whether they are willing to give their pigs for sampling). Samples were obtained from pigs of all ages. Fresh faecal samples were collected directly from rectum of pigs. Each sample was placed in an individually labelled plastic bag with some drop of formalin for preservation of the faeces. They were then analysed for faecal egg counts in National Veterinary diagnostic Laboratory of Timor Leste using the McMaster technique. The numbers of eggs of A. suum in fresh collected faeces were expressed as eggs per gram faeces (EPG) (Bryan and Kerr, 1989a, 315; Bryan and Kerr, 1989b, 327). Fecal examination: Saturated salt solution was made by dissolving salt (sodium chloride) in a container of water until some remained in the bottom. One gram of faeces was weighed and placed in the bottom of a plastic cup. Fourteen ml of saturated salt solution was added to the cup to make up 15 mL of solution. This was then mixed and 1 ml or less was then sucked up using a Pasteur pipette and 0.3 ml placed into each two chambers of a McMaster faecal egg counting slide. After five minutes, the slide was examined with a microscope under low power (10 x 10 magnification). Ascaris suum egg was then recorded. Eggs per gram faeces calculation (Amaral, 2003, 38) Weight of faeces= 1 g (W) Volume of solution= 15 ml (V) Volume examined= 0.3 ml (E) 1 gram faeces in 15 ml fluid (V/W) = X Proportion examined= 1/(X/E) = 1/(15/0.3)= 1/50, therefore, eggs observed multiplied by 50 = EPG 147

Prevalence calculation and its 95% Confidence Intervals (95%CI) Prevalence was calculated based the number of positive samples divided with total samples tested. The total sample tested was 192 (at region level), 96 (at district level) and 48 at village level. The 95% confidence interval (95%CI) was calculated using the exact binomial method (Daly, 1992, 351). Result Prevalence of A. suum in surveyed districts and sucos There were 288 faeces samples collected. Of the 288 samples, there were 86 positive samples, of which 26 (30%) from Aileu, 20 (23%) from Bobonaro and 40 (47%) from Viqueque (Table 2). The prevalence of A. suum at the region level is 29.86% (24.6%-35.5%). At the district level, the highest prevalence of A. suum was in Viqueque 41.67% (31.7%-52.2%) and the lowest prevalence was in Bobonaro 20.83% (13.2%-30.3%). The highest prevalence of A. suum at suco level was found in Waguia suco 47.92% (33.3%-62.8%), followed by Ossorua 35.42% (22.2%-50.5%) and Lauara 33.33% (20.4%-48.4%), see Table 2. Table 5- Prevalence of all districts, districts and sucos

District

Suco Fatisi Laulara Aileu Total Balibo Villa Leohitu Bobonaro Total Ossorua Waguia Viqueque Total Total all district

Total 48 48 96 48 48 96 48 48 96 288

Laboratory result Negative Positive 38 10 32 16 70 26 38 10 38 10 76 20 31 17 25 23 56 40 202 86

Prevalence (95% Confidence Interval) 20.83% (10.5%-35.0%) 33.33% (20.4%-48.4%) 27.08% (18.5%–37.1%) 20.83% (10.5%-35.0%) 20.83% (10.5%-35.0%) 20.83% (13.2%-30.3%) 35.42% (22.2%-50.5%) 47.92% (33.3%-62.8%) 41.67% (31.7%-52.2%) 29.86% (24.6%-35.5%)

Test result based on age group The age of pigs sample varied from 1 month old to 9 years old. Of the 86 positive samples, most of them from the age group of 4 to 6 months old (32.56%), and the least one was from the age group of >25 months old (3.49%). See Table 6. Table 6 - Prevalence based on pigs’ age group

Age group 1 to 3 months 4 to 6 months 7 to 9 months 10 to 12 months 13 to 24 months > 25 months Total

Test result Negative 19 56 42 43 21 21 202

Positive 9 28 13 21 12 3 86

Total

Prevalence (95% confidence Interval)

28 84 55 64 33 24 288

32.14 (15.9% – 52.4%) 33.33 (23.4% - 44.5%) 23.64 (13.2% - 37.0%) 32.81 (21.6%-45.7%) 36.36 (20.4% - 54.9%) 12.50 (2.7% - 32.4%) 29.86 (95.24.6% - 35.5%)

148

Prevalence based on Farming system From the 288 pigs sampled, most of them (64.6%) are raised inside the pen or locked, 28.8% were tied up and only few percentages (6.6%) are free-range pigs. Of the 288 pigs sampled, 86 samples were positive of A. suum (prevalence of 29.86%). Of 29.86% prevalence of A. suum, the highest prevalence was found in those pigs that are locked (23.96%), 4.86% were found pigs that are tied up and the lowest prevalence was found in free range pigs (1.04%), see Table 7. As indicated in Table 4 that the lowest prevalence was found in free-range pigs this does not necessarily mean that pigs from this type of farming are healthier, because the sample size for this farming system is low (only 6.6%) from the total sample. Table 7 - Prevalence based of farming system

Farming system Free range Tied up Indoor or locked Total

Test result Negative 16 69 117 202

Positive 3 14 69 86

Total samples 19 83 186 288

Prevalence (95% Confidence Interval) 15.79% (3.4 – 39.6%) 16.87% (9.5 – 26.7%) 37.10% (30.1 – 44.5%) 29.86% (24.6 – 35.5)

Eggs per gram faeces (EPG) Most of pigs (70.1%) do not have A. suum’ s egg in their faeces, for those who have A. suum eggs in their faeces mostly (9.4%) have 50 EPG, followed by 150 EPG (4.9%), 100 EPG (4.2%), 300 EPG (1.7%), 200 EPG (1.39%), the rest see Table 8. In this survey, the highest EPG was 12,400 identified in a pig in Aldeia Laisorie, suco Ossorua, Viqueque district, folowed by 2400 EPG in Dom Fatumo aldeia, Fatisi Suco, Aileu District, 2150 EPG in Atara aldeia, Balibo Vila suco, Bobonaro District, 1800 EPG in Waitutumata aldeia, Waguia Suco, Viqueque district, 1650 EPG in Maulaun aldeia, Fatisi suco, Aileu district, 1500 EPG in Fatululic aldeia, Balibo Villa Suco, Bobonaro District, 1300 EPG in Bandro aldeia, Fatisi Suco, Aileu District, 1150 in Raimerlau aldeia, Laulara suco, Aileu District, 950 EPG in Buareca aldeia, Ossorrua Suco, Viqueque district and 900 EPG in Atara aldeia, Balibo Villa suco, Bobonaro Disttrict. Table 8 - Frequency of Eggs per gram faces (EPG)

EPG 0 50 100 150 200 300 350 400 450 500 550 600 700 750 900 950

Frequency 202 27 12 14 4 5 2 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 1 1

Percent 70.1 9.4 4.2 4.9 1.4 1.7 0.7 0.7 0.3 0.7 0.3 0.7 0.7 0.7 0.3 0.3 149

EPG 1150 1300 1500 1650 1800 2150 2400 12400 Total : 288 Summary Minimum Maximum: Mean Mode

Frequency 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

Percent 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 100

0 12400 141 0

Discussion A female A. suum can produce more than 200,000 eggs/day (Urquhart, 1988). These eggs are then shed together with faces to environment. The number of eggs shed can be an indication of severity of ascariasis. In this survey the highest EPG was 12,400 (Table 8). According to Dunn (1978), EPG can be used to measure the severity of infection (50 – 5000 as mild infection, 6000 – 9000 moderate infection and 10,000 – 20,000 as severe infection). The EPG in this survey, which range from 50 to 12400, is categorized as mild to severe infection. The majority of pigs have mild infection (Table 8). There not many pigs have high EPG (>1000) in their faeces. Those who have >1000 EPG mostly related to the habit of pigs’ owner who use pigs pen as their toilet. In this condition human manure, which contain A. lumbricoides can infect pigs and A. suum in pigs’ manure can also infect human while feeding their pigs via skin contact or food contamination. It was observed during the survey that most pigs that are sampled, they are fed with human manure because pigs owners´ use pigs pen as their toilet. Figure 2 - Pigs pen used as Toilet in Atara village (suco), Balibo sub district, Bobonaro District. External appearance of the toilet (A), Inner part of the toilet (B and C).

A

B

C

In human, heavy infestation of Ascariasis affects 763 million people worldwide, with nutritional and developmental consequences of chronic childhood infection (Simon et al., 2013, 343). In pigs the burden of eggs and larvae of Ascaris in its host, can result in 3 major loses. These loses are (1) economic losses due to reduced growth and feed conversion efficiency and costs of control (e.g. use of anthelmintic), (2) condemnation or downgrading of livers, and (3) potential interference with vaccinations and higher risk of co-infections (Thamsborg et al., 2013, 363). 150

Free-range pigs get the least eggs per gram faeces of A. suum. This is because they are freely roaming around, they may have some contact with pigs and human manure in their environment, but the concentration of faeces is lower compared to those pigs that are locked. In addition, faeces outside in the environment are shared among many animals and scattered thinly on the environment and quickly dried up by sun compared with those that are in the pens. This explains why A. suum burdens of those free-range pigs are lower. However, in terms of immunity, those pigs that are locked like those in commercially raised pigs, they develop a strong protective immunity due to their frequent exposure to the parasite compared to those of free range pigs (Eriksen, 1992, 137). Pigs that are locked, if treated routinely, they will be healthier compared with those of free range. This is because pigs that are locked can be easily treated and vaccinated compared to those that are free range. Age seems to influence the burden of A. suum. From the 86 pigs that are positive of A. suum, the highest prevalence 33.33 (23.4% - 44.5%) was found in pigs aged between 4 to 6 months old and the least prevalence 12.50 (2.7% - 32.4%) was found in pigs aged more than 25 months old (Table 6). The young pigs are more susceptible to Ascaris infection because at that age their immunity is not very strong compared to adults. Conclusions and recommendations 1. The overall prevalence of A. suum in this survey is 29.86% (24.6%-35.5%). Prevalence of A. suum at district level was 27.08% (18.5%–37.1%) in Aileu, 20.83% (13.2%-30.3%) in Bobonaro and 41.67% (31.7%-52.2%) in Viqueque. The prevalence of this present study is somehow lower than the study conducted by Martins (2013, 29), however the study conducted by Martins (2013, 29) is limited to one village only in a targeted district. 2. Without proper treatment, pigs that are locked are more likely to get A. suum compared to those free-range pigs. This happens because pigpens are not cleaned on regular basis. In that condition faeces are accumulated together providing continues infection to pigs. It is recommended that: a. Pigs pen are designed properly so that faeces are not accumulated, b. Pigs´pens are cleaned every day to remove pigs’ faces. c. Pigs are treated with anthelmintic (medicine for worms) regularly by farmers or by Deperatment of Livestock and Veterinary, Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries d. It is recommended for Ministry of Health, to do extension on hygiene, to encourage people to make toilet, not use pigs pen as their toilet Bibliography Anonymous 1970, ‘Pig parasite almost kills four students’, The Bulletin, 27 February, https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1243&dat=19700227&id=8KQSAAAAIBAJ&sjid=HPcDA AAAIBAJ&pg=1630,6199453&hl=en Viewed 14 December 2015. Amaral, A. 2003, Toxocara vitulorum infection in large ruminants with special reference to East Timor (Masters thesis) James Cook University, Australia. Bryan, R. P. and Kerr, J. D. 1989a, ‘Factors affecting the survival and migration of the free-living stages of gastrointestinal nematode parasites of cattle in central Queensland’, Veterinary Parasitology 30:315326. --- 1989b, ‘The relation between the natural worm burden of steers and the faecal egg count differentiated to species’, Veterinary Parasitology 30: 327-334. Cannon, R. M., and Roe, R. T. 1982, Livestock disease surveys: A field manual for veterinarians, Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra. Daly, L., 1992, ‘Simple SAS macros for the calculation of exact binomial and poisson confidence limits’, Computers in Biology and Medicine 22(5): 351-361. Dunn A. M. 1978, Veterinary Helminthology 2nd ed, William Hainemann, London. Eriksen, L, et al. 1992, ‘Resistance to Ascaris suum in parasite naïve and naturally exposed growers, finishers and sows’, Vet Parasitol 41(1-2): 137-49. Martins, E. P., 2013, ‘Prevalensi infeksi cacing Ascaris suum pada babi pada umur dan system pmeliharaan yang berbeda di suco Bibileo dan Bahalarauain sub distik Viqueque, Distrik Viqueque. Skripsi, Departamento de Agro-Pecuaria, FAculdade Universidade nacional de Timor Lorosa’ e.

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National Statistics Directorate (NSD) and United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) 2011, Population and Housing Census of Timor-Leste, 2010, Volume 2: Population Distribution by Administrative Areas, http://www.mof.gov.tl/about-the-ministry/statistics-indicators/statistics-andcensus/?lang=en Simon J. Brooker, Rachel L. Pullan 2013, Ascaris lumbricoides and Ascariasis: estimating numbers infected and burden of disease, in Holland, Celia (ed) Ascaris: the neglected parasite, Elsevier, UK, pp. 343-362. Roepstorff, Allan 2012, ‘Ascaris suum in Pigs’, in Aiello, Susan and Michael Moses (eds.) The Merck Veterinary Manual,http://www.merckmanuals.com/vet/digestive_system/gastrointestinal_parasites_of_pigs/ascaris _sp_in_pigs.html. Thamsborg S.M., Nejsum P., Mejer H. 2013, ‘Impact of Ascaris suum in Livestock’, in Holland, Celia (ed) Ascaris: the neglected parasite, Elsevier, UK, pp. 363-381. Urquhart, G. et al. 1988, Veterinary parasitology, Longman Group, UK. Vlaminck, J., Geldhof, P. 2013, ‘Diagnosis and control of Ascariasis in pigs’, in Holland, Celia (ed) Ascaris: the neglected parasite, Elsevier, UK, pp. 395-425.

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24 Prevalence of round worm (toxocara vitulorum) in Balinese cattle calves in the western region of Timor-Leste Acacio Cardoso Amaral, Joana da Costa Freitas and Ana Maria da C. G. Noronha1 Introduction Toxocara/Neoascaris) vitulorum is a large, creamy-white round worm up to 30 cm long and 5mm in dimater. Toxocara vitulorum is widely distributed, serious parasites of young cattle, especially in tropical countries where the climate is favorable. The prevalence of this parasite reported in bovine calves were over 30 % (Devi et al., 2000, 817-819). The mortality rates of calves ranged from 21% to 50% (Makundi et al., 1996, 109- 112). The prevalence of this parasite in Timor Leste was first reported by Amaral (2003, 38). In the pilot study conducted by Amaral (2003, 38), it was found that the prevalence of T. vitulorum was 54%. However, the study sites for the pilot study were few and it was not conducted based on sound epidemiological knowledge. Therefore the purpose of this survey was to measure the prevalence of T. vitulorum in Western Region of Timor Leste. This survey was conducted following the recommendation made by Amaral (2003, 38) to do a national survey on T. vitulorum with adequate sample size based on sound epidemiological knowledge. Materials and methods Site selection Administratively, Timor Leste is divided into, 13 districts, 65 sub districts, 442 Sucos and 2225 aldeias (Hamlets)(NSD and UNFPA, 2010). For this survey, the division of administrative area is based on the recommendation by Amaral (2003, 41), who divides Timor Leste into three regions. The regions are 1) East Region (composed of the districts of Baucau, Viqueque and Lautem), 2) Central region (composed of Dili, Liquica, AIleu, Ermera and Manatuto districts), 3). West region (composed of Bobonaro, Ainaro, Manufahi and Covalima districts). The site selection for this survey was done for districts in Western region. Out of districts in West region, two districts were randomly selected, and then of the selected districts, one sub district was randomly selected for each district and lastly of the selected sub districts, two villages/sucos were randomly selected for faeces sample collection for each district. Of the selected sucos, at least half of the numbers of aldeias were covered. The survey was conducted from 16 - 18 April 2014 in Bobonaro district and 11 - 13 April 2014 in Covalima districts. Design prevalence and sample size The sample size of this survey was based on the design prevalence of 50%. This assumption of design prevalence was based on the prevalence of T. vitulorum reported by Amaral (2003), which was 54% (32.8% - 74.4%, 95%CI). According to Cannon & Roe (1982, 21), if the design prevalence is 50%, then the sample size is 96. Collection of samples Based on the sample size determined, 96 faeces samples were collected evenly from each selected sucos based on non-random sampling (sample collectors work from house to house and farm to farm asking if farmers have calves aged under one-year-old. Samples were obtained from calves of Bali cattle aged under one-year-old. Fresh faecal samples were collected from calves of Bali cattle aged under one-year-old whose faeces were just dropped at the time of sample collection or collected directly from the rectum of calves. Each sample was placed in an individually labelled plastic bag with some drop of formalin for preservation of the faeces. They were then analysed for faecal egg counts in National Veterinary Diagnostic Laboratory of Timor Leste using the McMaster technique.

1

Faculty of Agriculture of UNTL funded this study and Animal Health students conducted data collection.

153

The number of eggs of T. vitulorum in fresh collected faeces were expressed as eggs per gram faeces (EPG) (Bryan and Kerr, 1989a,315). Faecal examination Saturated salt solution was made by dissolving salt (sodium chloride) in a container of water until some remained in the bottom. One gram of faeces was weighed (W) and placed in the bottom of a plastic cup. Fourteen ml of saturated salt solution was added to the cup to make up 15 mL of solution (V). This was then mixed and 1 ml or less was then sucked up using a Pasteur pipette and 0.3 ml (E) placed into two chambers of a McMaster faecal egg counting slide. After five minutes, the slide was examined with a microscope under low power. Toxocara vitulorum egg was then recorded. Eggs per gram faeces calculation: Weight of faeces= 1 g (W) Volume of solution= 15 ml (V) Volume examined= 0.3 ml (E) 1 gram faeces in 15 ml fluid (V/W) = X Proportion examined= 1/(X/E) = 1/(15/0.3)= 1/50, therefore, eggs observed multiplied by 50 = EPG Prevalence calculation and its 95% Confidence Intervals (95%CI) Prevalence was calculated based the number of positive samples divided with total samples tested. The total sample tested was 192 (at region level), 96 (at district level) and 48 at village level. The 95% confidence interval (95%CI) was calculated using the exact binomial method (Daly, 1992, 351). Results and discussion Results - Prevalence based on sites Table 1 - Prevalence of T. vitulorum in each sites

District

Bobonaro

Suco

Lab. Test Negative

Positive

Total

Manapa

38

10

48

Meligo

45

3

48

Total

83

13

96

Beiseuk

45

3

48

Maudemu

44

4

48

89

7

96

Prevalence (95% CI) 20.83% (10.5%-35.0%) 6.25% (1.3%-17.2%) 13.54% (7.41% - 22.04%) 6.25% (1.3%-17.2%) 8.33% (2.3%-20.0%) 7.29% (2.98%14.45%)

172

20

192

10.42% (6.48% - 15.63%)

Covalima Total Total Bobonaro and Covalima (West region)

154

Table 2 - Prevalence based on farming system

Districts

Suco

Manapa Bobonaro Meligo

Farming system

Laboratory Test Negative

Positive

Free range

18

Tied up

Total

Prevalence (95% CI)

5

23

21.74%

4

3

7

42.86%

Locked

16

2

18

Total

38

10

48

Tied up

3

0

3

11.11% 20.83% (10.5% -35.0%) 0.00%

Locked

42

3

45

Total

45

3

48

83

13

96

4

0

4

0.00%

1

0

1

0.00%

Locked

40

3

43

Total

45

3

48

6.98% 6.25% (1.3%-17.2%)

2

0

2

0.00%

4

2

6

33.33%

Locked

38

2

40

Total

44

4

48

89

7

96

172

20

192

5.00% 8.33% (2.3%-20.0%) 7.29% (2.98%14.45%) 10.42% (6.48% - 15.63%)

Total Bobonaro

Beiseuc

Covalima

Maudemo

Free range Tied up

Free range Tied up

Total Covalima Total Bobonaro & Covalima

6.67% 6.25% (1.3%-17.2%) 13.54% (7.41% 22.04%)

Table 3- Eggs per gram faeces (EPG) in each site of Bobonaro and Covalima district

Suco District Bobonaro

Covalima

EPG 0 50 100 150 300 400 Total EPG 0 50 100

Manapa 38 5 2 1 1 1 48 Beiseuc 45 0 1

Meligo 45 2 1 0 0 0 48 Maudemo 44 1 0

Total 83 7 3 1 1 1 96 Total 89 1 1 155

150 400 2150 10100 Total

1 0 1 0 48

1 1 0 1 48

2 1 1 1 96

Discussion Transmission: Toxocara vitulorum is transmitted to calves through the milk (transcolostral infection) and to both cows and calves through ingestion of contaminated pasture (Hansen and Bryan, 1994). This is because adult females lay eggs in the small intestine of the host (Bos taurus, Bubalus bubalis and Bos indicus) that are shed with the faeces. Adult cattle become infected after swallowing embryonated eggs. Larvae then emerge from the eggs in the intestine, penetrate the intestine and migrate via bloodstream to liver, lungs, trachea, mouth, oesophagus and back to intestine, where they will adults and produce eggs. Mortality rate: Once the host is infected, it can cause high mortality rate. The mortality rate of Bali cattle calves due to this parasite in this region is not known, but the mortality rate reported in other countries is high. Mortality rates vary from 11 to 50% among countries. In Thailand for instance, it was reported that the mortality rate was 32% (Srikitjakarn et al., 1987). In Bangladesh it was reported that almost all buffalo calves were infected with T. vitulorum and it was a major cause of calf mortality (Mia et al., 1975, 153). During a 3 year observation (1988 to 1991) it was found that the mortality rates of calves ranged from 21% to 50 % respectively (Makundi et al., 1996, 109- 112). Mortality rate of buffalo calves was 11% (n=90) (Srivastava and Sharma, 1981, 160-162). The high mortality rate in young calves results in huge economic losses (Shanker et al., 1998, 598) mainly due to dead of calves and weight loss (Enyenihi, 1969, 171). Toxocara vitulorum can infect several species. The species affected by T. vitulorum are Bos taurus, Bubalus bubalis and Bos indicus (Keith, 1951, 129; Patnaik and Pande, 1963, 128; Rao et al., 2000, 79). Of the species affected T. vitulorum can infect both sexes. However, the life cycle will only be completed if it infects female animals, and the cows become pregnant (Akyol, 1993, 73). Worm burdens differ between buffalo and cattle in that worm burdens of buffalo calves are higher compared with cattle calves (Pholpark and Srikitjakarn, 1989, 243). The prevalence rate is also different between buffalo calves and bovine calves. In Bihar India, for example the prevalence of T. vitulorum in buffalo calves was higher (53.17%) compared to bovine calves (34.14%) (Devi et al., 2000, 817). The overall infection rate for both species was 42.98% (n=542, 290 bovine and 252 bubaline). Eggs production: Animals infected with T. vitulorum under bush conditions ranges from 10,000 to 30,000 per gram of faeces (Lee, 1955, 146). An experiment in Ghana showed that infected calves aged 2 to 41 days produced over 18,000 EPG (Agyei, 1991, 134), this value of EPG is between the range of what Lee (1955) reported. The EPG in western Region of Timor Leste in this study ranged from 50 to 10,200 EPG (Table 3). The EPG found in this study is also within the range of EPG reported by (Lee, 1955, 146-149). Prevalence: The prevalence of T. vitulorum differs from one country to another. In Turkey for instance, it was reported that the average prevalence of this parasite was 5.1% (in calves younger than 6 months) (Akyol, 1993), whereas in India it was reported that the prevalence of T. vitulorum was 43% (Devi et al., 2000, 817). The prevalence of this parasite in Timor Leste according to a pilot study conducted by Amaral (2003, 38) was 54%. The prevalence of T. vitulorum in Western region of Timor Leste according to this present study (Table 1 and 2) was 10.42% (6.48% - 15.63%, 95% CI). Of the 10.42% prevalence, 3.65% (1.48% - 7.37%, 95% CI) was found in Covalima and 6.77% (3.65% – 11.30%, 95%CI) was found in Bobonaro. At district level, the lowest prevalence of T. vitulorum was found in the district of Covalima 7.29% (2.98%-14.45%, 95%CI) and the highest was found in the district of Bobonaro 13.54% (7.41% - 22.04%, 95%CI). At the village level, the lowest 156

prevalence [6.25% (1.31% 17.20%, 95%CI)] was found in village/suco of Meligo in sub district of Cailaco, Bobonaro district and village/Suco Beiseuc in Subdistrict of Tilomar, district of Covalima and the highest prevalence at village level 20.83% (10.47% - 34.99%, 95%CI) was found in the village of Manapa, at Bobonaro district. Prevalence based on the farming system: The total samples collected (n=192), most of them (76%) are taken from calves that are locked followed by free range (15%) and tied up (9%). Of the total samples collected (192), 20 were positive of T. vitulorum. Of these 20 samples, 25% was from free range, another 25% from those calves that are tied up and 50% from calves that are locked (Table 2). The high percentage of positive sample from those calves that are locked could mean that calves under this management system has high risk of having T. vitulorum but also can be due to the fact that most samples collected were from this management system. Age at risk and species affected by T. vitulorum: The prevalence of T. vitulorum in West region of Timor Leste 10.42% (6.48% - 15.63%) is actually lower than the prevalence of bovine calves (34.14%) reported in Devi et al., (2000, 817-819) & Makundi et al., (1996, 109). This is probably due to the fact that from 192 samples collected, the age of Bali cattle between one and 3 months is only 18%, the rest 80 are from the age of 4 to 6 month and 2% from the age of 7 to 11 months old. The prevalence and intensity of T. vitulorum infection has been reported to vary according to the age of calves. The prevalence was found to be highest (70-75%) in 2 month old calves, intermediate in 1 1.5 month old calves (45 %) and was lowest in calves older than 3 months (10 %) (Makundi et al., 1996, 109). Conclusion From this finding it is clear that T.vitulorum is present in West Region of Timor Leste. Toxocara vitulorum prevalence in Western region of Timor Leste was 10.42% (6.48% - 15.63%). This prevalence rate was actually lower than the prevalence rate reported by Amaral (2003, 38) and prevalence reported by other countries but this could be due to the fact that the age of calves in this study mostly (80%) aged between 4 to 6 months. Recommendations • •

It is recommended to MAF to do treatment targeting young calves younger than 6 months to prevent high mortality in young calves It is recommended to identify some traditional medicine that has been used by some farmers to see their efficacy in worm treatment

Bibliography Agyei, A. D. 1991, ‘Epidemiological observations on helminth infections of calves in southern Ghana’, Tropical Animal Health and Production 23: 134-140. Akyol, C. V. 1993, ‘Epidemiology of Toxocara vitulorum in cattle around Bursa, Turkey’, Journal of Helminthology 67: 73-77. Amaral, A. 2003, Toxocara vitulorum infection in large ruminants with special reference to East Timor (Masters thesis) James Cook University, Australia. Bryan, R. P., and Kerr, J. D. 1989, ‘Factors affecting the survival and migration of the free-living stages of gastrointestinal nematode parasites of cattle in central Queensland. Veterinary Parasitology 30: 315326. Cannon, R. M., and Roe, R. T. 1982, Livestock disease surveys: A field manual for veterinarians, Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra, 21. Daly, L., 1992, ‘Simple SAS macros for the calculation of exact binomial and poisson confidence limits’, Computers in Biology and Medicine 22(5): 351-361. Devi, H. U., Ansari, M. Z., Singh, S. K., and Devi, K. H. B. 2000, ‘Prevalence and epidemiology of Toxocara vitulorum in cow and buffalo calves in and around Ranchi, Bihar’, Indian Journal of Animal Sciences 70: 817-819.

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Enyenihi, U. K. 1969, ‘Pathogenicity of Neoascaris vitulorum in infections in calves’, Bulletin Epizootiology Disease of Africa 17: 171-178. Hansen, J., and Bryan, P. 1994, The epidemiology, diagnosis and control of helminth parasites of ruminants, International Laboratory for Research on Animals Diseases Nairobi, Kenya. Keith, R. K. 1951, ‘The occurence of Ascaris vitulorum (Goeze, 1782) in calves in Australia’, Australian Veterinary Journal 27: 129. Lee, R. P. 1955, ‘The anthelmintic efficiency of piperazine adipate against Neoascaris vitulorum (Goeze, 1782)’ Veterinary Record 67: 146-149. Makundi, A. E., Kilala, J., Kassuku, A. A. 1996, ‘Toxocariasis in suckling calves at Uvinza Ranch in Kigoma region of Tanzania’, Tanzanian Veterinary Journal 16: 109- 112 Mia, S., Dewan, M. L., Uddin, M., and Chowdhury, M. U. A. 1975, ‘The route of infection of buffalo calves by Toxocara (Neoascaris) vitulorum’, Tropical Animal Health and Production 7:153156. National Statistics Directorate (NSD) and United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) 2011, Population and Housing Census of Timor-Leste, 2010, Volume 2: Population Distribution by Administrative Areas, http://www.mof.gov.tl/about-the-ministry/statistics-indicators/statistics-andcensus/?lang=en Patnaik, M. M., and Pande, B. P. 1963, ‘Notes on the helminthic infestations encountered in one-month old buffalo calves’, The Indian Veterinary Journal 40: 128-133. Pholpark, M., and Srikitjakarn, L. 1989, ‘The control of parasitism in swamp buffalo and cattle in North-East Thailand’, in International Seminar on Animal Health and Production Services for Village Livestock, Food and Agriculture Dvelopment Center (ZEL) and The German Foundation for International Development (DSE), Thailand, pp. 243-251. Shanker, D., Chauhan, P. P. S., and Agrawal, R. D. 1998, ‘Efficacy of CDRI compound 81/470 against Toxocara vitulorum in buffalo and cow calves’, Indian Veterinary Journal 75: 598-599. Srivastava, A. K., and Sharma, D. N. 1981, ‘Studies on the occurrence, clinical features and pathomorphological aspects of ascariasis in buffalo calves’, Veterinary Research Journal 4: 160-162. Rao, R. S., Rao, R., and Kumar, M. U. 2000, ‘Incidence of Toxocara vitulorum in buffalo calves around Hyderabad, India’, Journal of Veterinary Parasitology 14: 79-80.

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25 The structural marginalisation of the districts under UNTAET1 Sue Ingram Introduction Ever since his election in 2012, Timor-Leste’s President TMR has been a crusader for the districts, decrying their poverty and disadvantage and calling for greater policy focus and expenditure on rural infrastructure and services. In his speech on the inauguration of the Vth Constitutional Government in August 2012 he observed: State institutions contribute to the unbalanced development of the territory. Our centralized public administration has large, heavy structures in the capital, often providing poor quality services, and is almost absent from the districts where most of the population lives and social and economic deprivation is greatest. The state is not serving the vast majority of the Timorese people as yet (TMR 2012).

He returned to the same theme at the inauguration of the VIth Constitutional Government in February 2016, stating: I'm concerned about our country's high level of poverty. When I travel to the sucos and aldeias, I see how many people still live in great deprivation. The previous governments have taken the first steps towards addressing this issue. But we need to do more and better in order to support our most deprived brothers and sisters. These situations of great poverty and deprivation hinder our national development (TMR 2015).

This paper suggests that the neglect of the districts by successive governments is, in part, a consequence of the structural marginalisation of the districts under the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET). While UNTAET’s failure to recognise and engage with local systems of governance and local actors has been widely documented (see, for example, Chopra 2002, Chopra and Hohe 2004, Cummins 2010, Hohe 2002, Lemay-Hebert 2011), the combined effect of UNTAET decision-making in several domains on the districts has received less attention. Two domains of UNTAET activity in particular have, in combination, left a lasting structural legacy for the districts. The first is the organisation of public administration in a way that arguably retarded the reach, quality and coherence of service delivery in the districts and the engagement of local people in service development and implementation. The second is UNTAET’s preference for competitive party political processes as part of the normative blueprint it followed to build the machinery of state, which resulted in a parliament and executive largely unrepresentative of and unaccountable to local communities. The organisation of public administration The orchestrated campaign of destruction and displacement following the announcement of the results of the popular consultation and the subsequent withdrawal of Indonesia as the governing power of the territory of East Timor left a structural vacuum behind: there was no applicable constitution or body of law; there was no judicial system to interpret and apply the law; there was no executive to to take high level decisions and no administration to implement those decisions; there was no fiscal system for the collection and disbursement of public revenues; there was no structure in place to extend the reach of government and the delivery of government services across the territory; and there was almost no intact public infrastructure or public records and no personnel in place to deliver public services. UNTAET stepped into the breach and it set about rebuilding the machinery of government from scratch. How to proceed was far from clear. What laws should apply? What sort of structure

1

The analysis contained in this paper builds on the author’s direct experience of the dynamics of state-building under UNTAET over the course of its mandate. From early 2000 she held various positions in UNTAET including district administrator and director of transition planning, and she subsequently served as chief of staff in UNMISET until the end of 2002.

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should be put in place for executive-level decision making? – the mandate vested all power in the Transitional Administrator, but with whom should he consult, and how and when should he devolve power. What functions should government perform, and how should government functions be grouped and organised? And importantly for this paper, how should the delivery of government services across the territory be organised? – should there be some element of decentralisation, and if so what form should it take: administrative deconcentration, or devolution of funding and decisionmaking to local representative bodies? These questions were frequently decided on the run with little analysis of the longer-term ramifications. Yet they locked in arrangements that would become the template for practice well into the future. A decision to have an administrative presence in the districts was taken during the planning phase of UNTAET, with the UN Secretary-General advising the Security Council that a district administrator would be appointed to each district to oversee public administration and coordinate all UNTAET activities at the district level (UNSG 1999, paragraph 69). While these positions were filled early in the life of the mission, the administrations under them were poorly structured, resourced and staffed for their public administration role. The functional and organisational arrangements for district offices blurred the lines between core UN functions such as political affairs, human rights monitoring, fleet maintenance and personnel security on the one hand and the restoration of government services on the other, with the latter coming in a poor second. The job descriptions and skill sets of international professional and administrative staff other than the district administrator and his/her deputy concentrated on core UN functions, leaving UN volunteers to provide a small pool of generic personnel who could be deployed to support local service development. As planning got underway on the establishment structure and recruitment of a national civil service in the first half of 2000, no explicit policy framework was articulated for the role of the district office as part of a system of national public administration, or for the gradual separation of the hybrid functions of the district offices into core UN and public administration streams with discrete roles and staffing arrangements. Timorese leaders pushed hard for the early recruitment of national personnel to district administrator positions but as this changeover was implemented progressively from late 2000, international administrators simply stepped aside for the first tranche of national recruits and again no consideration was given to disaggregating UN and national functions or to formulating a functional statement for a district office within a national structure of government. While questions around the role and function of district offices within a national administration were never formally considered or addressed, by default a highly centralised form of public administration emerged under UNTAET that laid the foundations for the future. District administrators essentially supported, rather than coordinated or managed, most government services in their districts. The district staff responsible for basic services such as health, education and agriculture reported to head offices in Dili and had little to do with the district administration. The head offices determined priorities and budgets for their line staff in the districts and they generally had little organisational capacity and, in some cases, little inclination to engage with the district administrator or the local population. The result was that planning occurred in a vacuum and services at the district level were poorly coordinated across the sectors. The district administration was left to deliver residual functions and administrative support, without a budget allocation and, for the first couple of years, without any clear planning role. During the hiatus after the popular consultation, CNRT cadres in the districts had supported the delivery of humanitarian assistance (de Mello 2000). But in keeping with UNTAET’s determined impartiality, they were not formally involved in district administration or in liaison between UNTAET and local populations. Under pressure from national leaders, UNTAET introduced district advisory councils in July 2000. In the words of the official notification, they were a consultative mechanism to ensure “the participation of the East Timorese people in the decision-making process of the Transitional Government at District level” (UNTAET 2000). In practice the effectiveness of the councils was uneven, depending on the commitment of the district administrators who convened and chaired them, the local legitimacy of their members and the substance of the business they discussed. At best the councils were advisory and they did not become a feature of district administration over time. In establishing district administrations, UNTAET missed a critical opportunity to deconcentrate public administration, to engage local populations meaningfully in decision-making on government 160

services and to achieve coherence in district planning and service delivery. Instead, it left a very weak government footprint in the districts and a legacy of operational and structural challenges that are still working their way through today. The embedding of competitive party processes UNTAET’s mandate was to transition the territory of East Timor to independence, and both the Security Council and the Timorese leadership had their foot on the accelerator. For the UN member states, UNTAET was a large and expensive mission2 funded by mandatory contributions to UN operations and delays in mission completion represented a direct cost to their national budgets. For many in the Timorese leadership, frustrated by UNTAET’s domination of the transition process and positioning themselves for the new order, independence could not come soon enough. A precondition for independence was the creation of legitimate political institutions, which could receive and hold sovereign power. These institutions would be enshrined in a constitution for the future state. In guiding the steps towards the development of the constitution, UNTAET reshaped the political landscape in both measured and unintended ways. Illustrative of this influence was the decline in authority of the National Council of Timorese Resistance (CNRT from its Portuguese acronym), the umbrella body formed in the lead-up to the popular consultation as the inclusive voice of the independence struggle, and the ascendancy of individual political parties. In the months leading up to the popular consultation on East Timor’s political future on 30 August 1999, a mission under the direction of the UN Department of Political Affairs was mandated to organise the ballot on the ground, and it adopted the CNRT emblem for the ballot paper to signify the independence option to voters. After Indonesia’s withdrawal from the territory, CNRT confidently expected to partner with the UN in the transition process and saw the vote under its emblem as its badge of legitimacy. As Ramos Horta, CNRT’s international negotiator, explained to the assembled media on 28 September 1999 after meetings at UN headquarters, in the 1960s and 1970s national liberation movements from countries such as Namibia and South Africa had been recognised by the UN General Assembly as the sole legitimate representatives of the people without their having been elected. “On the basis of the legitimacy that came from the 30 August referendum, the CNRT expected to be consulted at every level and to participate actively in the transition period” (UN media 1999). He was to be sorely disappointed. UNTAET came under the direction of the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, whose dominant institutional culture was one of strict neutrality in dealings with parties on the ground, and so it operated in East Timor (Rodrigues 2003, 28; Suhrke 2001, 8). UNTAET treated CNRT as only one local party, albeit the principal one, and the relationship was to be one of consultation rather than partnership. This was evident in the language of the Transitional Administrator following his first meeting in East Timor with Xanana Gusmao, CNRT’s president, where he adumbrated some form of consultative mechanism involving not only CNRT but other “protagonists” (UNTAET 1999). A few weeks later the first advisory body to UNTAET, the National Consultative Council, was established. CNRT was assigned seven places on the Council, while three places went to political groups outside CNRT. This representation was characterised in the enabling regulation as broadly reflective of the spread of votes in the popular consultation. This same political spread carried over into the formation of the successor body, the National Council, which was appointed in October 2000. Strikingly, despite the language of the enabling regulation specifying seven (later amended to up to ten) representatives of CNRT, when the membership was announced the name CNRT was airbrushed out altogether. Instead each appointee was described as a political party representative, including the fiercely non-partisan Xanana Gusmao who had a visceral distrust of party politics and set himself above the partisan fray. A few weeks before the National Council was appointed, the two major historical parties in East Timor, FRETILIN and UDT, had pulled out of CNRT, leaving only a rump of minor parties. Their defection followed closely on the heels of the CNRT congress held in late August 2000 which had sought to tie all the parties to a pact of national unity which set strict groundrules for political action. Arguably, the Transitional Administrator had set the scene for the defection in his speech to the

2

The budget allocation for UNTAET operations in the 2000/2001 financial year was $US563M (UNGA 2000)

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congress, in which he observed that the new politics of nation-building were now coming to the fore, and UNTAET’s consultative mechanisms in the future were bound to reflect the diversity of opinion. He described the political transition as a shared responsibility where CNRT, UNTAET, the National Council, political parties, civil society and international agencies must all work together, and he signalled the beginning of party political competition: During the humanitarian crisis and the early period when fundamental institutions had to be created from scratch, I always stressed that East Timor needed unity between political parties. We had to make basic decisions necessary in the face of the devastation. I believe that the time is upon us when political difference and diversity will inevitably, and rightly, enter into the national debate on what is best for the future of East Timor…. Multi-party democracy requires this constructive debate between parties that differ on the issues but share a commitment to democracy itself. To allow for this, we will also have to develop the legal framework for the political and electoral process. We shall soon have to prepare a draft regulation on political parties […] By setting the legal boundaries of political party activity, the current impatience that many parties are showing can be released into constructive, democratic and non-violent political debate (De Mello 2000).

UNTAET worked to a liberal peacebuilding template, and a competitive party system was part of the toolkit. This approach was bitterly derided by CNRT’s president, Xanana Gusmao, in a message to the people on 31 December 2000. He decried “an obsessive acculturation to standards that hundreds of international experts try to convey”, and observed that “(s)ome think that mere political party membership is a synonym for democracy”. Referring to international staff he continued: they forget how unaware they are of the whole process of our people’s struggle and, therefore, encourage the expression of various forms of difference as if this was the only way of ensuring democracy. This…leads to a strong ill-feeling against the CNRT as if the CNRT was the main enemy of political parties and civil society (Gusmao 2000).

The institutionalisation of competitive politics was now well underway. One of the primary tasks of the National Council was to advise on the mechanisms for developing the constitution. It issued a discussion paper, invited public submissions and held hearings to consider options and formulate its advice. At the end of the process, it recommended that the constitution be developed by a Constituent Assembly of 88 members elected using a mixed electoral system: 75 should be elected under a single national constituency on a proportional basis, and 13 should be elected from each of 13 district constituencies on a first past the post basis. It also recommended that the Constituent Assembly should be transformed into the parliament when the constitution was promulgated. These recommendations closely mirrored the formal advice provided by UNTAET during the Council’s hearings. When UNTAET’s legal division drafted the regulation governing the process for electing the Constituent Assembly, it specified closed candidate lists for the national constituency: political parties would submit their candidate lists to the electoral office, and voters would mark a single party or an independent candidate on the ballot paper. The regulation set a high procedural bar for independent candidates, and in practice none contested the national constituency. UNTAET was anxious to achieve a pluralist assembly, and the single national constituency it advocated was intended to deliver this outcome. The 13 district seats were a concession to representation of district interests. It was a matter of self-congratulation for UNTAET that 12 political parties won seats in the Constituent Assembly (de Mello 2003, 19). This was in reality something of a pyrrhic victory as one party – FRETILIN – held a majority of seats and, in combination with ASTD, held the supermajority needed to pass the constitution. In line with the recommendation of the National Council, the Constituent Assembly did become the national parliament at independence and, in the electoral law drafted prior to the first postindependence election in 2007, the handful of district seats were abolished altogether. The provision allowing for independent candidates was also dropped: the electoral law specifies that ‘Members of Parliament shall be elected through plurinominal lists, presented by political parties or party coalitions, and each voting citizen shall be entitled to one single vote in the list’ (Law 6/2006, Art. 11). 162

The electoral system that UNTAET had shaped behind the scenes had serious ramifications for district representation and voice. The adoption of a single national constituency and a closed list of candidates means that members of parliament owe their position to the political party that assigns them a winning slot on the party list and they have no direct personal accountability to voters. From the perspective of voters in the districts, there is no-one who identifiably represents their local interests, who is locally based and to whom they can easily make representations and over whose performance they can exercise any direct leverage. The entrenchment of competitive party politics as the route to legislative and executive power has left little if any room for a committed local leader operating outside the party system. After independence, political party affiliation became the only path to membership of the legislature, and the appointment of prime ministers was made by the president on the advice of the officials from the political party with a plurality of votes or the alliance of parties with a parliamentary majority (Constitution Art. 106, Portuguese text). Conclusion

The administrative and electoral systems developed under UNTAET arguably contributed to the isolation and under-development of the districts. Weak district administration, coupled with little and later no local political representation, muted the voice of the districts within government and blighted the prospects for a coordinated, concerted approach to people-focussed district development. Bibliography Chopra, Jarat 2002, ‘Building state failure in East Timor’, Development and Change, 33(5): 979-1000. Chopra, Jarat and Hohe, Tanja 2004, ‘Participatory intervention’, Global Governance, 10: 289-305. Cummins, Deborah 2010, Local governance in Timor-Leste: the everyday politics of mutual recognition, PhD thesis, http://www.cultura.gov.tl/sites/default/files/DCummins_Local_governance_in_Timor_Leste_2010.pdf. de Mello, Sergio 2000, ‘Address of SRSG Sergio Vieira de Mello at the 1st CNRT Congress’, Dili, 21 August 2000, http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/missions/past/etimor/DB/DB210800.HTM. --- 2003, ‘Introductory remarks and keynote addresses 1.1.5’, in Nassrine Azimi and Chang Li Lin (eds) The United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET): debriefing and lessons, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, Leiden. Gusmao, Xanana 2000, ‘New Year’s Message by Kay Rala Xanana Gusmao, president of the CNRT/CN’, http://www.etan.org/et2001a/january/01-06/01xanan.htm. Hohe, Tanja 2002, ‘The Clash of Paradigms: International Administration and Local Political Legitimacy in East Timor, Contemporary Southeast Asia 24(3): 569-589. Lemay-Hebert, Nicolas 2011, ‘The “empty shell” approach: the setup process of international administrations in Timor-Leste and Kosovo, its consequences and lessons’, International Studies Perspectives 12: 190-211. Rodrigues, Roque 2003, ‘Introductory remarks and keynote addresses 1.1.6’, in Nassrine Azimi and Chang Li Lin (eds), The United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET): debriefing and lessons, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, Leiden. Suhrke, Astri 2001, ‘Peacekeepers as nation-builders: dilemmas of the UN in East Timor’, International Peacekeeping 8(4): 1-20. TMR 2012, ‘Address by H.E. President Taur Matan Ruak on the inauguration of the 5th Constitutional Government’, http://presidenttimorleste.tl/2012/08/speech-full-text-inauguration-of-the-new-government/. --- 2015, ‘Speech by H.E. President Taur Matan Ruak on the occasion of the swearing-in of the 6th Constitutional Government’, http://presidenciarepublica.tl/speech-h-e-president-taur-matan-ruak-occasion-swearing-6thconstitutional-government/?lang=en. UN media 1999, ‘Press conference on East Timor by Xanana Gusmao and Jose Ramos Horta’, http://www.un.org/press/en/1999/19990928.etimor.doc.html. UNGA 2000, ‘Financing of the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor – Report of the Advisory Committee on Administrative and Budgetary Questions’, United Nations General Assembly, A/55/531, 30 October 2000. UNSG 1999, ‘Report of the Secretary-General on the situation in East Timor’, Report to the United Nations Security Council, S/1999/1024, 4 October 1999. UNTAET 1999, ‘Briefing by Ian Martin, Sergio Vieira de Mello and Xanana Gusmao’, UNTAET Public Information Office, 19 November 1999, http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/missions/past/etimor/DB/br191199.htm. --- 2000, ‘Notification on the appointment of members of district advisory councils’, UNTAET/NOT/2000/14, http://www.jornal.gov.tl/lawsTL/UNTAET-Law/index-e.htm.

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26 The CPLP strategy for the oceans Eliana Sofia da Silva Pereira The oceans cover 70% of the earth’s surface and are the lifeblood for humankind, and biodiversity. Oceans produce more than half of the oxygen in the atmosphere, are the most important carbon sink and 44 % of the world’s population live in costal areas using the ocean as a source of food, livelihood, jobs, and recreation. Seas are also vital for international trade, commerce and for maritime transportation. Approximately 90% of the world’s trade is carried by sea, which is by far the most cost-effective way to move large amount of goods and raw materials. Seas and oceans contain a huge potential of living and non-living resources essential for the world’s economy as we know it in our days. Oceans were also a key element for the expansion of the first global empire in history, initiated in 1415 with the conquest of Ceuta by the Portuguese Infant D. Henrique, who set off the epic of the age of the Portuguese Discoveries where the foundations of the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries (CPLP) laid. The importance of the oceans was first raised by the Dutch jurist Hugo Grócio in 1609, who contested the Portuguese Mare Clausum (closed sea) policy used to defend Portuguese monopoly of the East Indian Trade, established after the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas, which allocated the newly discovery lands outside of Europe to the east of the meridian 370 leagues to Portugal and the lands to the west of it to Castile1. However, it was only after World War II that the sea became one of the central issues in the national and international agendas, due to the growing interest of states to ensure access to marine natural resources, particularly those on the continental shelf. The importance of ensuring a clear regulatory framework for seas and oceans was raised by the Maltese ambassador to the United Nations Avid Pardo, (UNGA 1967) after being recognized in the First United Nations Conference on the Law of Sea in Geneva, in 1958, where four international conventions addressing different issues regarding oceans were approved (I UNCLOS 1958). Nonetheless, a comprehensive and integrated international treaty was only reached in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, and after almost ten years of internationals negotiations. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) approved in 1982 in Jamaica is today the fundamental regulatory framework for seas (III UNCLOS, 1982). Since then ocean affairs have been widely discussed at the United Nations General Assembly and their pre-eminence is expected to expand over the next decades, both at national and international level. Seas were given a minor role in the Millennium Development Goals, despite their important role in the three dimensions of sustainable development. In contrast, the post-2015 Development Agenda dedicates a stand-alone goal for the oceans; goal 14 which is to “conserve and sustainably use the oceans, seas and marine resources for sustainable development.” By the same token, many countries and international organizations, such as the European Union and the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries (CPLP), are developing policies and strategies aimed at defining a comprehensive and long-term integrated approach for seas and maritime affairs, taking into account a multidimensional perspective that is required by the nature of oceans. The CPLP is an international organization with administrative and financial autonomy, established in 1996, by an international agreement signed by seven official Portuguese-speaking countries: Angola, Brazil, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, Portugal, São Tomé and Principe (CPLP, 1996). Timor-Leste joined immediately after its independence in 2002, and Equatorial Guinea was integrated at the Dili Summit in 2014.2 The CPLP is a community joined by a shared language and a common heritage, which operates as a multilateral forum for political and diplomatic coordination based on the common principles of

1

Despite being recognized by the Pope, the Treaty of Tordesillas lead to protests from many countries, which did not accept the hegemonies of oceans by Portugal and Castile. 2 Georgia, Japan, Namibia, Mauritius, Senegal, Turkey were granted the statute of associated observer states. Macau has also been a strategic partner to CPLP, particularly regarding trade and economic cooperation, through its Economic Forum serving as a platform to connect the community and China.

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non-interference, independence of states, cooperation, equal treatment, international promotion of the Portuguese language, and development promotion. The CPLP is a maritime community (Brás, 2010,47). The oceans are an historic and vital element of the CPLP, which is highlighted in its flag that symbolizes the seas. The CPLP flag is represented by a blue circle, divided into right equal wavy shapes representing the sea, as a primary bond linking the community. Indeed, all CPLP countries are costal states, having all together a maritime area larger than 7.6 million km2, which represents 2.5% of the global sea surface spread over three main oceans: the Indian, the Pacific and the Atlantic, which gives the community a central role in terms of maritime security (Palmeira, 2014, 194). For this reason, it is not surprising that CPLP countries have universally ratified the UNCLOS and have approved basic legal frameworks at domestic levels to regulate the definition of maritime zones, and other key areas. Four of its member states (Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, São Tomé and Principe, and Timor-Leste) are small island development states facing tremendous challenges when it comes to rising sea levels. The Community as a whole holds huge reserves of hydrocarbons. It is expected that the CPLP will become in 2025 the forth-largest oil producer in the world. Accordingly, many of them (Angola, Brazil, Portugal, Mozambique, and a joint submission by Cape Verde, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Gambia, Mauritania and Senegal) have already initiated the procedures to extend their continental shelf beyond 200 nautical miles, as provided by the UNCLOS (CLCS, 2015). As a community with deep maritime traditions, oceans represent a central geostrategic and geopolitical potential that have been incorporated in the CPLP’s formal agenda since 2007. The role of the seas was first addressed in the CPLP Council of Minister’s3 annual meeting in 2007, which gathered together Ministers of Foreign Affairs and External Relations to define, adopt and implement the main CPLP policies and programs of action. As a result of the meeting, a resolution was enacted (CPLP, 2007) that emphasized the importance of the oceans to protect and preserve environment and to achieve sustainable development as set out in the CPLP’s articles of incorporation. The resolution stressed also the importance of international cooperation among the member states, and urged the community to adopt an integrated and common vision to promote sustainable development of the oceans under its jurisdiction. In 2008, the CPLP Ministers of Fisheries undertook the first meeting to address sustainable management of fisheries within the community. The Maputo Declaration addressed the importance of fisheries and aquiculture to food security and poverty reduction and pointed out the community commitment to promote partnerships to combat illegal, unreported and unregulated fisheries. In the same year, representatives from the CPLP navies institutionalized the Navy Symposium as a shared platform of knowledge and experiences related to oceans and seas. Likewise, representatives from ports created the Portuguese Language Ports Association (APLOP, 2008) aimed at promoting cooperation and increasing commercial maritime activities. Following this, and embedding the spirit that underpinned the community’s will to make the seas the top priority, the 2008 Heads of the State and Government annual meeting urged the member states to convene a formal meeting on sea affairs, and also called for the creation of a CPLP Centre for Maritime Studies as a platform for information and knowledge sharing and to bring together university researchers to boost scientific production, promote the establishment of information networks and to encourage database harmonization (CPLP, 2008). As a parallel event to the 2009 annual Council of the Ministers, an informal meeting was organized between the CPLP Ministers and Senior Officials responsible for sea affairs. They were given the task to prepare the CPLP strategy for the oceans and to create the procedures to institutionalize the CPLP Meeting of Ministers of Sea Affairs. The first formal meeting took place in 2010, and approved two key documents: the internal regulations4 for the Ministerial Meeting of Sea Affairs, and the CPLP strategy for the oceans. The

3

The original articles of incorporation of the CPLP set forth four main organs of the organization: i) the Conference of Heads of State and Government, ii) the Council of Ministers, iii) The Standing Committee for Consultation, iv) The Executive Secretariat. After some revisions, three other organs were created: i) Sectorial Ministerial Meetings, ii) Focal Points for Cooperation Meetings, and iii) Parliamentary Assembly. 4 Sectoral Ministerial Meetings are set forth in the CPLP articles of incorporation as an organ that is aimed at gathering together CPLP Ministers and Senior Officials in key areas for the community. CPLP articles of

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internal regulations establish the main rules for the organization of the CPLP Ministerial Meetings of Sea Affairs. In accordance with the regulations, the Member States are represented by the Government member that holds responsibility on seas, in accordance with their own domestic rules. So it is up to each country, not to the CPLP, to nominate its representative. It is also possible to invite representatives from the countries that hold the Statute of Associate Observer or representatives from organizations categorized as Consultative Observer (CPLP, 2015) 5. The CPLP Ministerial Meeting on Sea Affairs as a CPLP organ is responsible for: i) promoting political coordination among the member states on matters related to oceans and seas; ii) promoting, coordinating and monitoring cooperation initiatives on the sector; iii) coordinating common positions in international fora; iv) following up actions for sustainable use of the oceans. By rule, CPLP ordinary Meetings of Ministers of Sea Affairs are organized every two years. However, it is also possible to organize extraordinary meetings, if necessary. Ordinary or extraordinary meetings are organized in plenary sessions and can only take place if at least six member states are represented. In terms of the decision-making process, the meeting follows the general norm of consensus that applies as a golden rule in the CPLP. The meetings are chaired by the Minister of Sea Affairs of the country that chairs the CPLP itself, which rotates every two years. The first CPLP Meeting of Ministers of Sea Affairs is also referred as a milestone because it approved the CPLP strategy for the oceans. The strategy recognizes the importance of the oceans as a common heritage for the community, points out the role of the seas for sustainable development, particularly for costal communities, and emphasizes the oceans as a vehicle for strengthening institutional relations within the community. The strategy is divided into four chapters. The first chapter sets forth its principles and objectives. The second chapter identifies potential areas for cooperation. The third chapter refers to the governance mechanism and the forth chapter identifies different initiatives to be prioritized. As stated, in the first chapter, the CPLP strategy for the oceans is based on the core principles of the community and on national policies. The strategy respects and supports a common vision, but takes into account the economic, social and geographic diversity of the member states. The strategy identifies general objectives to be pursued, such as i) promote the principles set forth in the UNCLOS; ii) improve oceans management and sustainable development, by adopting a multi-sectoral approach through international cooperation; iii) promote the creation of marine protected areas within the member state’s national jurisdiction; iv) promote measures for climate change adaptation in costal areas; v) contribute to strengthen the human resources capacity to develop an integrated policy for oceans; and, vi) promote measures to encourage economic use of marine resources, including business partnerships. Since these objectives are very general the second chapter prioritizes 13 key sectors, as follows: 1. International cooperation: political and diplomatic cooperation at international level is in place and coordinated internally through ministerial meetings. 2. knowledge: scientific knowledge, information sharing, and human resources capacity building are also pillars that support the strategy. Knowledge about the oceans will be expanded through scholarships and by raising the civil society awareness for the importance of oceans. 3. Environmental protection: the strategy highlights the importance of measures for climate change adaptation in costal areas, the need to design an integrated management system of marine protected areas, and to adopt methods to prevent marine pollution. 4. Maritime spatial planning: maritime spatial planning is envisaged as a key tool to promote oceans governance, to improve coastal areas management and to ensure the development of an efficient and sustainable maritime economy. 5. Security and maritime surveillance: joint controlling, monitoring and information systems should be prepared in key areas, particularly in search and rescue activities, and combatting illegal fishing, human trafficking and other crimes.

incorporation do not list or identify sectorial meetings, which have been created over time considering the community’s will. It is up to each sectoral meeting to approve its internal regulations based on the guidelines issued by the Council of the Ministers. 5 A list of all CPLP Consultative Observers is available at CPLP website.

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6. Continental shelf extension: the formal procedures to extend the continental shelf are complex and expensive, so member states are encouraged to cooperate and share technical information about this common objective. 7. Seabed area: it is stated as a common goal for the community to extend knowledge regarding natural resources lying under the seabed. 8. Biotechnology: CPLP will support knowledge and information sharing, the development and the application of new technologies as well as the development of research networks in this area. 9. Maritime clusters: the creation of maritime clusters is essential to strengthen the maritime sector. The creation and development of successfully maritime clusters will depend on the private sector and key stakeholders’ engagement, and the coordination with public sector. 10. Energy: in order to encourage the use of alternative energy sources, such as energy from waves, maritime biomass, wind offshore energy, and taking into account that CPLP holds significant reserves of hydrocarbons, the strategy recognizes the complexity of the energy issue and calls for information sharing among member states. 11. Fisheries and aquiculture: considering the important social and economic role of traditional and commerical fisheries, particularly for costal communities, as well as aquiculture activities, the strategy identifies the need to implement capacity building programs, to increase information sharing, and to intensify cooperation activities to combat illegal fishing, as priorities to be implemented. 12. Port activities, transport, shipbuilding, ship-repair and ship dismantling: since international trade is essentially transported by sea, port related activities, such as transport, shipbuilding, ship-repair and ship dismantling, along with vocational training sessions, are areas that should be increased, especially considering the CPLP community is geographically spread over three oceans. 13. Tourism: maritime ecotourism is an area that represents a meaningful sector for a costal community like CPLP. Nautical spots and the creation of thematic maritime routes based on the common cultural heritage that oceans represent to the CPLP, are possibilities to be developed and implemented. After identifying the key priority areas, the CPLP strategy for the oceans refers to the mechanism for governance. When it comes to this issue, it is recognized that within the community there are different stakeholders involved and different regional features that apply. This diversity calls for a proper and comprehensive governance mechanism that allows the strategy to be sustainable. For this reason, the institutional framework adopted by the CPLP needs to be flexible and might be adjusted not only to connect different member states’ policies, but also to coordinate the member states’ positions at international fora. It is expected that this cooperation can be developed and achieved through the institutionalization of the sectoral Meeting of Ministers of Sea Affairs, backed by the technical and support services. Cooperation between member states is the key element widely identified as a starting point to implement the CPLP strategy for the oceans. So, the document identifies four activities to be prioritized and jointly implemented. Firstly, the creation of the CPLP Maritime Study Centre. This centre will work as a common platform to encourage knowledge and information sharing, scientific research, and monitoring maritime issues, and provide technical information to support CPLP political decisions. A CPLP Atlas of the Oceans is also envisaged to support and foster cultural ties between the Member States and to create a sense of cultural and historic community based on a common ocean’s heritage. Extension of the continental shelf and associated projects are also identified as vital priorities. The strategy determines that member states can benefit from other member states experiences through knowledge sharing and mutual support in the preparation of the extension projects themselves. It also recommends cooperation to acquire technical capacity to explore the seabed considering the economic importance of its resources. In its final part, the strategy highlights the importance of promoting the international projection of CPLP through the oceans and seas. In order to achieve this goal, it is proposed the community can play a collective role in international organizations, for instance, assuming common positions on different issues, issuing a common declaration and supporting CPLP citizens to be elected for positions to the UNCLOS organs. The CPLP strategy for the oceans acknowledges that it is the first 167

step towards the development of a more comprehensive CPLP policy for the oceans. However, so far, the CPLP has only made a commitment to revise the oceans strategy in 2016 and to prepare and implement a plan that supports the execution of activities and initiatives targeted as priorities. This revision is going to be presented and eventually approved in the third CPLP ordinary meeting of Ministers to be held in Díli, Timor-Leste in May 2016. Bibliography APLOP (Portuguese Language Ports Association) 2008 www.aplop.org, viewed 06 August 2015. Brás, Luís Manuel Bernardino, 2010, ‘A Segurança Marítima no seio da Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa Contributos para uma Estratégica dos Mares da Lusofonia’, Nação e Defesa N.º 128- 5.ª Série 41-65. CPLP (Community of Portuguese Speaking Counties) 1996, http://www.cplp.org/Files/Filer/Documentos%20Essenciais/DeclaraoConstitutivaCPLP.pdf CPLP Articles of Incorporation, viewed 10 August 2015. --- 2007 http://www.cplp.org/id-4447.aspx?Action=1&NewsId=3006&M=NewsV2&PID=10872 2007 CPLP Council of Minister’s Resolution viewed 16 August 2015. --- 2008, http://www.cplp.org/id-4447.aspx?Action=1&NewsId=2959&M=NewsV2&PID=10872 2008 Heads of the State and Government declaration, viewed 18 August 2015. --- 2015, http://www.cplp.org/id-2766.aspx list of CPLP Consultative Observers Members, viewed 18August 2015. CPLP Strategy for Oceans, revised version, approved in, Oeiras, Portugal in 21 March 2010. Palmeira, José António, 2014, ‘Geopolitical potential of CPLP in the International Security’, in Martins, Moisés de Lemos, Cabecinhas Rosa, Macedo Lurdes, Macedo Isabel, Interfaces da Lusofonia, Centros de Estudos de Comunicação e Sociedade, Universidade do Minho. UNGA (United Nations General Assembly) 1967, http://www.un.org/depts/los/convention_agreements/texts/pardo_ga1967.pdf) Avid Pardo declaration, viewed 31July 2015. I UNCLOS 1958 (first United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea) 1958, http://legal.un.org/diplomaticconferences/lawofthesea-1958/lawofthesea-1958.html, viewed 17 December 2015. II UNCLOS (third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea) 1982, http://www.un.org/depts/los/convention_agreements/convention_overview_convention.htm, , viewed 01 August 2015. CLSC (Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf) 2015 http://www.un.org/depts/los/clcs_new/commission_submissions.htm, submissions pursuant to article 76, paragraph 8, of the United Nations Convention on the law of the Sea of 10 December 1982, viewed 04 August 2015.

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27 Uncovering historical sites: Finding the locations of historical weather station sites in Timor-Leste Samuel Bacon and Florindo Morais Neto Introduction A thorough understanding of the climate of Timor-Leste is essential for national governance. Fundamental operations such as developing food security and planning vital infrastructure rely on accurate weather data. Weather data only has value if the location of the recordings is reliably known. Furthermore, geospatial analysis of climate across the country in relation to topology and agricultural practices can only be conducted with accurate location information of weather stations. Understanding how the climate is changing also needs to take into account the change in location of weather stations. The first record of the operation of a meteorological station in Timor-Leste is for a short period from July 1861, until January 1863. (Ferreira, 1965) It was not until 1914 that a dedicated meteorological service for the nation was initiated. This began with the procurement of four rain gauges that were installed in Dili, Ermera, Hato-lia and Raimera. By 1916, the network of rain gauges across the country had been increased to 20. These were mainly installed at administration centers, military posts and Catholic missions. In 1917, further upgrades led to the establishment of 15 meteorological stations and 15 rain gauges. By 1941, there were 16 meteorological stations and 11 rain gauges still in operation. In 1941, the operation of stations was interrupted due to the impact of World War II and they were not re-established for another 10 years. Baucau recommenced recordings in October 1950, but most records do not begin until the mid-1950’s. (GoTL, 1950) During this time the technical services of meteorology, geophysics and astronomy were combined into one directorate. By 1955, the meteorological network was operational with 26 meteorological stations and 26 rain gauges. This service was again interrupted in 1975 with the withdrawal of Portugal from Timor-Leste and the occupation of Indonesia. The Indonesian government re-established meteorological services across the country but as of 2015 there are only records available for Dili, Baucau and Pante-Macassar in Oecussi. (Fernandes, 2015) The National Archives in Dili holds some manuscripts for daily weather data, which have been digitised during 2013 and 2014, managed by the National Directorate of Meteorology and Geophysics. During the history of meteorological services, accurately recording the exact locations of the weather stations throughout their history has been problematic. Past readings of latitude and longitude assigned to stations were found to be inaccurate in the order of several kilometers and in some cases completely misplaced in a different region. This research outlines the work that was carried out to accurately locate the historical weather station sites. Method In order to accurately determine the sites of the historical weather stations reference was made initially to the research by Truly Santika (Santika, 2004). In the case where two or three coordinates were given for a site, an assessment was made as to the most likely latitude and longitude. Reference was also made to other historical documents and maps including O Clima De Portugal (Ferreira, 1965), O Clima E O Solo De Timor (Soares, 1957) and various agricultural bulletins from the early 1900’s (Agriculture, 1920). Reference was also made to aerial photography (ALGIS, 2004) and other historical maps. Staff from the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries (MAF) were consulted to determine exact locations within towns. MAF personnel have extensive local knowledge and, in some cases, could recall seeing the station in operation. Where possible, onsite visits were conducted with consultation with elders in the community or local staff, for example, from the Ministry of Education. Final locations were recorded with annotations using Google Earth (Earth, 2015)with reference to the aerial photography in this interface. Latitude and longitude values were geo-referenced to the World Geodetic System 1984 (WGS1984). This data was recorded in decimal degrees to 4 decimal places providing an error margin of approximately 10m. Elevation data was sourced from Google Earth. An 169

indication of accuracy was provided based on the confidence given with reference to various sources according to the following guide: Accuracy 10m 50m 500m 5000m

Description Positive confirmation by onsite visit with eye witness account of station. Positive confirmation of the administrative building by Government staff with reference to aerial photography. Location of town known and administrative post generally identified with assumption that the station would have been in the vicinity. General estimate of location based on lat/long data and site name but difficulty in accurate determination.

Results Results were recorded with: Station name (latitude, longitude, elevation, accuracy value) and descriptive notes in determining the location: 1. Aileu (-8.7315,125.5671, 920m, accuracy: 500m): Located in the town centre close to old administrative buildings. Unconfirmed report of agro-meteorology station located approximately 2km south on the road to Maubisse. 2. Ainaro (-8.9910,125.5101, 815m, accuracy: 500m): Located in the town of Ainaro near old gardens. Refer also to Suro. 3. Alas (-9.0202,125.7907, 202m, accuracy: 500m): Located in the town of Alas. In 1918, the station was operated by P.M. Laranjeira at the mission (Agriculture Bulletin 1918). 4. Atabae (-8.8145,125.1559, 387m, accuracy: 50m): Located in the old town of Atabae. Site of posto confirmed by MAF staff. Staff recount that originally the posto was located further up the mountain (-8.79907oS, 125.17207oE, 584m) which now has a small church built on it. It was moved from this location around 1955. This agrees with the weather data beginning in September 1955. Later, in 1983, the administrative centre was moved down to the coast. (8.78409oS, 125.10161oE, 11m). 5. Atauro (Maumeta) (-8.2672, 125.6044, 10m, accuracy: 100m): Located in Maumeta (Vila), the original port town, near the old customs building. 6. Atsabe (-8.9249,125.3960, 1213m, accuracy: 500m): Located at old administrative buildings. 7. Baguia (-8.6280,126.6550, 413m, accuracy: 200m): Located at old administrative buildings. The elevated site still has remains of circular turret foundations. 8. Balibo (-8.9684,125.0424, 554m, accuracy: 50m): Located on the small hill in the town at old administrative buildings. 9. Barique (-8.8477,126.0638, 340m, accuracy: 100m): Located in Barique as confirmed by suco mapping data, O Clima e O Solo De Timor and aerial photography. 10. Baucau (-8.4626,126.4529, 327m, accuracy: 100m): Located in the gardens below the old market. In 1918, P.M. Jeronimo operated the station at the mission (Agriculture Bulletin, 1918). At some point, the station was moved to the present location at the Baucau airport about 6.3km away (-8.4789oS, 126.3990oE, 523m) possibly after World War II with the first data starting from1/1/1950 (DNMG). 11. Betano (-9.1628,125.7184, 10m, accuracy: 100m): Located at the agriculture research station established in 1958 by Mario Carascalao. No old buildings were found but in Selihasan, about 5km further east along the coast (-9.15459oS, 125.76834oE), there are old Portuguese buildings and a legend about a dog (Tetun Terik: Tano) finding water (Tetun: Bee) which may have been the origin of the name Betano. Earliest monthly weather data in 1957 (O Clima, 1965) 12. Bobonaro (-9.0352,125.3246, 802m, accuracy: 100m): Located at old administrative buildings. Location supported by manuscript from National Archives for weather records in 1955 (9o05’S, 125o20'E, 820m) and aerial photography. 13. Boibau (-8.6828,125.3176, 644m, accuracy: 100m): Located at a military defence outpost held by the Portuguese on a high spur with extensive views for good defence. 170

Figure 1 - Many locations had ruins in very poor condition such as the military outpost at Boibau on a rarely used road in the mountains of Liquica.

14. Dare (-8.5919,125.5717, 518m, accuracy: 5m): Located on the eastern side of the Dare Church. Site confirmed by local elder and visual evidence of a slightly leveled area approximately 3m x 3m and some of the original fence. 15. Dili (-8.5556,125.5764, 5m, accuracy: 50m): Located at Liceu, Dr Fransisco Machado building at the National University of Timor-Leste. Original manuscripts in the National Archives have this site written on them in 1974. Some accounts suggest that the site was moved to the old airport (now the President's Palace, -8.5555oS, 125.5632oE, 4m). Later it was moved to the new airport in Comoro (-8.5481oS, 125.5277oE, 13m). 16. Ermera (-8.7521,125.3956, 1192m, accuracy: 100m): Located just behind the main church. Ermera was once the capital of the district. It is named after the river, which runs red in the dry season ("Er" means water, "mera" means red). 17. Fatu Berliu (-8.9498,125.8762, 920m, accuracy: 500m): Located at old ruins in the forest by visual inspection of aerial photography. 18. Fatu Bessi (-8.7529,125.3243, 1092m, accuracy: 500m): Located at old administrative buildings. 19. Fazenda Algarve (-8.6708,125.3298, 916m, accuracy: 20m): Located at the house of Carrascalao near Darulete. The caretaker showed the site of the old weather station in Portuguese times and a wind run gauge was also found installed during Indonesian times. Fazenda Algarve was originally known as Granja Eduardo Marques, (GoTL C. , 2013) founded in 1908 employing 5,000 indigenous labourers. (Shepherd & McWilliam, 2013) A visit from MAF staff in 2013 found that the farm was still recording weather data.

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Figure 2 - The house and gardens of the historical farm of Fazenda Algarve still had weather station equipment in operation

20. Fazenda Olivia (-8.6, 126.6, 702m, accuracy: 2000m): Located in Balibar, Lalara, near the two small lakes. Actual site needs confirmation. 21. Fohorem (-9.2836,125.0923, 593m, accuracy: 50m): Located at old administrative buildings confirmed by on site visit of Government staff. 22. Fuiloro (-8.4443,127.0056, 406m, accuracy: 50m): Located in Fuiloro at the intersection on the road to Los Palos. An elevated foundation indicates the site of an old military post. 23. Gleno (-8.7235,125.4356, 708m, accuracy: 1000m): Located in centre of the town of Gleno. 24. Hato Udo (-9.1104,125.5869, 470m, accuracy: 100m): Located at what appeared to be a military post confirmed by onsite visit. 25. Hatobuilico (-8.9016,125.5201, 1926m, accuracy: 200m): Located next to the main tank close to the old town centre. 26. Hato Lia (-8.8140,125.3171, 583m, accuracy: 600m): Located in the town of Hato Lia near the church. 27. Iliomar (-8.7101,126.8268, 391m, accuracy: 500m): Located in the town of Iliomar. 28. Quelicai (Kelicae)(-8.6042,126.5625, 730m, accuracy: 50m): Located at old administrative buildings confirmed according to aerial photography. Note that Santika shows a second site much closer to the coast which has data before WWII (-8.5oS, 126.6oE, 54m) however it is more likely that the correct coordinates are a location further inland where the former township was located with ruins of historic school (-8.5470, 126.5995, 507m). 29. Laclo (-8.5570,125.9137, 142m, accuracy: 100m): Located on hill above town with evidence of Portguese era construction. 30. Lacluta (-8.7877,126.1547, 317m, accuracy: 100m): Located at ruins in the old Lacluta confirmed with discussion from MAF staff. There is a significant lake just uphill from the site. In 1918, the station was operated by Father Fransisco Quintao at the mission (Agriculture Bulletin, 1918). 31. Laga (-8.4745,126.5985, 52m, accuracy: 100m): Located at old ruins with round turret foundations still remaining.

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Figure 3 - The use of aerial photography was extremely helpful in locating ruins of original administrative buildings. Note this example at Laga shows the foundations of a turret in the western (and possibly eastern) corner.

32. Lahane (-8.5745,125.5849, 104m, accuracy: 100m): Located at historic Government guesthouse at Lahane above Dili. 33. Laivai (-8.4130,126.7395, 26m, accuracy: 100m): Located at old administrative buildings on elevated site south of town; confirmed with onsite visit and discussion with locals. 34. Laklubar (-8.7462,125.9101, 1072m, accuracy: 100m): Located at old administrative buildings confirmed by MAF staff from Laklubar. 35. Lautem (-8.3650,126.9006, 16m, accuracy: 100m): Located among ruins of original township on rise just above present day Lautem. Confirmed by MAF staff from the Municipality of Lautem. 36. Letefoho (-8.8337,125.4253, 1490m, accuracy: 100m): Located at old administrative buildings. 37. Liquica (-8.5938,125.3271, 26m, accuracy: 20m): Located at old administrative buildings. MAF staff confirmed that this is the site where weather data was collected during the Indonesian period. In 1918, Father F.F. Silva operated the station at the mission (Agriculture Bulletin, 1918). 38. Lolotoe (-9.1642,125.2681, 819m, accuracy: 1000m): Located in main town centre of Lolotoe as generally indicated by suco census data and DNCQA rain gauge site. 39. Lore (-8.6655,127.0240, 12m, accuracy: 500m): Located in town of Lore, however original location may have been further inland. 40. Lospalos (-8.5243,126.9959, 395m, accuracy: 100m): Located at old administrative buildings on rise near radio station confirmed by onsite visit. 41. Luro (-8.5424,126.8336, 413m, accuracy: 50m): Located at old administrative buildings, confirmed by onsite visit. 42. Maliana (-8.9977,125.2249, 253m, accuracy: 500m): Located at the Maliana Posada just uphill from the old church. 43. Manatuto (-8.5107,126.0160, 7m, accuracy: 500m): MAF staff confirms that weather data was collected at the back of the primary school. 44. Maubara (-8.6164,125.2107, 76m, accuracy: 50m): Located at old administrative buildings confirmed by MAF staff. (not the Dutch fort near the sea). 45. Maubisse (-8.8408,125.6019, 1463m, accuracy: 50m): Located at Maubisse Possada. 173

46. Natarbora (-8.9840,126.0636, 33m, accuracy: 2000m): Located near the site of the Nun's residence. 47. Nitibe (-9.3374,124.2204, 780m, accuracy: 2000m): Located in the town of Nitibe. 48. Oecussi (-9.2015,124.3709, 10m, accuracy: 500m): Located near the town centre of Pante Macassar, Oecussi. 49. Oesilo (-9.3477,124.3790, 475m, accuracy: 100m): Located at old administrative buildings confirmed by aerial photography and site photo. 50. Ossu (-8.7433,126.3852, 669m, accuracy: 50m): Located in front of the Catholic church. During Indonesian period, located at the football field.Confirmed with onsite visit. 51. Raimera (-9.0178,125.6255, 735m, accuracy: 50m): Located south west of Same. Onsite visit confirmed ruins with columns, arched windows and reliefs of a former prison farm estate also known as Granja Republica (Agriculture Bulletin1914). Figure 4 - The ruins of Granja Republica at Raimera hidden in the mountains east of Same.

52. Remexio (-8.6151,125.6649, 878m, accuracy: 300m): Located near old administrative buildings, confirmed by onsite visit. 53. Same (-9.0006,125.6520, 556m, accuracy: 20m): Located at old administrative buildings. Location was confirmed on site with the Director of Education who knew the sites during Portuguese and Indonesian periods. 54. Soibada (-8.8594,125.9425, 645m, accuracy: 100m): Located at the original training college in Soibada. Originally operated by Father João Lopes at the mission (Agriculture Bulletin, 1918). 55. Suai (-9.3091,125.2532, 91m, accuracy: 500m): Located at old administrative buildings on top of small hill near radio station. Confirmed by onsite visit. 56. Suro (-8.9899,125.5090, 838m, accuracy: 100m): Located at Casa Maria in Ainaro. A number of different locations in the Ainaro area are known as Suro. Reference to old agriculture bulletins shows Suro being operated by Father A. Ferreira at the mission.

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Figure 5 - The mission house at Ainaro known as Casa Maria. It is possible that this was the original site of weather data collection for Suro.

57. Turiscae (-8.8227,125.7048, 1183m, accuracy: 500m): Located at old administrative buildings. 58. Tutuala (-8.3918,127.2572, 361m, accuracy: 100m): Located at old administrative buildings. 59. Uato-Lari (-8.7774,126.5631, 264m, accuracy: 50m): This location had several name variations: Hato Lore (1927-1934), Hato-Lari (1920-1941), Uto Lari (1935-1972) which are in the same general area of Uato-Lari, within the sub-district of Watulari. Discussions with locals confirm the site as ‘Old Uatu-lari’ where remains of old administrative buildings exist. 60. Ue Laluho (Quiras)(-9.0256,125.9973, 29m, accuracy: 1000m): Located in town of Fatucahi also identified as Ue Laluho. 61. Vemassi (-8.5148,126.2093, 45m, accuracy: 1000m): Located at old administrative buildings on rise above town. 62. Venilale (-8.6410,126.3806, 839m, accuracy: 500m): Located at old administrative buildings. 63. Viqueque (-8.8697,126.3667, 47m, accuracy: 50m): Located in near roundabout. Site confirmed by anthropologist, David Hicks, Stony Brook University, who lived in Viqueque in 1966-67. 64. Weberek (-9.0133,125.8914, 131m, accuracy: 50m): Onsite visit confirmed that a weather station was operated by the prison warden at his house, which was located on a small rise beyond the prison. 65. Zumalai (-9.1569,125.4491, 101m, accuracy: 50m): Located behind the church; confirmed by onsite visit.

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Discussion Most of the location data for the weather stations was found to be within 5km of the correct location. However, a number of locations were previously significantly incorrect or unknown. Even an error of 5km can result in large differences in climate in the rugged topology of Timor-Leste. For example, Same had two sets of coordinates, one that placed the weather station 17km away on the coastal plains. The other coordinates were only 1.7km from the administrative centre. Even this small variation resulted in a change in location from being on an exposed hilltop to a sheltered riverbed with a drop in altitude of 150m. In some cases, such as Raimera and Suro, the site names were quite old and not well known even to people in the local area. The old ruins of Raimera were found after information supplied by a pilot who routinely landed on the Same airstrip and noticed the interesting building on a ridgeline away from the main town. In other cases, name changes and alternative spellings added extra challenges to determining the correct location. Data from Uto-Lari is now considered to be from the same site as Hato Lore in the Administrative Post of Watulari. Data that was combined into (Laclo) Atsabe is now considered to be from two different locations in different Municipalities. Understanding the correct locations of weather stations is essential in assessing the environmental impacts of a changing climate. Further work could be done in this area, especially for important sites with long-term data, to determine more accurately when the weather stations were moved. This occurred in Baucau, for example, with the establishment of the airport up on the plateau. Changes like this have large impacts on the weather data recorded and this information is required for assessing weather data homogeneity throughout the period of recordings. Since weather stations were usually operated at significant historical sites, this work can be used to assist an understanding of the cultural heritage of Timor-Leste. Conclusion The historical weather station sites were located with a reasonable level of accuracy such that the associated weather data can be used with a greater degree of confidence. This, in turn, will allow a more precise assessment of climate and climate change impacts on Timor-Leste. Bibliography Agriculture, B. 1920, Boletim De Comércio, Agricultura e Fomento Da Provincia De Timor. Dili: Direcção Dos Serviços Do Fomento Agrícola E Comercial. ALGIS, A. 2004, GIS Mosaic Aerial Photography. Dili: Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries. Earth, G. 2015, Timor-Leste. Latitude: -8.5oS, Longitude 125.5oE. Fernandes, G. 2015, CLiDE Meteorology Database. Dili, Timor-Leste: Direcao Nacional Meteorologika e Geofisika. Ferreira, H. A. 1965, O Clima De Portugal Fascículo XII Província De Timor. Lisboa: Serviço Meteorológico Nacional. GoTL. 1950, Baucau Weather Records. Timor-Leste: Arkivo Nacional. --- 2013, Ai Pelo Prison History. Liquica: State Secretariat for Arts and Culture. Santika, T. 2004, Timor Leste Rainfall. Canberra: Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University. Shepherd, C. J., & McWilliam, A. 2013, Cultivating Plantations and Subjects in East Timor: A Genealogy. Australian National University. Soares, F. A. 1957, O Clima E O Solo De Timor. Lisboa: Ministério Do Ultramar.

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28 Timor Leste government initiatives and civil society in contributing to the prevention of domestic violence Abílio António Freitas Belo The term "domestic violence" is used to describe the actions that occur in various relationships. It can include all violations of physical and sexual character, such as pushing, pinching, spitting, kicking, beating, punching, strangulation, burns, assault with objects, stabbings, water use boiling, acid and fire. The results of such physical violence can range from minor injuries to death itself. What begins be apparently minor, an attack may increase in frequency and intensity. The term "domestic violence" also includes psychological and mental violence, which may consist of repeated verbal abuse, harassment, confinement and deprivation of physical, financial and personal needs. Contact with family and friends can be controlled. Rape can take variable forms from society to society. Others use the term to describe only violence against women occurring in the family, and sometimes used to describe a violation in which the victim and the perpetrator have, or have had before, a relationship folks. In this paper, the term “domestic violence” means the physical character of aggression or psychological inflicted on the wife by the husband or sexual partner. In Timor-Leste, domestic violence by definition is defined under the Law Against Domestic Violence (Law No.7/2010) as: Any act or a result of an act or acts committed in a family context, with or without cohabitation, by a family member against any other family member, where there exists influence, notably physical or economic, of one over another in the family relationship, or by a person against another with whom he or she has an intimate relationship, which results in or may result in harm or physical, sexual or psychological suffering, economic abuse, including threats such as acts of intimidation, insults, bodily assault, coercion, harassment, or deprivation of liberty.

The definition of ‘family’ within the Law Against Domestic Violence is quite broad, but for the purposes of this report the focus is on “spouses or former spouses,” and “people who live or have lived in conditions similar to that of spouses, even without cohabitation.” Some have suggested that it is important to remember that, by legal definition, domestic violence in Timor-Leste does not include sexual assault or harassment outside of family relationships; for example, by strangers or friends or in a work or school context (Trembath et al. 2015). The focus then is on the familial domain that results in ‘physical, sexual or psychological suffering’ or, of particular relevance to this research, economic violence, which is defined as: Any conduct that involves retention, partial subtraction, or total destruction of personal items, working instruments, impeding work inside or outside the home, personal documents, goods, values and rights or economic resources, including those designed to meet the personal needs and the needs of the household.

Forms of Domestic Violence Timor-Leste’s Law Against Domestic Violence (LADV) considered forms of domestic violence such as the following: a) Physical violence which is understood as any conduct which offends bodily integirty or physical health; b) sexual violence is understood as any conduct that induces the person to witness,to maintain or participate in wanted sexual relations, even within a marriage, though intimidations, threats, coercion or use of force, or which limits or nullifies the exercise of sexual and reproductive rights; c) Psychological violence is understood as any conduct that causes emotional damage and reduce self-esteem in order to degrade or control the actions, behaviors, beliefs and decisions of others by threat, embarrasment, humiliation, manipulation, isolation, constant vigilance, systematic persecution, insult, blackmail, ridicule, exploitation, limiting the right to travel or otherwise adversely affecting psychological health and self-determination; d) Economic violence is understood as any conduct that involves retention, partial subtraction, of total destrction of personal 178

itema, working instruments, impeding work inside or outsider the home, personal documents, goods, values and rights or economic resiurces, including those designed to meet the personal needs and the needs of the household (LADV, 2010 article 2). The prevalence of domestic violence in Timor-Leste Demographic and Health Survey The Demographic and Health Survey 2009-2010, conducted by the National Statistics Directorate (NSD), relies on reports by Timorese women themselves regarding domestic and family violence. The survey included over 13,000 women between the ages of 15-49. Its findings (NSD 2010) include the following: Approximately one-third of women age 15-49 (38 per cent) have experienced physical violence since the age of 15 (NSD 2010, 228). Twenty-nine per cent of women experienced physical violence often or sometimes in the past 12 months (NSD 2010, 228). The proportion of women who have ever experienced physical violence is highest among women aged 25-29. These women are also more likely to report having experienced physical violence sometimes or often in the past 12 months (NSD 2010, 229). About two per cent of women aged 15-49 have experienced both physical and sexual violence and one per cent of women aged 15-49 have experienced only sexual violence (NSD 2010, 233). The likelihood of having experienced either physical or sexual violence increases with age, from 31 per cent among women aged 15-19 to 49 per cent among women aged 25-29, before declining to 38 per cent among women in their 40s (NSD 2010, 233). Overall, 36 per cent of evermarried women have experienced some kind of violence (physical, sexual, or emotional) by a husband or partner (NSD 2010, 236) Among the various physical acts of violence experienced by women in the past 12 months, slapping was the most commonly reported act, experienced by 28 per cent of women. Fourteen per cent of women were pushed, shaken, or had something thrown at them by their husband or partner (NSD 2010, 237). Domestic violence is not limited to physical and sexual violence. Verbal abuse, restrictions on freedom of movement, and withholding funds can also constitute violent behaviour (NSD 2010, 236). Eighty-six per cent of women and 81 per cent of men thought that domestic violence was in some circumstances justifiable (NSD 2010, 213-15). International Rescue Committee 2002-2003 Study The 2002-2003 IRC study, based on social surveys of East Timorese families, provided some of the very first data on gender-based violence in Timor-Leste. Findings include (Joshi and Haertsch 2003, 6): Violence by perpetrators outside the family was significantly lower post-crisis, with a 75.8 per cent decrease in physical violence and a 57.1 per cent decrease in sexual violence. In 2002, 43 per cent of married Timorese women surveyed reported at least one incident of violence by their partners. In 2003, 51 per cent of married Timorese women consulted in the last 12 months said they felt unsafe in their relationship and 25 per cent had experienced violence from an intimate partner. The most common forms of domestic violence were physical abuse such as being hit, kicked, punched, slapped, twisting of the arm or hair pulling (21 per cent); and psychological abuse such as the husband threatening to harm the children or the woman’s possessions, the husband stopping his wife from making her own decisions, or making her feel bad about herself (21 per cent). Only two per cent of victims reported such abuse to the police and 84 per cent of respondents felt that family problems should be discussed only with people in the family. Women who married young were at significantly greater risk from some forms of intimate partner violence, especially intimidation and control. The five most common injuries experienced as a result of domestic violence in the last 12 months were ‘psychological difficulties such as nightmares, intrusive memories, significant changes in sleep patterns, feeling constantly afraid and scared’ (22 per cent); ‘loss of consciousness’ (13 per cent); bruises, scrapes or welts (12 per cent); ‘deep wounds or cuts’ (11 per cent); and ‘unwanted pregnancy’ (9 per cent). Complaints to the police In a 2008 survey of police officers, 45 per cent of those surveyed cited domestic violence as the most serious security problem facing the area in which they work – a much higher proportion than for any other crime (Chinn & Everett, 2008, cited in Kovar 2012, 210). The Vulnerable Persons Unit (VPU) is part of the national police of Timor-Leste (see section 5 on initiatives and interventions). The VPU 179

has been collecting information on gender-based violence since October 2000. Police data demonstrates a high incidence of reports of gender-based violence relative to all other crimes since 2000. Within the category of gender-based crimes, domestic violence was the most frequently reported crime across all districts of the country between 2000 and 2009 (Harris-Rimmer 2009, 2010). In 2008, the VPU adapted its classification of gender-based violence cases. It moved rape from ‘domestic violence’ to ‘sexual offences’ and established two new categories of ‘assult/domestic’ and dispute/domestic’ in order to better document and understand the nature of cases (Harris-Rimmer 2009). The VPU has since updated its 2008 and 2009 data, which resulted in an upwards revision of the number of cases of domestic violence previously reported for 2008 and showed persistently high levels for 2009. In Dili, VPU reports in 2009 indicate that more than three domestic violence cases were reported per day (1,095 per year). Moreover, they calculate that for every case reported, at least 10 are unreported (Ferguson 2011, 60). In 2009, 679 cases of gender-based violence were reported to the police, of which 462 cases were categorised as domestic violence (UNHCR & UNMIT 2010, cited in Kovar 2012, 210). Harris-Rimmer (2010) states that the VPU data is likely to undercount actual incidents of sexual and gender-based violence. In the case of Bobonaro, for example, statistics for 2008 revealed a low level of family violence. However, a baseline survey of the district in 2007 (see Alves et al. 2009) found that communities in Bobonaro believed that domestic violence is a private issue that should not be discussed in public. In addition, there are some gaps in the overall VPU data as the unit was not operational during the 2006 crisis. Hospital and NGO service provision Although hospitals and other health facilities do not generally maintain standardised records on gender-based violence or screen for such violence, hospital emergency room and admissions data can provide information on prevalence of incidents. A TLAVA (Timor-Leste Armed Violence Assessment) survey found that almost one-fifth of all women present at emergency rooms in Dili and Baucau hospitals in the summer months of 2006–08 were recorded as victims of domestic violence, with this proportion rising to one-third for women aged 20–39 years (Harris-Rimmer 2009, 3). Statistics are also collected and maintained on women contacting the various support services provided by NGOs in Timor-Leste. Based on data collected from 2004 to 2009 by FOKUPERS, a local NGO that administers various referral and safe-house programmes (see section 5 on initiatives and interventions), there have been persistently high and increasing levels of recorded domestic violence (Kovar 2012, 210; Harris-Rimmer 2010, 38). Court reports Court statistics also indicate the incidence and severity of violence against women. This data is often collated and published by the Timorese legal NGO, Judicial System Monitoring Programme (JSMP) (see section 5 on initiatives and interventions). The organisation’s reports provide a key source of information on police and court treatment of gender-based violence (Harris-Rimmer 2009, 3). A 2010 JSMP monitoring report finds that: ‘the number of cases of domestic violence and other forms of violence against women continue to increase in all areas within the territory of Timor-Leste. This is evidenced by the number of cases of domestic violence and other types of violence against women that are listed in each court jurisdiction including cases attended to by the JSMP’s Victim Support Service (VSS) that show that violence against women and domestic violence in particular are the most prevalent types of violence in Timor-Leste’ (JSMP 2010, 3). More specifically, a study conducted by the JSMP from October 2008 to August 2009 found that of the 152 clients of their Victims Support Service, 73 (48 per cent) were victims of domestic violence or physical assault (JSMP 2009, cited in Harris-Rimmer 2010, 38). JSMP’s monitoring work in 2003 found that 55 per cent of the total criminal cases heard by the Dili District Court during JSMP’s observation period were cases involving women. It also found that there were no final decisions in the cases involving women during this observation period (JSMP 2005, 8). The JSMP also relies on reports to police. Monitoring from 2004 reveals that between January and August 2004, nearly 300 cases of gender-based violence were reported to police (JSMP 2004, cited in O’Reilly and Jevtovic 2008, 21). Kovar (2012) cautions that data drawn from reports to police and to service providers are very likely to understate the extent of domestic violence as only a fraction of crimes are brought to the attention of the police or service providers. In addition, the data provided on cases currently does not offer information on the per 180

centage of cases that have been pursued before and after the promulgation of the 2010 Law Against Domestic Violence (see section 4 on legislation) or any other data on the sentences applied in domestic violence related cases (Kovar 2012, 211). The core components of the national framework for preventing and reducing domestic violence in Timor-Leste The Constitution of Timor-Leste guarantees equality before the law for all citizens, male and female, with all citizens exercising the same rights and being subject to the same duties. It also grants equality between women and men in the context of family relations. Penal Code 2009: Domestic violence and sexual crimes were entered into the penal code in 2009. The code acknowledges all forms of violence as a violation of women’s rights to bodily 4 security and integrity and ensures that criminal proceedings do not depend on a formal complaint from the victim. The Law Against Domestic Violence, 2010: Key additions provided by the LADV include a broad definition of domestic violence, an outline of services to be provided, and specific obligations of the police. While the development, passage and promulgation of the LADV remains a significant achievement, in practice it remains underused. This is largely due to lack of awareness; women’s concerns over economic dependency; and the belief that domestic violence should be dealt with privately or through traditional justice (Macdonald 2012). Timor Leste Government Initiatives The Office of the Secretary of State for the Promotion of Equality (SEPI) is the main government body working on issues of gender-based violence. One of its four core programmes is the strengthening of national capacity to address gender-based violence. Its head sits on the Council of Ministers and is thus able to influence decision-making. The inclusion of women in politics through SEPI has contributed to a growing perception by women that they will receive greater protection (Ferguson 2011). The ‘Gender Based Violence Referral Partners Network’ was established in 2001 and has been run by SEPI since 2009. The Network brings all major agencies together and coordinates partners around advocacy and service provision. Vulnerable Persons’ Unit, National Police Force A notable accomplishment of the United Nations administration in Timor-Leste was the establishment of the Vulnerable Persons’ Unit (VPU) within the national police force. The VPU functions at the national and district level to handle cases of sexual 5assault, domestic violence, child abuse and missing persons. It has provided an identifiable access point and designated police officers within the police services for victims of gender-based violence and service providers. This, in turn, has fostered positive collaboration and coordination between the police and NGO service providers (Alves et al. 2009; Robertson 2005). International development organisation initiative There is very little information available about the specific roles that international development agencies and international NGOs are playing in addressing gender-based violence in Timor-Leste. Many of their activities seem to be focused on supporting and funding various local NGOs operating in this area and the national government, primarily SEPI. International NGOs have largely been involved in prevention activities, specifically education and awareness-building. Oxfam, Caritas Australia and the International Rescue Committee (IRC) have all undertaken education on genderbased violence and gender issues at the local level (Robertson 2005). UNIFEM has engaged in various prevention activities in Timor-Leste. Civil society initiatives Civil society organisations in Timor-Leste remain the primary actors on gender-based violence issues. 181

Support and service activities Fokupers Fórum Komunikasi Perempuan Lorosa'e (East Timorese Women’s Communication Forum) – FOKUPERS provides the most comprehensive services to victims/survivors of gender-based violence and their families, including specialised counselling, legal advice, court accompaniment, and shelter. Psychosocial Recovery and Development in East Timor – PRADET is a national NGO that specialises in mental health counselling and psychosocial support. It works in partnership with the VPU, Fokupers, JSMP, SEPI, Caritas Australia and other organisations and provides support to clients who suffer from trauma stemming from violence. The organisation works directly with the Ministry of Health in the training of nurses and obstetricians on recovery from trauma. It also provides extensive training and workshops to the police and other service providers. PRADET operates the Safe Room (Fatin Hakmatek) funded by UNFPA, Caritas Australia (and previously the IRC). This involves a crisis service of counselling, medical care and forensic documentation of injuries resulting from genderbased violence. The Judicial System Monitoring Programme (JSMP) is a national NGO that engages in court monitoring and judicial system and legislative analysis; provides legal support and witness support during the court processes; and undertakes extensive training and outreach work (Alves et al. 2009). The JSMP established the Victim Support Service (VSS), which provides information, advice, and support to victims/survivors of gender-based violence in order to empower them and improve their ability to access the formal justice sector. Ellsberg et al. (2008, 39) find that the VSS has helped improve outcomes for women. The JSMP’s Women’s Justice Unit implemented the project: ‘Training for Women about GenderBased Violence and Formal Justice’ (2006-2008). Trembath et al. (2010, 134-135) find that: ‘In terms of positive impacts, JSMP’s training has appeared to have contributed to attitudinal change, moving 6 the community toward the idea that violence against women is a legitimate problem rather than acceptable practice; and to the view that the formal justice system has a role in addressing violence against women. Prevention activities There are various civil society organisations involved in awareness-raising and campaigning and in education and training on violence against women. One of the biggest challenges to public education on gender-based violence is the level of literacy. Many activists recognise the importance of involving the Catholic church, a key institution in the country, in efforts to end gender-based violence, in the hopes that the church can provide moral persuasion against violence (Robertson, 2005). One of the most widely-cited successful public education efforts is the Association of Men Against Violence (AMKV). Its main objective is to sensitive young men and raise community awareness about gender inequality and ending violence against women and girls. (Alves et al. 2009; Harris-Rimmer 2009). AMKV’s activities involve group education sessions. The organisation engages the community by helping groups of men to organise around their own priorities, with discussion of violence against women and gender equality arising naturally during these activities (Ellsberg et al. 2008). Alongside support for community education, policies that address women’s economic and social disadvantage and promote women’s participation in public decision-making and leadership are key to reducing rates of violence against women (Macdonald 2012). There are various organisations engaged in such work. For example, Feto iha Kbiit Servisu Hamutuk (Youn Women Working Together – FKSH) works to increase and reinforce women’s economic capacity, defend women’s rights, and organise women’s activities, so as to encourage independence. They hold the view that helping women to find economic independence can contribute to reducing domestic violence. Another organisation is the Alola Foundation, whose vision is for Timorese women to have ‘equal status in all aspects of life (access, participation, role in decision-making, enjoyment of benefits of development) through education, community development, health and community leadership’ (Trembath et al. 2010, 68). Conclusion Overcoming and reducing domestic violence in Timor-Leste requires significant individual, community, and societal shifts, none of which can happen overnight. In other words there should be venues for a change of patriarchal mindset, reduce the power relationship and promote awareness raising campaign activities and get the individuals, community and society to understand that domestic violence is a public crime and nobody can escape from such norms and every single citizen 182

of Timor Leste are all subjected to obey the LADV (Law Against Domestic Violence) without exception. Long-standing cultural attitudes are entrenched and will be difficult to overcome. Although the road ahead may be long, norms are embodied in laws as well as attitudes, and reforming the legal apparatus is an essential first step in reorienting beliefs and behaviours. At the foundation of the crisis of domestic violence in Timor-Leste is the essentially patriarcal nature of the society, exacerbated by the recent history of violent conflict, which places women in a second class where they are dependent on men and subserviente to them. Non-governmental organizations have recognized the centrality of this problem not only to addressing domestic violence, but taking into consideration the issue of stability and prosperity of Timor-Leste. Empowering women and girls to live free from economic, social, and emotional dependency on men will benefit the entire society. Before that can be achieved, however, there is much to be done to better document all cases related to domestic violence and forward the formal justice and punish the perpetrators and provide venues to support victims of domestic violence as well as support victims in either psychological or physical healing. Bibliography Alves, M.D.F. et al. 2009, Baseline study on sexual and gender-based violence in Bobonaro and Covalima, Asia Pacific Support Collective Timor-Leste, Dili. Ellsberg, M. et al. 2012, Violence against women in Melanesia and Timor-Leste: Progress made since the 2008 Office of Development Effectiveness report, International Centre on Research for Women (ICRW). Ellsberg, M. et al., 2008, Violence against women in Melanesia and East Timor: Building ongoing global and regional promising approaches. Office of Development Effectiveness, AusAID. Ferguson, P. 2011, ‘Progress in legislating domestic violence and gender-based violence in Timor-Leste’, Geografia: Malaysia Journal of Society and Space 7(1): 53-64. Grenfell, D. et al., 2015, Beyond fragility & inequity women experiences of the economic dimensions of domestic violence in Timor Leste, Nabilan Hapara Violensia Domestika Kontra Feto. Harris-Rimmer, S. 2010, ‘Sexual and gender-based violence’, in R. Muggah and E. Lebrun (eds) Timor-Leste armed violence assessment final report, Geneva, Small Arms Survey, pp. 37-52. --- 2009, After the guns fall silent: Sexual and gender-based violence in Timor-Leste (Issue Brief No. 5). TimorLeste Armed Violence Assessment. Joshi, V. & Haertsch. M. 2003, Prevalence of gender-based violence in East Timor, International Rescue Committee East Timor. JSMP. 2010, The importance of having a domestic violence law in Timor Leste, Judicial System Monitoring Programme (JSMP). --- 2005, Statistics on cases of violence against women in Timor Leste, Judicial System Monitoring Programme (JSMP). Kovar, A. 2012, ‘Approaches to domestic violence against women in Timor-Leste: a review and critique’, Human Rights Education in Asia-Pacific 3: 207-252. Macdonald, A. 2012, ‘Violence against women in Timor-Leste: a report from the field’, in Australian Domestic and Family Violence Clearinghouse. Health Impacts: Newsletter 47: pp. 7-9. NSD and ICF Macro 2010, Timor-Leste Demographic and Health Survey 2009-10. National Statistics Directorate and Ministry of Finance, Timor-Leste (NSD) and ICF Macro, Dili. O’Reilly, J. & Jevtovic, P. 2008, ‘On criminal silences: gender-based violence in Timor Leste’, Journal for Women and Policing 22: 20-26. Robertson, K. 2005, Gender-based violence in Timor-Leste: a case study, United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA). SG’s database. 2008. UNIFEM’s say NO to violence against women campaign in Timor-Leste. Trembath, A., Grenfall, D. & Noronha, C. M. 2010, Impacts of national NGO gender programming in local communities in Timor-Leste, Globalism Research Centre, RMIT University, Melbourne, Australia. UN Women. 2011, Violence against women prevalence data: survey.

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29 Liberating the people: young adults, political reconciliation and constitution in TimorLeste Sara ten Brinke Our focus, for this generation, for young people…is how to liberate, how to really liberate the Maubere people, by the Maubere sons, not by other people (Francisco, 30 years old, student and NGO worker, Dili).1

While researching active young adult’s2 perspectives on reconciliation in Timor-Leste in 2012, the conversations with my research participants often turned to the necessity of ‘liberating the people’. What it meant to liberate the people mostly covered issues like combating corruption, achieving social justice and socio-economic equality, upholding and fostering national pride, and developing citizenship. Discourse about liberating the people was always accompanied by the statement that the generations which resisted against the Indonesian occupation managed to liberate the land but had failed to liberate the people. In this paper I explore how the idea of liberating the people is related to reconciliation, and what it can tell us about inter-generational reconciliation, by focusing on what I have called the in-between-generation in Timor-Leste (ten Brinke 2013). Young adults often sketched out the contours of four generations in Timorese society: the Portuguese, the Indonesian, the independence, and the new generation. Considering the emic use of the term in Timor-Leste, I follow Mannheim’s (1952) socio-historical approach to generation. Hence, what defines a generation is the way people are shaped by specific historical and social events, rather than by demographics. I found the two main parameters for belonging to a generation in Timor-Leste to be: participation in the independence struggle and formal education. Consequently, the Portuguese generation refers mostly to elites who were educated by the Portuguese (before 1975) and who contested the Indonesian occupation either as leaders of the armed resistance or in exile. The Indonesian generation refers to the people born and raised under Indonesian occupation, between 1975 and the early 1990s. With its members generally regarded as resistance heroes or Indonesian collaborators, the passive majority often remains outside discussion. The ‘new’ generation refers to youth and children born and growing up after independence in 2002 who receive their education mostly in the two official languages, Portuguese and Tetun. The independence generation, which constituted my research population (young adults roughly 17 to 30 years old) were born under Indonesian occupation and their school careers were interrupted by the transition to independence and by a shuffling of languages and curricula. They were often referred to as neither belonging to the Indonesian nor to the new generation, which led me to consider them an in-between generation (ten Brinke 2013). While, as my research participants put it, their parents and grandparents hold on to ‘traditional’ culture and their younger siblings navigate the realm of ‘alien’ globalized culture, young adults see themselves as mediators between cultural worlds and guardians of Timorese national identity. In terms of political participation, young adults are often hailed as ‘the future of the nation’. However, they are mostly excluded from politics because they lack the most important political legitimizer in Timor-Leste: having struggled for independence. The same in-between-ness counts for the process of reconciliation. Young adults have a memory of the struggle, but did not actively participate in it. Consequently, they were excluded from the official reconciliation process of the Commission for Reception, Truth, and Reconciliation (mostly known by its Portuguese acronym CAVR and thus henceforth referred to as such). The CAVR mandate ran between 2002 and 2005. Its task was to establish the truth about human rights violations between 1974 and 1999, formulate recommendations based on these findings, and run Community Reconciliation Processes (CRPs) (CAVR 2005, 2). These CRPs were considered by many as the most successful part of the CAVR. They were designed to reintegrate (East Timorese)

1

Quotes in this paper have been translated from the original Tetun into English by the author. In order to guarantee the privacy of my research participants, all names in this thesis are pseudonyms. 2 Research participants were mostly students from the Universidade Nasional de Timor Lorosa’e (UNTL).

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perpetrators of minor crimes (e.g. theft, killing of livestock) perpetrated as acts of political violence, into their communities (CAVR 2005, 11). For these processes, the commission made use of a traditional ceremony called Nahe Biti Bo’ot (Trindade and Castro 2007, 37). In this ceremony, victims and perpetrators face each other on a ceremonial mat, mediated by elders and local leaders. The ceremony’s goal is confession, eventual forgiveness and/or compensation and reintegration (Burgess 2004, 150; see also Babo-Soares 2004). The prominence and reasonable success of the CRPs might explain why they became regarded as a watershed for reconciliation in Timor-Leste. Young adults, although they were rarely personally present at a CAVR Nahe Biti Bo’ot ceremony, grew up with the ceremony being referred to as the process of reconciliation, and thus were socialized into equating reconciliation with this individual and (literally) face-to-face form of conflict resolution. Hence, ‘I did not see it with my own eyes’ often accompanied young adults’ discourse about reconciliation. When I asked in a Focus Group what the participants’ personal relationship to reconciliation was, Daniel, a student of Social Communication, answered: At the time of the process of reconciliation we were still small and sometimes we were still hiding in the mountains. We know who killed who, but we did not see it with our own eyes and also inside the process of reconciliation, it was not us doing the talking, it was the victims who did the talking...but as Timorese we still feel hurt (laran moras).

This answer delineates a few important aspects of young adults’ relationship to reconciliation. Firstly, the word reconciliation is immediately related to the official CAVR process. Secondly, young adults feel they have no personal relationship to reconciliation because they were too young to participate in the official process. Hence, Daniel does not self-characterize as a victim, because he was not officially a victim in the CAVR process. Finally, young adults, despite not self-identifying as victims, know ‘who killed who’ and ‘still feel hurt’. Consequently, when I asked them whether reconciliation was achieved in Timor-Leste, they often told me it wasn’t. However, when I asked them what their role in reconciliation was, they answered they did not have one. This leads us to a fundamental problem in the concept of reconciliation both in theory and in practice: what can reconciliation be to generations who suffer the consequences of conflict but who were neither classified as victims nor as perpetrators? Also in academia, reconciliation is often analysed as a process between individuals, or at most groups, divided into the categories of victim and perpetrator, who were involved in direct conflict (Daly and Sarkin 2007). Through this victim/perpetrator approach, reconciliation becomes equated to issues of justice (Harper 2005), truth and amnesty (Christodoulidis 2000). Furthermore, it connotes ‘a return to or recreation of the status quo ante, whether real or imagined’ (Daly and Sarkin 2007, 5). Nordquist (2006) is one of the few scholars who addresses the question of reconciliation for post-conflict generations’. He distinguishes between intra-generational reconciliation, which takes place between perpetrators and victims, and inter-generational reconciliation, which concerns ‘those individuals and groups who have to come to grips with prejudices, memories, and who have had to grow up in divided communities, due to past grievances and divisions’ (Nordquist 2006, 13). Regrettably (and paradoxically), he fails to address the relation between generations directly involved in the conflict and generations growing up in its wake. In this paper therefore, I include the specifically inter-generational relationships at play in this form of inter-generational reconciliation. How does the post-conflict generation relate to reconciliation, but also, how does the post-conflict generation relate to the conflict-generation and vice-versa? What are the dynamics at play in inter-generational reconciliation? In order to analyse this inter-generational aspect it will be helpful to dwell shortly on the concept of political reconciliation as developed by Schaap (2004, 2007; see also Christodoulidis and Veitch 2007 and Murphy 2010). Political reconciliation, here, does not concern forgiveness or individual overcoming of hatred (Murphy 2007, 854). In this sense, what is political about it, is that it is more about the reconciliation between members of a society, than about the restoration of personal relationships (Murphy 2007, 854). Schaap (2007, 9) states that to understand reconciliation politically we should regard it not as a restoration of previous relationships but rather as a revolution. In Schaap’s understanding, reconciliation is not a ‘recollection of a prior state of harmony’ but rather and ‘invocation of a ‘we’ as the basis of a new political order’ (Schaap 2007, 9, emphasis in original). To see reconciliation as the creation of a new political order, Schaap, strongly influenced by Hannah 185

Arendt, relates political reconciliation to the concept of constitution. This is not so much a juridical constitution, but rather ‘the performative constitution of a ‘we’ through collective action and the constitution of a space for a reconciliatory politics in which the appearance of this ‘we’ is an everpresent possibility’ (Schaap 2007, 10). The concept of political reconciliation thus allows to accommodate generations who did not directly participate in conflict but who still suffer its consequences. However, young people’s focus on liberating the people in Timor Leste shows that even this process is potentially exclusive. As I have shown, and as my research participants underscored, in an understanding of reconciliation as a process of return to the status quo ante, there is no place for post-conflict generations. Still, young adults did spell out to me what was necessary to avoid the relapse into conflict. And they also presented themselves as the actors who would achieve that. Only, they did not call this reconciliation. They called it ‘liberating the people’. When analysing the 2006 crisis with young adults, they often explained to me that what the crisis had shown, was that the people of TimorLeste were not yet liberated. This meant that people where not educated about democracy yet and very easily influenced by leaders who used them for their personal and political gains, it meant that people were still poor while the divide between rich and poor grew and while the politicians were enriching themselves through corruption, and finally it meant that there was no spirit of Timorese nationalism and identification between the Timorese. Most of all, the present leaders had forgotten those who had fought alongside them, they had forgotten that their task in the country was not yet over and had become corrupted by power. According to my research participants, all these elements of a not-yet-liberated people taken together caused the predisposition for renewed conflict and the inflammatory potential which worried so many during the crisis of 2006. But what would it exactly mean then, to really liberate the people? António, a student of Public Administration, stated that to liberate the people would mean to combat the growing corruption, to stop the creation of different economic classes, to divide the wealth of the country evenly, and to make it possible for the whole population to enjoy the benefits of being an independent nation-state. For Tiago, a student active in the Student Front, to liberate the people meant to fight against discrimination, to fight for a fair and sustainable economic system, and to teach people to valorise being Timorese. Liberating the people thus meant to set things straight which older generations had let go astray. However, the reason for wanting this was always described as the wish to go forward, to move away from conflict and, most of all, to avoid the relapse into conflict. This is why I regard young adult’s proposed ‘liberation of the people’ as a form of political reconciliation. However, there was one peculiarity that always accompanied talk of liberating the people: it was always projected into the future, to the moment where they would be in power. The question what youth could do now, in the present, often remained unanswered or covered things like learning to become good leaders, preparing themselves for the task. The idea was very clear: we the youth, the future of the nation, will liberate the people and finish the struggle…just not quite yet. At the present moment the political arena did not yet belong to them and no-one listened to them because they had not participated in the resistance. Hence, the struggle of the past was about territory, and about political independence, while the struggle of the future is about economic equality, development, and valorisation of a Timorese identity. The struggle of the past belonged to the Portuguese and the Indonesian generations, while the struggle of the future would belong to the in-between-generation. Remarkable here, is that young adults coat their task for the future in a discourse of struggle and resistance. I argue that the profound link, in Timor-Leste, between (political) legitimacy and the participation in the independence struggle continues affecting how young adults interpret and construct their future responsibilities. In order to receive recognition, they have to frame their participation in a discourse of struggle. In fact, young adults have to formulate their actions as a continuation of the past struggle. Hence, the liberation of the people would be youth’s contribution to the moving away from conflict and towards sustainable national unity (in other words reconciliation). However, this contribution is projected into a hypothetical future and coated in a language of resistance in order to create a legitimate space for the in-between-generation in the history of Timor-Leste that is still to be made. We could thus say that the in-between-generation is being excluded from the process of political reconciliation by the Portuguese and the Indonesian generations for the same reasons they were excluded from the CAVR reconciliation: they did not actively participate in the struggle for 186

independence. They are made by older generations into spectators, rather than actors, in the act of constitution – in the creation of a space where a new ‘we’ can emerge. Youth, as many leaders like to repeat at every possible occasion, are the future of the nation. They are, however, not given the chance to be its present. And so, as I started this paper with a quote from a young Timorese man, I end it with a quote, an outcry, from a young Timorese woman: We need a space in which people from the Indonesian generation, the Portuguese generation and the youth can meet to discuss. After the land was liberated we now need a common vision about how to proceed to liberate the people. Because they say that the future of the nation is in the hands of the youth. But the youth have problems, and they cannot solve the problems because the roots of history still hold them tight. We need a space to sit together and share our experiences in order to develop one common vision, a vision about how to liberate the people (Ana, 26 years old, student and NGO worker, Dili).

Bibliography Babo-soares, D. 2004, ‘Nahe Biti: the philosophy and process of grassroots reconciliation (and justice) in East Timor’, The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 5(1): 15-33. Burgess, P. 2004, ‘Justice and reconciliation in East Timor: the relationship between the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation and the Courts’, Criminal Law Forum 15: 135-158. Commission for Reception, Truth, and Reconciliation in Timor-Leste (CAVR) 2005, Chega! The Report of the Commission for Reception, Truth, and Reconciliation in Timor-Leste, CAVR, Dili, Timor-Leste. Christodoulidis, E. A. 2000, ‘‘Truth and reconciliation’ as risks’, Social and Legal Studies 9: 179-204. Christoloulidis, E. and Veitch, S. 2007, ‘Introduction’, in Veitch, S. (ed) Law and the Politics of Reconciliation, Ashgate, Aldershot. Daly, E. and Sarkin, J. 2007, Reconciliation in divided societies: finding common ground, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia. Harper, E. 2005, ‘Delivering justice in the wake of mass violence: new approaches to transitional justice’, Journal of Conflict and Security Law 10(2): 149-185. Mannheim, K. 1952, ‘The problem of generations’, in Kecskemeti, P. (ed) Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge by Karl Mannheim, Routledge, London. Murphy, C. 2007, ‘Political reconciliation, the rule of law, and genocide’, The European Legacy 12(7): 835-865. --- 2010 A moral theory of political reconciliation, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Nordquist, K. 2006, ‘Reconciliation as a political concept: some observations and remarks’, Documento de Investigación núm.17. Bogotá: Editorial Universidad del Rosario. Schaap, A. 2004, ‘Political reconciliation through a struggle for recognition?’ Social and Legal Studies 13(4): 523-540. --- 2007, ‘The Time of reconciliation and the space of politics’, in Veitch, S. (ed) Law and the Politics of Reconciliation, Ashgate, Hampshire. ten Brinke, S. 2013, Between past and future: youth and political reconciliation in Timor-Leste. Master of Science Thesis. Utrecht University. Trindade, J. and Castro, B. 2007, Rethinking Timorese identity as a peacebuilding strategy: The Lorosa’eLoromonu conflict from a traditional perspective. Dili: Final Report for GTZ/IS.

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30 Procedures, perspectives, politics and peace: The 2012 national elections in TimorLeste Emily Toome The 2012 national elections in Timor-Leste were deemed free and fair by international observers and have been taken as an indicator that the young country is progressing towards democratisation and peace. While the conduct of elections is used to measure the relative success or failure of democracy and state-building in Timor-Leste, this paper argues that focusing on procedures alone ignores many of the nuances of how and why people engage in national political processes. Understanding such perspectives may offer important insight into ongoing social changes and the prospects for peace and stable governance. In this paper, I first consider literature on the promotion and measurement of democracy in post-conflict countries, including Timor-Leste, and then introduce findings from research conducted during the 2012 elections.1 Promoting and measuring democracy In Timor-Leste and elsewhere since the 1990s, international peace-building interventions have tended to share a broad goal of transitioning societies affected by conflict to what Addison and Brück (2009, 7) term the ‘3Ps’ of ‘peace’, ‘political participation’ and ‘prosperity’. National elections are an archetypal (albeit debated) indicator of the ‘p’ of political participation, and are also posited as important for peace—as democracies are supposedly less prone to internal and external conflict—and prosperity, compelling government response to the needs of its citizenry (for a critical account of these assumptions, see Tadjbakhsh, 2011; Newman, Paris, & Richmond 2009). Rui Fiejo (2012, 32) explains that ‘Elections are a sine qua non condition for a polity to claim democratic status’, giving citizens a voice and endowing the political leadership with local and international legitimacy. He, along with other election observers and political commentators (for instance, Australia Timor-Leste Friendship Network, 2012; EU Election Observer Mission 2012), assessed the 2012 East Timorese elections as being “free and fair”, for the most part meeting international standards of transparency, accessibility, open competitiveness, administrative neutrality and non-coercion. While these measures of democratic procedure have some importance, they give little indication of how East Timorese subjectively feel about elections, democratisation, politics or governance. In their critique of conventional measures of democratisation in post-colonial states, Koelble and LiPuma (2008, 7-9) argue that measuring democracy is treated as a scientific exercise; that is, that the quality of governance could be objectively measured without the views of the governed. They further argue that the use of indicators derived from established Western democracies imply that all nations will follow in the same trajectory, ignoring difference and the potential for autonomous direction. Studies of peace-, state- and nation-building in Timor-Leste have increasingly acknowledged that these processes entail a hybridity or entanglement of endogenous and indigenous visions, wedded between history, the present and the future, local mores and international models (for instance, Brown & Gusmao 2009; Cummins 2010; Cummins & Leach 2012; Richmond 2011). However in analysis of elections in Timor-Leste, attention is sometimes restricted to the procedures of the modern state,2 as if other social factors are irrelevant to citizens’ engagement.

1

Sincere thanks go to Damian Grenfell for organising this fieldwork opportunity for Kathryn Higgins and myself, as well as to our team of local research assistants, Frederica Rosa, Fidelis Belo, Sangina de Jesus Esteves and Adolfino Varela, and to those who generously participated by sharing their time, views and experiences. 2 Notable exceptions include Hohe 2002; McWIlliam & Bexley 2007.

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Field research While the empirical research we conducted in 2012 did not disregard procedural dimensions of elections or conventional indicators of democracy, our greater interest was in the subjective: what value does voting have for East Timorese? What factors influence decision-making about who to vote for? How connected do East Timorese feel to their national government?3 The methods of our research comprised: surveys of 393 East Timorese across three suku of Dili;4 fourteen semi-structured interviews;5 collection of election related materials; and observations that we made in the field during the second round runoff for the Presidential election. While the surveys were quantitative in form, here I treat them in a qualitative sense, using some of the patterns that emerged in the responses to open up discussion, rather than presenting a statistical breakdown of responses for each question.6 An area for future research, which we were not able to explore in any depth in 2012, is how East Timorese understand the concept democracy, what values and processes they see as integral to democracy and the degree to which national and other forms of politics are viewed as democratic.7 While this paper refers to ‘East Timorese perspectives’, what I am discussing are the perspectives of respondents based in Dili; it is conceivable that there would be differences outside the capital, where the modern state has lesser presence. The timing of our research also bears consideration. The national elections gave us a tangible point for enquiring into perspectives on democratisation; it would be interesting to compare views offered outside of election periods, in the absence of the political rallies, promotional banners, graffiti, posters, stickers, and civic education materials that regularly punctuated public spaces during the time of our fieldwork. Embracing democracy A local working in democratisation programs told us that the high turnout of eligible voters during national elections since 1999 has been because people embrace the value of ‘one man one vote’ (E. Timorese male, April 2012). Overall, a majority of East Timorese participants in our research professed a positive view of democracy. For instance, survey questions about the impact of democracy on Timor-Leste to date and the anticipated impact of the 2012 elections on the respondent’s life both elicited highly positive assessments – over 70% of respondents for each question stated that they thought the impacts had so far been, or would be, ‘Definitely positive’. By contrast, 8% stated democracy definitely has not been good for Timor-Leste and 7% stated the impacts would definitely not be positive. Responses to another survey question seemed to validate the role of elections as means for determining government legitimacy; nearly 85% of survey participants stated that people definitely should have to follow the law even if the political party that they vote for does not win, with only 3% stating that they definitely should not have to. Other responses were more ambiguous. Just a little over half (54%) of the survey respondents expressed high confidence that by voting during elections they could definitely impact the political system, with 14% stating that they felt they were definitely unable to impact the political system by voting, and roughly a tenth either neutral about the impact they could have, or choosing not to

3

The study was something of a follow up to research during the previous round of national elections (see Toome, Grenfell & Higgins 2012), and is part of a broader, ongoing enquiry into the subjective sense of connection that East Timorese hold to evolving political processes and forms of community (see Timor-Leste Research Program, www.timor-research.org) 4 A roughly equal number of survey participants (of each gender) were sought in each suku: 134 in Becora, 123 in Fatu-Hada and 136 in Tasi Tolu. Our East Timorese research assistants administered the surveys verbally, in Tetun or one of the other languages they had fluency in, approaching residents in the streets or at their houses. 5 Eight interviews were conducted with East Timorese following their participation in the survey, two interviews were conducted in English with East Timorese involved in state-building activities, and we carried out four interviews with internationals who had worked long-term in Timor-Leste, in the areas of peace-building, security and human rights. 6 The full survey results will in the future be available through the Timor-Leste Research Program website, www.timor-research.org 7 For instance, the term democracia Timorense (Timorese democracy) has sometimes been used by East Timorese political figures, suggesting something of a pushback to imposed models of democracy.

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respond. The somewhat subdued enthusiasm about how one’s vote might impact the political system could be due to various factors, including procedural features,8 or the sense that voting can impact which party/leader enters the political system, but it is not an effective way to compel change of that system. One international observer suggested that national elections serve as the primary point of connection between many people and the East Timorese state: ‘I think it’s the one thing that they have, the one way they have of participating, of changing something’ (International male, April 2012). This same interviewee suggested that voting could therefore entail an element of anger or payback, particularly given what he termed the “Kafka-esque” bureaucratic hurdles to accessing government services. A similar point was raised by an East Timorese interviewee, explaining that if people were dissatisfied with how the government recognised them, East Timorese will say ‘“Your destiny is at the edge of nail in our hand”. It means that we will decide, whether you like it or not, we will decide’ (E. Timorese male, April 2012). The long denial, or at least severe constraint, of this form of democratic expression was reported by several interviewees as contributing to high rates of voter participation: it’s historical because of the 1999 vote and that’s when people really got it, that ‘Wow, it’s important to vote’…that 1999 vote was just so seminal, I mean, and such a big point in many people’s lives (International female, April 2012).

Nonetheless, when questioned about the importance of voting in national elections responses were somewhat polarised. While 60% of people surveyed said that they thought it definitely mattered if people do not vote, a sizeable 25% gave a response at the other end of the scale, stating that it definitely does not matter if people do not vote. This latter figure is comparable to the roughly 25% of eligible voters who chose not to vote in the three 2012 national ballots,9 itself reflective of a gradual decline in the rate of eligible voter participation.10 If voting is not perceived as an effective means to compel change, voter apathy may overcome the sense of compulsion to vote that this East Timorese man alluded to: ‘It is people’s duty to go to vote, but all that we really want is that one day we can eat three times a day’ (E. Timorese male, April 2012). Policies, programs, patronage, peace Notwithstanding variations in how democracy is conceived, Koelble & LiPuma (2008, 18) contend that above all else it is founded on the notion of the sovereignty of the citizenry and their ability to decide on their leadership and political preferences. The responses to our survey suggested this aspect of democratic decision-making was of high importance, with policies and leadership qualities as the most frequent considerations informing voting choices. When asked their most important reason for choosing to vote for a particular presidential candidate or political party in the parliamentary elections, the most common response, given by just under two thirds of respondents to each question was the candidate or party’s policies and programs.11 Unfortunately, the design of our survey means it’s impossible to know what exactly respondents had in mind when giving this answer, for instance whether there were specific policies or ideologies that they felt informed their voting decisions. Complicating things further, many interviewees suggested that policies and programs tend to be poorly formulated and/or communicated

8

For instance, the threshold of votes required for a political party to receive a parliamentary seat and the proliferation of competing parties mean that many fail to enter government; supporters of such parties may feel they have lost their ability to have a political impact. 9 According to the CNE website, rates of eligible voter participation in 2012 are as follows: First round Presidential ballot 78.2%, second round Presidential ballot 73.1%, and Parliamentary ballot 74.8%. 10 Eligible voter participation in 2007: first round Presidential ballot 81.7%, second round Presidential ballot 81.0%, Parliamentary ballot 80.5%. In 2002 86.2% of eligible voters participated in the Presidential election, 91% in the 2001 vote for the Constituent Assembly, and 98.9% in the 1999 referendum. 11 While space constrained by space here, it is worth noting that some East Timorese interviewees explained that the personal qualities of particular political leaders are of great importance, sometimes trumping an individual’s allegiance to a political party.

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in Timor-Leste, with one international observer describing it as a ‘policy free zone’ (International male, April 2012) and another noting surprise at having observed little discussion of a distinct difference in policy between the shortlisted presidential candidates (International female, April 2012). A potential explanation for this pattern of survey response then could be that ‘policies and programs’ stood in as something of a shorthand or substitute term to signify the personal benefits that might follow from a particular candidate or party’s election into government. Such benefits may indeed derive from the government’s implementation of particular policies, however can also flow through informal networks, such as familial-based support, patrimonialism or clientelism (Scambary 2015). National and other forms of community – The ambiguity of family Prior research has shown complex and changing relationships between national politics and subnational forms of community, notably the family and customary structures of uma (house) (for example, da Costa Magno & Coa 2012; Gusmao 2012; Leach 2012; Tilman 2012). For many locals the family continues as a key provider of material security, and in the context of scarce formal employment opportunities and uneven levels of development, having family ties to a member of government12 or state employee can be an important lifeline. As an East Timorese interviewee explained, her kinship relations to a party member influenced her family’s affiliation to that party, stating that ‘if the party won, the family all win’ (Female interviewee, April 2012). Access to resources is not the only familial consideration; customary worldviews that precede (but are not static) the independent state of Timor-Leste intersect and inform how locals imagine their nation (Traube 2007; Wallis 2013), such that association to their familial uma, customary regulation of lisan and belief in lulik can also shape an individual’s participation in modern political processes. As noted by Damian Grenfell (2015, 173), analysis and representation of Timor-Leste frequently portray it as a society that is a modern nation and polity alone, ‘rendering large parts of social life either negatively, or, almost more powerfully, simply beyond consideration’. For instance, he points to the EU Election Monitor’s comment that the East Timorese electoral roll is not regularly ‘cleansed of deceased people’ (EU 2012, p. 4) proposing that attention to local lifeworlds (rather than modern state procedures alone) suggests that the reluctance to remove names from the electoral roll could in part be because of respect for matebian sia [souls of the dead] and fear of reprisals from ancestors if not given suitable recognition. The cosmological worldview in which the dead exist alongside the living and contribute to their fate was evident in how some interviewees during the 2007 research explained that respect for deceased ancestors compelled their family’s allegiance to a particular political party (Toome, Grenfell & Higgins 2012, 33-4).13 Seeking insight into the significance of the family, our survey asked whether the respondent thought that East Timorese normally vote the same way as their families, to which over three quarters (76%) said ‘Definitely not’, compared to 13% who said ‘Definitely yes’. Our wording of this question had been informed by research in 2007, during which there was a resoundingly negative response – 91% of respondents in Dili saying no and just 4% saying yes – when survey respondents were asked ‘When you chose a candidate/vote for a party, were/are you influenced at all by your family?’. The research team in 2007 found there had been a clear issue with the Indonesian translation of ‘influence’ (pengaruh), as rather than being neutral the term was interpreted negatively to mean a kind of ‘undue influence’ (Toome, Grenfell & Higgins 2012). Despite the adamant rejection of the influence of the family, 37% of Dili-based survey respondents in 2007 nonetheless stated that all of their family voted for same candidate or party, suggesting a familial influence. Attachment to the democratic rhetoric of

12

The increasing number of political parties competing in the parliamentary elections and the requirement of listing some 80 names per organisation amplify the chances that a voter will know or be related to a candidate (McWilliam & Bexley 2008, 67; Feijo 2012, 47). 13 See Hohe (2002) for a suggestion that FRETILIN tapped into customary fears of ancestral sanctions in their electoral campaigning in 2001. While a hybridity or entanglement of woldviews and practices appears to be common, the outcomes of deliberate attempts to utilise custom for the purposes of modern politics are never certain (see for example McWilliam, Palmer & Shepherd 2014; Trindade 2008; Wallis 2013).

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“one man, one vote” and the definite freeing up political choice since independence likely triggered a strong rejection to the idea that one’s voting choices could be forced by another. Returning to the 2012 research, reflections made by our East Timorese research assistants suggested that despite framing the survey question in a less personal manner, some respondents still perceived it as implying a compulsion for families to vote the same way. The survey respondents’ strong refutation that family members vote the same way seemed to jar with opinions expressed by East Timorese and international interviewees, who acknowledged that hierarchical and patriarchal relations within families and communities were still influential.14 Other interviewees believed that the secrecy of casting a ballot, as well increased education and willingness to debate politics within families means that there is growing divergence in how family members vote; however some suggested this is less common and may cause familial conflict. (Re)imagining the nation? This paper notes some ambiguities that emerged during our 2012 research into East Timorese perspectives on political decision making at the time of elections. Democracy was largely perceived as being positive; however, there was some doubt about the efficacy or necessity of voting. While policies reportedly motivated voter choices, they were described as being under-formulated or indiscrete. Survey participants largely rejected the proposition that there was similarity in how family members vote, however it was suggested to be likely by interviewees, who challenged the image of the isolated decision-making individual of “one man, one vote”, and instead pointed to individuals’ embeddedness within families and other groups. While further research would be needed to explore reasons for such ambiguities, I finish here by questioning whether sometimes the expression of democratic rhetoric might reflect somewhat aspirational or performative claims: unlike in the past, as citizens of modern Timor-Leste we can make our own educated voting choices, free from the coercion of others. In saying this, I do not mean to imply those we spoke to were duplicitous or blinded by some false consciousness, nor do I want to discredit or devalue the opinions expressed to us. Instead, I tentatively wonder whether the perspectives encountered might be indicative of (both practical and rhetorical) means by which East Timorese delineate the nation’s oppressive past from the independent present.15 At the same time, the past is inextricably woven into the present, for instance as evident in the ongoing significance of customary governance, role of historical leaders, or endurance of subsistence material conditions for many. Future prospects for peace in Timor-Leste depend not just on the functioning of democratic procedures, but rather on how well sometimes competing visions of the nation are reconciled with lived experiences. Bibliography Addison, Tony and Brück, Tilman 2009, Making Peace Work: The Challenges of Social and Economic Reconstruction, Palgrave Macmillan. Brown, Anne and Alex Gusmao 2009, ‘Peacebuilding and political hybridity in Timor-Leste’, Peace Review, 21(1): 61-69. Cummins, Deborah 2010, ‘Democracy or democrazy? Local experiences of democratization in Timor-Leste’, Democratization, 17(5): 899-919.

14

The influence of the family was explained to occur in various ways, including direct instruction of who to vote for (not that this necessarily results in compliance), or the more subtle, longer term process of socialisation, such as youth accompanying their parents as they attend political party events. 15 Selver Sahin (2014, 5) has described how East Timorese political leaders actively fashion the national identity by creating a temporal “other”, delineating the contemporary nation from its prior form as a colony, internationally governed territory, or “fragile” or “failing” state. In a different context, Richard Ashby Wilson (2003) describes how participation in Truth and Reconciliation Commissions help inscribe individuals into a new vision of the national self, which is forged by, but discontinuous from, the oppressive past. While Wilson and Sahin predominantly focus on how leaders attempt to shape the national self, those being ‘led’ might also engage in a re-imagining of their nation.

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Cummins, Deborah and Michael Leach 2012, ‘On democracy old and new: The interaction of modern and traditional authority in local government in Timor-Leste’, Asian Politics and Policy, 4(1), 89-104. da Costa Magno, Jose and Antonio Coa 2012, ‘Finding a new path between lisan and democracy at the local level’, Local-Global, 11: 166-179. EU Election Observation Mission Timor-Leste 2012, Final Report on the Parliamentary Election. Feijó, Rui Graça 2012, ‘Elections, independence, democracy: The 2012 Timorese electoral cycle in context’, Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 31(3): 29-57. Grenfell, Damian 2015, ‘Rethinking governance and security in Timor-Leste’, in Ingram, Sue, Lia Kent and Andrew McWilliam (eds), A New Era? Timor-Leste After The UN, ANU Press, Canberra. Gusmao, Alex 2012, ‘Electing community leaders: diversity in uniformity’, Local-Global, 11: 180-191. Hohe, Tanja 2002, ‘Totem polls: Indigenous concepts and ‘free and fair’ elections in East Timor’, International Peacekeeping, 9(4): 69-88. Koelbe, Thomas and Edward LiPuma 2008, ‘Democratizing democracy: A postcolonial critique of conventional approaches to the ‘measurement of democracy’, Democratization, 15(1): 1-28. Leach, Michael 2012, ‘Longitudinal change in East Timorese tertiary student attitudes to national identity and nation building, 2002-2010’, Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde, 168(2-3): 219-252. McWilliam, Andrew and Angie Bexley 2008, ‘Performing politics: The 2007 parliamentary elections in Timor Leste’, The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology, 9(1): 66-82. McWilliam, Andrew, Lisa Palmer and Christopher Shepherd 2014, ‘Lulik encounters and cultural frictions in East Timor: Past and present’, The Australian Journal of Anthropology, 25: 304-320. Newman, Edward, Roland Paris and Oliver P Richmond (eds) 2009, New Perspectives on Liberal Peacebuilding, United Nations University Press. Richmond, Oliver P 2011, ‘De-romanticising the local, de-mystifying the international: Hybridity in Timor Leste and the Solomon Islands’, The Pacific Review, 24(1): 115-136. Sahin, Selver 2014, ‘Timor-Leste’s foreign policy: Securing state identity in the post-independence period’, Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 33(2): 3-25. Scambary, James 2015, ‘In search of white elephants: The political economy of resource income expenditure in East Timor’, Critical Asian Studies, 47(2): 283-308. Tadjbakhsh, Shahrbanou 2011, ‘Open societies, open markets: Assumptions and illusions’, in Tadjbacksh, Shahrbanou (ed.), Rethinking the Liberal Peace: External Modes and Local Alternatives, Routledge, London. Tilman, Mateus 2012, ‘Customary social order and authority in the contemporary East Timorese village: Persistence and transformation’, Local-Global, 11: 192-205. Toome, Emily, Damian Grenfell, and Kathryn Higgins 2012 Local Perspectives on Political Decision-Making in Timor-Leste, Research Report, Globalism Research Centre, RMIT University, Melbourne. Trindade, Josh 2008 ‘Reconciling conflicting paradigms: An East Timorese vision of the ideal state’, in Mearns, David (ed.), Democratic Governance in Timor-Leste: Reconciling the Local and the National, Charles Darwin University Press, Darwin. Wallis, Joanna 2013, ‘Victors, villains and victims: Capitalizing on memory in Timor-Leste’, Ethnopolitics: Formerly Global Review of Ethnopolitics, 12(2): 133-160. Wilson, Richard Ashby 2003, ‘Anthropological studies of national reconciliation processes’, Anthropological Theory, 3(3): 367-387.

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31 Towards an architecture of appropriate technology in Timor-Leste Peter Clements This paper will explore issues of appropriate technology in the field of architecture in Timor-Leste, as it relates to sustainable community development, regional identity and local economy. As a postcolonial developing nation in the Asia-Pacific, Timor-Leste has commenced constructing a new identity through built form since achieving independence in 2002, following the near-total destruction of all infrastructures during the Indonesian withdrawal in 1999. It is within this Timorese context that an expanded version of Kenneth Frampton’s ‘critical regionalism’ theory may be fused with the toolkits of appropriate technology and permaculture to create architecture of appropriate technology. This architecture of appropriate technology should take into account not only regional differences in climate, light and topography, as espoused by the critical regionalism movement, (Frampton 1983) but also engage with local culture, class, politics, economy and history of place. I argue that the range of architectural expression permitted by critical regionalism theory should be expanded beyond Frampton’s criteria: The fundamental strategy of critical regionalism is to mediate the impact of universal civilization with elements derived indirectly from the peculiarities of a particular place. It is clear from the above that critical regionalism depends upon maintaining a high level of critical self-consciousness. It may find its governing inspiration in such things as the range and quality of the local light, or in a tectonic derived from a peculiar structural mode, or in the topography of a given site (Frampton 1983).

Firstly, let us ask for definitions: what is appropriate technology; what is architecture; and how is this relevant to the newly independent and developing country of Timor-Leste? What is architecture? Architectural historian Nikolas Pevsner famously wrote ‘a bicycle shed is a building; Lincoln Cathedral is a piece of architecture’ (Pevsner 1943). This definition accords with the conservative view of architecture as the design and construction of ‘stately and superb’ (First degree or ceremony initiation) monuments to the state and other dominant institutions in society. But a more socially minded definition must include the multitude of socially useful buildings such as schools, hospitals, health clinics, markets, houses and places of employment and leisure. Within Timor-Leste the aspiring middle classes have viewed Architecture as synonymous with the colonial ‘white house’ of painted brick walls and tiled or tin roof, while Timorese journalist Dr Emanuel Braz argues a return to local building materials such as becak palm frond cladding would produce a more authentic Timorese post-colonial architecture.1 The taste preferences for various built forms in Timor-Leste is an emerging field of research which has only begun to be explored, and can be informed by the socially-minded critique of Architecture noted above. What is appropriate technology? Dr Fritz Schumacher coined appropriate technology, also known as ‘intermediate technology’ in his book Small is beautiful: economics as if people mattered, (Schumacher 1973) where he argued that appropriate economic development in developing countries requires labour-intensive ‘intermediate’ technologies, which lend themselves to decentralised small-scale establishments. By reducing dependence on expensive imports of high technology, replacement parts and foreign technicians, ‘low-cost small scale development ideas’ (McRobie 1981, xii) could create independent livelihoods for everyday people, particularly in rural areas of developing nations. Schumacher acknowledged

1

Pers Comm, September 2014, Melbourne, Australia.

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Gandhi’s influence on appropriate technology in building ‘small, simple and non-violent’ village technologies. (McRobie 1981, 1). Hazeltine and Bull define appropriate technology as being the application of technology that is simple to maintain, small-scale, decentralised, labour-intensive, energy-efficient, environmentally sound and controlled by the local community (Hazeltine and Bull 1998, 3, 270). Although appropriate technology was originally an engineering concept, in the fields of cultural construction such as architecture, it offers solutions that strengthen local identity and economy to create authentic built form, while engaging with complex issues of community development, class and status-seeking. How architecture and appropriate technology can be brought together in Timor-Leste Architecture as a design-based process has the capacity, if permitted, to take into account not only regional differences in climate, light and topography, but it can also express local culture, politics, identity, economy and history of place. The following six points are practical examples of how appropriate technology can be incorporated into architecture in Timor-Leste to better meet housing needs and provide more appropriate development: Firstly, permaculture practices, as expanded specifically for the Timor-Leste socio-economic context (McKenzie and Lemos 2008, 5) can be incorporated into Timorese architecture both within buildings themselves and also the surrounding landscape. Mollison and Holmgren (1990, 2) describe permaculture as: a model which integrates several principles of many disciplines – of ecology, of energy conservation, of landscape design, urban renewal, architecture, agriculture (in all its aspects) and the location theories of geography. We took into account problems of unemployment and of early retirement, of urban neurosis, and of the feeling of powerlessness and lack of direction common to many of us in today’s world.

Examples of appropriate technology that can be incorporated into architecture building upon the permaculture model includes solar panels, re-purposed materials and shipping containers, water-tanks, ventilated improved pit-latrines, fuel-efficient cook-stoves, simple water hand-pumps, kitchen gardens, composting bins, hand-forged security window screens and locally made breezeway ventilation bricks. Within Timor-Leste the traditional construction materials of becak palm frond panel cladding, bamboo and thatched roofing could be minimally upgraded with fire-retardant additives to permit their continued use in modern settings. Skills to construct appropriate technologies are currently being taught in 2015 at trade-training centres in Timor-Leste such as CNEFP Tibar and Don Bosco Training Center, Comoro Dili. Secondly, the Sweat-Equity model organises low-income families to contribute volunteer hours to construct groups of houses, of which one becomes their own, under the guidance of a government-sponsored professional building advisor (e.g. Group Self Build, Department of Human Services, Victoria, Australia where teams of 12 families typically build 12 houses together). These sweat equity hours of volunteer labour replace the need for a monetary deposit, since a temporary bridging loan is provided by the government until a private mortgage can be secured against the completed house. The Office of Housing provides a special bridging loan to pay for the land, building materials and establishment costs. Each group works under the supervision of an appointed building adviser and the quality three-bedroom brick veneer homes are completed over a 12-month period. Ms Pike said a building professional provided training and assistance throughout all stages of the building process. “All the major tools are provided, as are the building materials. Participants are able to choose their own decorative finishes, such as paint colours, tiling and so on (Pike 2000).

Thirdly, Participatory Design Workshops can reduce the resource misallocation of top-down central planning, where local communities are assisted by field workers to conduct initial needs surveys, develop building designs in group design workshops and take ownership of design, construction and maintenance of the built environment. A challenging example of government social housing in TimorLeste, which may have been mitigated by participatory design, was the Millennium Development 195

Goals (MDG) Suco Program, where many prefabricated tin houses were subsequently abandoned. Wallis and Thu (2013) note: The majority of rural Timorese families continue to rely on cheap firewood for cooking and the kitchen is typically separated from the main residence. Unsurprisingly, small thatched shelters have been informally constructed behind some houses for this purpose.

Judicious use of Pre-fabricated Components should only be employed if designs can be developed via Participatory Design Workshops where end-users are fully in control of the design process and the level of local content (for example, local palm frond cladding to a steel frame). Fourthly, Appropriate Structural Engineering must be engaged to ensure the proposed construction is designed to withstand the cyclonic wind, earthquake, flooding and land slippage forces that buildings are subjected to across Timor-Leste (preferably by a locally based structural engineer). A simple construction guide could be developed to highlight the most important requirements for safe building engineering, for instance tie-down of roofs and reinforcement of concrete column-beam connections. Traditional Timorese architecture understood these forces, the thick thatched roofs providing protection from broiling sun and torrential rain, the timber construction swayed with earthquakes but did not collapse, the open sides provided ventilation, and the floor was raised several steps above the flood level. Fifthly, for reasons of economy and geography, construction of large complex buildings in Timor-Leste is heavily influenced by practices and materials imported from neighbouring Indonesia and also patronage by Chinese construction companies. These influences bring with them a rapidlydeveloping-nation mindset where environmental sustainability, local climate and regional identity is not a priority. Although air-conditioning can be a welcome relief from the tropical humidity of Dili, it is in these multi-storey buildings that air-conditioning should be combined with the appropriate technologies of openable windows, cross ventilation, façade sun-breakers and artistic expressions of Timorese identity to create an architecture truly grounded in both local climate and local culture. As the first skyscraper in Timor, the Ministry of Finance Building office tower erected in 2014 on the Dili foreshore testifies, the placeless air-conditioned glass box threatens to erase the hard-fought cultural identity of Timor-Leste. Sixthly, we stress the importance that practitioners of appropriate technology architecture in Timor-Leste maintain an independent outlook when implementing construction projects. Here we can take further inspiration, in a similar vein to Schumacher and Gandhi, from Noam Chomsky’s anarchist philosophy of independent thought and do-it-yourself development, Chomsky having been a long-time advocate for the independence of the East Timorese people. (Chomsky 1996, vi). By working independently with small-scale reliable partners (Chomsky 1996, 218) and not relying upon funding from a single state or corporate source, we can play a balancing act which greatly improves the chances of creating an authentic architecture which truly reflects local climate, culture, economy, politics and regional identity. Conclusion It is evident that appropriate technology offers many valuable strategies to the development of appropriate built form in the context of developing countries such as Timor-Leste. Hopefully practitioners of built form whether urban or rural, amateur or professional, can gain from an informed critique of modern development theory and a critical critique of critical regionalism. Despite being born out of a successful strategy to revitalise international modernist Architecture, Critical Regionalism fails to engage with a host of local cultural practices and it is here that the tool kits of Appropriate Technology, permaculture and postmodern identity can avoid a future of faceless urban development. We foresee a future where appropriate technology moves out of being merely a technological practice into a philosophical underpinning of the sustainable community development sector offering new strategies to express local culture, class, politics, economy and history of place in built form.

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Bibliography Chomsky, Noam 1996, Powers and prospects: reflections on human nature and the social order, Allen & Unwin, St Leonards. First Degree or Ceremony of Initiation: United Grand Lodge, www.bilderberg.org/First_Degree.htm, viewed 14 October 2015. Frampton, Kenneth 1983, ‘Towards a critical regionalism: six points for an architecture of resistance’ in Foster, Hal (ed) The anti-aesthetic: essays on postmodern culture, Bay Press, Port Townsend, USA pp.16-30. Hazeltine, Barrett and Bull, Christopher 1998, Appropriate technology: tools, choices, and implications, Academic Press, San Diego. McKenzie, Lachlan and Lemos, Ego (eds) 2008, A permaculture guidebook from East Timor, Permatil, Dili. McRobie, George 1981, Small is possible, Abacus, London. Mollison, Bill and Holmgren, David 1990, Permaculture one: a perennial agriculture for human settlements, Tagari Publications, Tyalgum NSW. Pevsner, Nikolaus 1942, An outline of European architecture, Penguin Books, London. Pike, Bronwyn 2000, ‘Group self build makes new home-ownership a reality’ DHS Media Release (Department of Human Services, Victoria Australia), http://hnb.dhs.vic.gov.au/web/pubaff/medrel.nsf/LinkView/0E9D9049155CB5834A25688F000A487C ?OpenDocument viewed 15 October 2015. Schumacher, E.F. 1973, Small is beautiful: a study of economics as if people mattered, Blond & Briggs, London. Wallis, Joanne and Thu, Pyone Myat 2013, ‘In Timor, a new house does not make a home’, ANU College of Asia and the Pacific, 27 November http://ips.cap.anu.edu.au/news-events/all-stories/timor-new-housedoes-not-make-home viewed 11 October 2015.

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32 Physical activity and child growth in rural Timor-Leste Phoebe Spencer, Debra Judge, Kathy Sanders and Pedro Canisio Amaral1 Introduction Child growth in Timor-Leste is well below international standards, across both urban and rural areas (National Statistics Directorate [Timor-Leste] 2010). Despite programs and interventions from various NGOs and the Timorese government (Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste), including vaccination programs, growth remains a significant problem. Improvement of child growth is of benefit to the current Timorese population and is an investment in the country’s future. Poor growth is an immediate problem in that child health must be improved to reduce child mortality rates and improve child wellbeing. In addition, addressing poor growth now will ensure the current generation of children mature into healthy adults who reach their full work capacity, and are therefore better able to contribute to the country’s development (Victora et al. 2008). Poor child growth in developing countries, such as Timor-Leste, is commonly used as a diagnosis for malnutrition, meaning small children have received inadequate calories or nutrition (United Nations Children’s Fund et al. 2013; Altieri 2004). While nutrition has a large effect on growth, multiple other factors are linked to poor child growth, including illness and poor sanitation (Guerrant et al. 2008). Parental occupation and household socioeconomic status also play a role in growth, indicating that the resources a child receives are important (Fetuga et al. 2013). To determine the strongest influences on growth in a specific context, and therefore better direct health policy and interventions, detailed contextual investigation is required. This is particularly important in the developing country context, where access to nutritious food and healthcare is often limited for the majority of the population. Early research in the Ossu sub-district of Viqueque district, Timor-Leste, located in the central east mountains, found that no crop or livestock indices based on dollar value (assumed to reflect household wealth), were related independently to variations in growth within the community (Reghupathy et al. 2012). In the context of rural Timor-Leste therefore, broader approaches to determining the causes of poor child growth are required. One method of examining child growth is through a framework of energy allocation. Energy consumed by the child can be allocated to growth, to maintenance and repair (for example recovery from illness), or to physical activity. When food resources available to the child are low, there must be a trade-off in allocation between the three uses. For example, illnesses such as diarrhoea can redirect energy from growth to maintenance and repair, as well as reducing absorption of nutrients, leading to slowed growth (Guerrant et al. 2008). Physical activity is the most variable component of energy expenditure, both within and between individuals (Goran & Treuth 2001). As a result, this component would be most likely to show variation in response to low resource levels where trade-offs in energy expenditure are necessary. Rural Timor-Leste is predominantly reliant on subsistence agriculture, which is characterised by seasonal periods of food scarcity (Seeds of Life 2009). The ‘hungry’ season is during the wet season (approximately Oct/Nov to March/April) when crops are growing for the next season, and food stores become depleted (Seeds of Life 2008). Families can be forced to eat seed reserved for the next season, or forage for wild foods in order to survive (Seeds of Life 2009). During the hungry season, when food is known to be scarce, we are more likely to see trade-offs in energy allocation in children. This study aimed to measure the relationship between children’s activity levels and growth during the

1

This research was undertaken with the permission of the Ministry of Health, Timor-Leste, approved by the University of Western Australia Human Research Ethics committee (RA/4/1/2401) and funded by an Australian Research Council grant (DP120201588). The authors thank the sub-district administration of Natarbora, the xefes de suco, and the local clinic for their support. Particular thanks to Raimundo da Costa and Etelvina da Costa for their assistance in data collection and their sharing of cultural knowledge. We also acknowledge and thank the people of both Natarbora and Ossu for their ongoing patience, cooperation and humour with our repeated visits, measurements and questions – obrigada barak.

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hungry season to determine if high activity levels under food restriction are a contributing factor to poor child growth. Methods As part of a larger longitudinal study of child growth, data were collected in April-June 2014 in the Natarbora sub-district (Manatuto district), an area in the flat coastal plains of Timor’s south. The Ministry of Health, Timor-Leste, and the University of Western Australia Human Research Ethics committee approved this research. Fifty children in 18 households participated in this study, a subsample of 104 households participating in the larger study. Verbal permission was gained from household heads on the previous day, when the study was explained with the aid of a local research assistant. The 18 households were located in three distinct areas: Abatoan, Umaboku, and the Millennium Development Goal community (MDG)2. All children were measured for height and weight using standard anthropometric protocols (de Onis et al. 2004). Body mass index (BMI) was calculated from height and weight (kg/m2). Growth measures were standardised according to the World Health Organization to produce z scores (standard deviations away from the international median), allowing for the comparison of children across ages and sexes. Standardised weight-for-age is available up to age ten, and height-for-age and BMI-for-age to age 19. At the beginning of each school day (Monday to Saturday; approximately 6:45am across the sample), as many children as possible (up to five) in one household were fitted with Kenz Lifecorder e-STEP accelerometers set to standard settings (Freedson, Pober & Janz 2005). As this study included a recall interview, participating children were aged between six and 16, as younger children have lower cognitive functioning and therefore give less accurate recalls of their activities (Sirard & Pate 2001). Before attaching the accelerometers, we confirmed that children understood the purpose of the devices. Accelerometers were taped closed to deter children from tampering with the devices. The devices were removed at approximately 6:00pm across the sample, and number of steps and exact time spent wearing the accelerometer were recorded. The Kenz accelerometer measures activity level through an algorithmic calculation of vertical acceleration into nine continuous activity levels, with level four classified as moderate (Kumahara et al. 2004). Time spent in activity over moderate intensity (i.e. between levels four and nine) was also recorded. Short, same-day activity recalls were recorded from each child. Recalls were constructed to account for problems in children’s ability to accurately recall frequency, duration and intensity of activity (Welk, Corbin & Dale 2000). Interviews were constructed in tetum with aid from local assistants in order to create an interview format that would be comfortable for children, use language that would be understood, and include activities that children would likely be participating in given the cultural and social circumstances. Children were first asked to volunteer their activities in event delineated time periods, for example, “What activities did you do before school?” This protocol elicited activities as children freely recalled them. After free recall of the day’s activities, the interviewer asked about participation in a specific list of activities in order to prompt recall, for example, “Did you fetch water today?” The latter responses were noted as recognition, as they were prompted as opposed to spontaneously recalled. The use of the two methods captures more fully the potential activities of children. GPS waypoints of all households were taken using a Garmin 76SCx GPS. Distance travelled by each child to school was calculated using straight-line distances from the house to the child’s school. For children in MDG, distances were calculated as two straight lines, one from the house to the marketplace, then from the market to the school. For children in Abatoan, one straight line from the house to the school was taken. For households in Umaboku, two straight-line distances were summed: from the house to either the church or the market, based on where the household fell on the midpoint of the main road, then to the school. These points were chosen based on roads and trails in the neighbourhoods.

2

The MDG community is a group of prefabricated houses constructed in 2012-2013 by the Timorese government under the MDG Suco Program to partly address Timor’s MDG targets.

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Data treatment and analysis Child activity was quantified by converting accelerometer readings into steps per hour (Sirard & Pate 2001). Activity from self-reports was aggregated to counts of distinct activities within 4 categorical variables ordered by activity intensity (Alemu & Lindtjørn 1995). For example, studying was classified as sedentary, light housework such as sweeping as light, and higher energy activities such as carrying water as heavy (Table 1). Activity counts are incidences of specific activities, not time spent in activity. Table 1- Categorisation of children’s activities by intensity.

Category Sedentary Play Light work Heavy work

Activity Study, after school courses Play Washing dishes, cooking, sweeping, feeding pigs, cleaning house, care of siblings Fetching water, collecting firewood, washing clothes, moving cows, weeding garden, harvesting vegetables

Preliminary analyses showed that total number of reported activities from the recall and recognition sections of the interview did not correlate, and that children underestimated the number of activities performed (paired samples t = 10.64; p < 0.001), so an overall count of activity was calculated from the complete interview response set. Activity counts from the recall section were added to the recognition section, with the exception of activities that were reported in both to prevent double counting. All statistical analyses were performed using IBM SPSS Statistics version 22. Results and discussion Twenty-seven girls and 23 boys aged between six and 16 years (mean = 11.8; SD = 2.78) provided data. On average, children in Natarbora are below international standards for all growth measures. As children participating in this study were a subsample of a larger cohort, growth (measured as z BMIfor-age) of the sample was compared to the entire cohort of children and confirmed that this subsample was representative (independent t = 0.890, p = 0.374). Mean z weight-for-age for this subsample was -1.15 (SD = 0.95; n = 17), mean z height-for-age was -1.32 (SD = 1.00; n = 50), and mean z BMI-for-age was -1.11 (SD = 0.80; n = 50). On the day of data collection, children averaged 14 690.3 steps (SD = 4 733.2), at a rate of 1 381.0 steps per hour (SD = 446.3). On average, children spent close to an hour in “greater than moderate” activity (mean = 52.88 mins; SD = 28.11). Participating children live, on average, 1.22 km from school (SD = 0.67). Neither pedometer readings nor activity recalls were significantly correlated on a bivariate level with any measures of standardised child growth. Steps per hour (Pearson’s r = -0.386, p = 0.006) and total steps (r = -0.323, p = 0.022) were negatively associated with child age. Pedometers were set to standard settings and did not account for child height. Steps per hour and child height (unstandardised) were significantly negatively correlated (Pearson’s r = -0.327, p = 0.020), which is to be expected, as taller children would take fewer, longer steps per unit distance (Figure 1).

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Figure 1 - Taller children take fewer steps per hour than shorter children.

Controlling for child height resulted in no significant correlation between steps per hour and child age (r = -0.216, p = 0.136). Distance travelled by children to school also was not significantly related to growth measures. This may be because the energy expended by children walking to school is only a small part of overall daily activity, thus has little independent influence on growth. No children reported illness on the day of data collection, so the relationship between illness and activity, that is, if children reduce activity in response to illness, could not be determined. The number of activities reported was significantly associated with sex (Figure 2). Girls performed a greater number of total activities than did boys (independent t = 3.148, p = 0.003). This relationship was consistent for both light work (t = 4.246, p < 0.001) and heavy work (t = 2.327, p = 0.025) categories. Girls and boys did not differ in play (t = -1.431, p = 0.813) or sedentary categories (t = 0.231, p = 0.161). Girls and boys did not differ in the number of steps per hour (t = -1.033, p = 0.307).

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Figure 2 - Mean number of activities in each category for boys and girls. Asterisks show significant differences between sexes within categories of activity (* p < 0.05; ** p < 0.01).

While this does not provide direct insight into the relationship between activity and growth, it appears as though there is a gender difference in how work-related activities are allocated to children by heads of households. Males tend to be more sensitive to environmental stress than females, which can be shown as increased mortality and slower growth (Stinson 1985). Other research by this group shows poorer growth in Timorese boys than in girls, particularly in the teen years (Sanders et al. 2014). There may be an unconscious buffering of boys by household heads against this environmental sensitivity through reducing the number of work-related activities. When prompted by a list of activities, children remembered engaging in more activities than they recalled without prompts. Interviews were created in consultation with local Timorese in order to tailor the recall protocol to the local setting with an understanding of cultural and age-related perspectives; however, it appears further work is required to construct a more accurate free recall interview technique. The problem may lie in Timorese children not recognising the concept of ‘activity’ in the sense of ‘what activities did you do today?’ and this in turn may mean some activities performed by children were not revealed, even though the word ‘activity’ (actividade in tetum) was understood by all children. It also may be that some activities are so common they are not cognitively recalled, such as helping with household tasks. Boys and girls differed in their accuracy of free recall of activities, with females more likely to underestimate the number of activities they performed than were boys (independent t = -2.326, p = 0.028). As girls and boys differ in the number of work-related activities they performed, but not in other activity categories, it may be that girls are not cognitively recalling work activities. Controlling for this sex difference in recall, the number of activities reported in the free recall section of the interview were predictive of the number reported under prompt (r = 0.338, p = 0.018).

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These preliminary results did not show a relationship between an “end of the rainy season” measure of child activity and achieved growth. This may be due to the fact that measurements were taken during a period of food restriction, and that most or all children had decreased activity levels in response to food restriction. This means that instead of allocating energy to activity at the expense of growth, children were preserving energy for growth by reducing activity. Parents may have also been moderating child activity by reducing their work-related tasks, thereby partially buffering children from the effect of food scarcity. Judge et al. (2012) indicate that children with poorer harvest season scores from the previous year exhibit less negative change over the rainy season than children with higher previous year measures, and propose that a buffering effect occurs within families. A potential problem in this methodology is the lack of data collected on child food intake. When modelling energy allocations, quantification of energy taken in is needed to calculate overall energy balance, that is, what energy children have available to allocate. Without knowing intake, we cannot calculate if children are in energy deficit during this period of data collection. However, children’s growth worsens between harvest season (food plenty time) and the hungry season in the Ossu region of Timor-Leste, indicating that the decline in food resources is sufficient to be reflected in growth (Sanders et al. 2014; Judge et al. 2012). It is therefore likely that children in Natarbora during the time of data collection were in energy deficit. While BMI-for-age and weight-for-age are measures of short-term growth, there is likely to be a lag effect between growth and activity, that is, short-term growth is not immediately reflective of current physical activity. Energy imbalance, for example from excess physical activity, needs to continue over to time to be reflected in growth (Goran & Treuth 2001). This study will therefore be developed by continuation of activity measurements with growth measurements over time. Conclusions Child growth in Natarbora is below World Health Organization standards for height, weight and BMI. Activity measures did not correlate with growth at one point in time; however, this does not mean there is a lack of relationship between the two. Further investigation of children’s activity and overall energy balance is required to determine if children are moderating activity levels under food restriction. We plan on continuing investigation into children’s activity and improving the methodology by data collection over several days in order to check internal reliability of results and to determine within-child variation. Data on child nutritional intake, through recall interviews or observations, will allow calculation of overall energy balance. Collection of similar activity data for the same children during the harvest season will provide more variation in activity amongst children, as higher food levels would mean it is less likely activity is restricted. Bibliography Alemu, T and Lindtjørn, B 1995, ‘Physical activity, illness and nutritional status among adults in a rural Ethiopian community’, International Journal of Epidemiology, 24(5): 977-983. Altieri, MA 2004, ‘Linking ecologists and traditional farmers in the search for sustainable agriculture’, Frontiers in Ecology and the Environment, 2(1): 35-42. de Onis, M, Onyango, AW, Van den Broeck, J, Chumlea, WC & Martorell, R 2004, ‘Measurement and standardization protocols for anthropometry used in the construction of a new international growth reference’, Food & Nutrition Bulletin, 25(1): S27-36. Fetuga, B, Ogunlesi, T, Olanrewaju, D, Jonsson, B & Albertsson-Wikland, K 2013, ‘Growth in prepubertal Nigerian children is highly dependent on socio-economic status’, Acta Paediatrica, 102(8): 824-831. Freedson, P, Pober, D & Janz, KF 2005, ‘Calibration of accelerometer output for children’, Medicine & Science in Sports & Exercise, 37(11): 523-530. Goran, MI & Treuth, MS 2001, ‘Energy expenditure, physical activity, and obesity in children’, Pediatric Clinics of North America, 48(4): 931-953. Guerrant, RL, Oriá, RB, Moore, SR, Oriá, MOB & Lima, AAM 2008, ‘Malnutrition as an enteric infectious disease with long-term effects on child development’, Nutrition Reviews, 66(9): 487-505. Judge, D, Sanders, K, Reghupathy, N, Amaral, P & Schmitt, L 2012, ‘Family influences on child growth in Ossu de Cima and Natabora, Timor-Leste’, in Loney, H., A. da Silva, N. Canas Mendes, A. da Costa

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Ximenes and C. Fernandes (eds), Undertanding Timor-Leste 2013, Timor-Leste Studies Association, Swinburne University Press, Hawthorn, pp. 233-241 Kumahara, H, Schutz, Y, Ayabe, M, Yoshioka, M, Yoshitake, Y, Shindo, M, Ishii, K & Tanaka, H 2004, ‘The use of uniaxial accelerometry for the assessment of physical-activity-related energy expenditure: A validation study against whole-body indirect calorimetry’, British Journal of Nutrition, 91(2): 235-243. National Statistics Directorate [Timor-Leste], MoF, and ICF Macro 2010, Timor-Leste Demographic and Health Survey 2009-10, NSD [Timor-Leste], Dili, Timor-Leste. Reghupathy, N, Judge, D, Sanders, K, Amaral, P & Schmitt, L 2012, ‘Child size and household characteristics in rural Timor-Leste’, American Journal of Human Biology, 24(1): 35-41. Sanders, K, Judge, D, Pauli, N, Amaral, P & Schmitt, L 2014, ‘The influence of sex, age and season on child growth in Ossu sub-district, Timor Leste, 2009-2012’, in in Loney, H., A. da Silva, N. Canas Mendes, A. da Costa Ximenes and C. Fernandes (eds), Undertanding Timor-Leste 2013, Timor-Leste Studies Association, Swinburne University Press, Hawthorn, pp. 190-198. Seeds of Life 2008, Annual Research Report, Seeds of Life, Dili. --- 2009, Annual Research Report, Seeds of Life, Dili. Sirard, JR & Pate, RR 2001, ‘Physical activity assessment in children and adolescents’, Sports Medicine, 31(6): 439-454. Stinson, S 1985, ‘Sex differences in environmental sensitivity during growth and development’, American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 28(S6): 123-147. United Nations Children’s Fund, World Health Organization & The World Bank 2013, UNICEF-WHO-World Bank joint child malnutrition estimates, UNICEF, New York; WHO, Geneva; The World Bank, Washington, DC. Victora, CG, Adair, L, Fall, C, Hallal, PC, Martorell, R, Richter, L & Sachdev, HS 2008, ‘Maternal and child undernutrition: Consequences for adult health and human capital’, The Lancet, 371(9609): 340-357. Welk, GJ, Corbin, CB & Dale, D 2000, ‘Measurement issues in the assessment of physical activity in children’, Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 71(2): 59-73.

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33 The conflict in East Timor and democratization in Indonesia: The struggle of youths over the discourse on East Timor Takahiro Kamisuna Introduction The Suharto regime justified its 1975 invasion of East Timor by saying that integration, East Timor becoming Indonesian territory, was consistent with the aspiration of East Timorese.1 The 24-year struggle produced two generations of actors that became actively involved in the conflict, they are known as the 1975 generation and post-1975 generation. While the 1975 generation were educated under Portuguese colonial rule, the post-1975 generation comprised those educated under Indonesian rule. Known as the ‘new generation’ (geração Foun) (Carey 2003), because of the new characteristics brought about with their educational background and identity as a result of the Indonesian occupation. Considering such background, the new generation adapted themselves to Indonesia, and by so doing, Indonesianized themselves, at least partially, and nevertheless, they still participated actively in the independence struggle. They carried out a series of joint actions with Indonesian student activists in Indonesia proper from the mid-1990s.2 The series of demonstrations with Indonesian pro-democracy activists from 1991, including the occupation of the Dutch Embassy in Jakarta, proved to be the making of the strategy, ‘Indonesianization of the conflict of East Timor’ (Indonesianizaun du Konfliktu). It was RENETIL, the most prominent resistance group of the East Timorese youths,3 and its use of this strategy that changed the perception of the people of Indonesia towards the East Timorese. There is a small body of scholarship that examines the relation between the new generation and Indonesia (see Arenas 1998; Carey 2003; Bexley & Tchailoro 2013). Although prior research gives rise to a visible framework in understanding the new generation, it falls short of revealing particularities of the post-1975 generation and little explanation is offered about the junction of two struggles, the independence struggle of the East Timorese and the democracy struggle of Indonesians. In that sense, Weldemichael (2012) offers more appropriate analysis of the activism of the new generation in relation to Indonesian pro-democracy movements. Yet, it focuses on the Indonesianization rather as a diplomatic strategy of the East Timorese and does not refer to the conceptual matter of youth activism per se. Based on those prior studies, I will attempt to determine why Indonesianization of the conflict came about, using the biography of former activists, the most recent history of RENETIL,4 and with interviews that took place in Dili and Jakarta. The ‘new generation’ and Indonesianization ‘New generation’ – How are they new? As described in the introductory section, the new generation portrayed different characteristics from those that had come before. It should be noted that part of the complexity of the group’s identity might have derived from their harsh experiences during childhood from 1975 under Indonesian occupation in their formative years. Some time later, these disenfranchised youths mobilized, formed clandestine movements, becoming ‘…children in the forest during the invasion and full-scale war

1

“In Indonesia’s official discourse on East Timor, it is claimed that the people of East Timor themselves wanted integration, and it is always in this context that the Balibo declaration is referred to” (Matsuno 1996, 179). 2 All of the interviewees in my research at Dili and Jakarta referred to support from Indonesian activists and joint actions on and off campus. 3 RENETIL (Resistência Nacional dos Estudantes de Timor-Leste: East Timor Students’ National Resistance). For details, see Quentiliano (1996). 4 Carlos da Silva L.F.R Saky. 2013. RENETIL Iha Luta Libertasaun Timor-Lorosa’e

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period’ (CAVR 2013, 258). Most RENETIL members whom I interviewed suffered violence at the hands of Indonesian military throughout their childhood. Referring to the struggle, Virgilo Silva Gureterres, a former secretary general of RENETIL, said that his family evacuated to the jungle with FRETELIN (Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor). 5 Carlito Caminha (Ze’sopol Caminha), a former member of RENETIL, lost his mother in the jungle when he was an infant.6 Moreover, Demetrio do Amaral de Carvalho, a former secretary general of RENETIL mentioned that he and his family were in the mountains of Liquiçá and joined guerrillas when Indonesia’s military arrived at Dili.7 The suffering of the new generation continued throughout their resistance not only because of the savage violence meted out by the Indonesian military, but also psychologically in terms of their relationships with previous generations. More furtive than their predecessors, the new generation tended to resist Indonesian rule in non-violent ways, such as through clandestine movements which reinforced guerrilla fighters of the elder generation and with demonstrations on the street from the late 1980s.8 At least until the late 1980s, new generation activists were subordinate to their elders since most decision-making was conducted by the leader of 1975 generation: namely, Xanana Gusmao, who was tasked with supporting guerrilla fighters of the elder generation. Youth activism changed in the late the 1980s, especially after the Santa Cruz massacre, the shooting of at least 250 East Timorese pro-independence demonstrators in the Santa Cruz cemetery, in 1991. It was the first savage massacre by Indonesian military and was witnessed by international society, it also spurred a new urgency from activists. As Bexley and Tchailoro (2013) explained, the new generation was, in a sense, consumed by both the guerrilla leaders of the elder generation, as well as the Indonesian military. The youths of East Timor became sandwiched between being East Timorese and yet Indonesian, and given this, they were creatures of ambivalent circumstances and therefore unique. They are the new generation created in the third world colonialism; colonial rule by both Portugal and Indonesia. Indonesian public education taking place in Indonesia proper created space where Indonesian democratic movements started to harmonize and shift from the elder generation. Most of the prominent activists of this new generation, including RENETIL members, had a liberal education at universities in Indonesia proper. As Arenas (1998) explained, the public education that was offered functioned as a crucial conditioning mechanism in the formation of nationalism for Timorese youths. Carey (2003) also revealed unfair treatment 9 towards East Timorese students in school which contributed to harden political awareness. Mariano Sabino Lopes, deputy leader of RENETIL's chapter in Indonesia, was one such student who was inspired by Indonesian education.10 RENETIL as the actor of Indonesianizing the conflict RENETIL, the most prominent resistance group of East Timorese youths that was founded in Bali in 1988, carried out the Indonesianization of the conflict with all the resources that were available in Indonesia. This resistance group mostly consisted of East Timorese students and youth that were staying in Indonesia proper. The Indonesianization of the East Timorese conflict is something that was new and unique. Referring to the process, a former secretary general of RENETIL said that Indonesianization was a strategy to make the conflict of East Timor that of Indonesia.11 Substantiating this, Demetrio do Amaral de Carvalho, insists that Indonesianization was a strategy to ‘expand the East Timorese conflict to Jakarta.’ The idea was to make the people of Indonesia realize that the

5

Interview with Virgilo Silva Gureterres (10/11/2014) Interview with Carlito Caminha (Ze’sopol Caminha) (18/11/2014) 7 Interview with and Demetrio do Amaral de Carvalho (5/1/2015) 8 As Gregorio da Cunha Saldanha, a former president of OJETIL and the organizer of the demonstration in Santa Cruz in 1991, said, “demonstration was the only way to do for the youths” (interview: 15/11/2014). 9 For instance, many Indonesian students had passed their exams for entry into senior high school, while the East Timorese had failed (Carey 2003, 42). 10 interview with Mariano Sabino Lopes: 29/12/2014 11 Interview with Virgilo Silva Gureterres (10/11/2014), Lucas da Consta (12/12/2014), Mariano Sabino Lopes (23/12/2014), Domingos Saramento Alve (26/12/2014), Demetrio do Amaral de Carvalho (5/1/2015), and Fernando de Araujo (7/1/2015). 6

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conflict in East Timor was one of their own issues. They could relate to Indonesia, and when channeled to activism, the new generation could connect with Indonesians and change their perceptions. Even though impacts were sometimes limited to radical leftist parties in Indonesia, space could me made for East Timorese and even Indonesian youths to undertake a series of join actions from the 1990s. Indonesianization of conflict in East Timor and the discourse on East Timorese From Santa Cruz massacre to Indonesianization The Santa Cruz massacre in Dili in 1991 was the turning point of Indonesianization. The idea of Indonesianization had been moderately successful in altering the discourse of the East Timorese in Indonesia and then in obtaining solid support from Indonesian leftist and human right groups for East Timorese activists. Although RENETIL had already put weight on the strategy of Indonesianization in 1988, it became more active after the Santa Cruz massacre in 1991. The impact was felt by the most vocal and influential in Indonesian society, perhaps also the world, and it created new space to indonesianize the conflict. After the incident, in Indonesia the perspective in regards to East Timor dramatically shifted. There had been mass media broadcasts of the massacre both to the local and world audience. Writing about the massacre, Seno Gumira Ajidarma (1995), a former editor of Jakarta Jakarta, offered an account of the Dili incident, Saksi Mata (Eyewitness): I think the Dili Incident was a unique event. We couldn’t just write: ‘A number of solders accidently shot dozens of demonstrators who were running around widely’, or, ‘bullets fired by solders flew through the air and took the life of a demonstrator who immediately collapsed in the gusts of hot wind that blew around the town of Dili’ (Ajidarma 1995, 25).

And he continues: The difference between the Dili incident and criminal incidents was that [the] Dili incident had a political dimension, so that the details of the affair explained a certain position (ibid, 26).

Writing on the same topic, Tempo talks about how this phenomenon opened the space for Indonesian activists to demonstrate against the Suharto regime and contribute to changing the perception towards East Timor.12 Indonesian activist Helmi Fauzi writes about the impact of the massacre: It opened the mind of Indonesian: there is a problem in East Timor. At least, there was a beginning; Indonesia began to question Indonesian suppression in East Timor. After Santa Cruz, there was an increasing pressure to Indonesia from the international community. It also 13 created more space for student to organize demonstration, created more democratic space.

Another Indonesian activist, Rachland Nashidik, describes the context of those days: At that time, I think people still believed that the unification of East Timor was accompanied by flowers and joy and was not the product of invention and colonialism by Indonesia. So, it was hard for Indonesians to believe that what was happening in Santa Cruz massacre was 14 really because of the charismatic Indonesian army.

12

See Tempo No. 39 and No. 40. Interview with Helmi Fauzi (24/1/2015). Fauzi was a former member of INFIGHT and a board member of Solidamor. 14 Interview with Rachland Nashidik (27/01/2015). Nashidik was a former member of INFIGHT and one of the founders of PBHI. 13

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In the days following the incident in Dili, television pictures of the massacre were shown worldwide and activists’ activities took on a new urgency. East Timorese youths centered on RENETIL became more active with Indonesian dissidents after the incident. A recent biography of RENETIL explains that they started to practice the strategy of Indonesianization, particularly from 1993 because of the advantageous situation after the Santa Cruz massacre and the capture of La’ Sama by the Indonesian military.15 They established relations with student activists and intellectuals in Indonesia. George Junus Aditjondro and Arief Budiman were intellectuals who strongly supported the East Timorese youth struggle and criticized the occupation of the Suharto regime (Sakyi 2013, 490). RENETIL was successful in establishing strong ties with such scholars.16 In my interviews, many former RENETIL members and Indonesian student activists explained how discussion groups in universities became the channel for East Timorese student activists to contact with Indonesian student activists from the 1980s. Indonesian students often formed campus groups, discussing critical issues such as democracy, anti-militarism, and self-determination because it was quite difficult to organize demonstrations in the 1980s. 17 More remarkably, RENETIL also used an organization established by Indonesian government for it to mobilize. IMPETTU (Ikatan Mahasiswa-Pelajar Timor-Timur) was the organization originally set by the government to monitor and control East Timorese students. But turning this on its head, students used this as a network for unity and to organize all the East Timorese youths in Indonesia proper.18 IMPETTU became an effective resource to promote their movement in Indonesia. Again, it is an example of Indonesianization being carried out through such a process. New trend of opposition in Indonesia proper It is significant to mention that there were other trends in Indonesian society which indirectly assisted the Indonesianization of the East Timor conflict. Student activism, more generally, became activate again in the late 1980s (Aspinall 1995, 31). Many Indonesian student activists championed the common themes of Democracy and Human Rights (Uhlin 1997, 105). Another trend was a new generation of pro-democracy and human rights NGOs such as INFIGHT, PIJAR, Geni, Lapera and others. 19 Those changes were advantageous for the East Timor youths in implementing Indonesianization because it could be easily linked to the crucial themes and suffering in their struggle; the referendum for liberation 20 and human right abuse. 21 More importantly, there was growing support politically in Indonesia as the result of the implementation of Indonesianization by East Timorese youths. The PRD (Partai Rakyat Demokratik) a major political party against the Suharto regime established SPRIM (Solidaritas untuk Penyelesaian Damai Timor-Leste), it was an agency that supported the East Timorese struggle for freedom.22 As Nald Rei a former student activist describes, SPRIM offered a program of action, implemented together with the East Timorese, about the occupation of the Dutch embassy23 in Jakarta, and importantly, active action of this kind was something new at that time (Rei 2007, 150). The idea of Indonesianization of the conflict in East Timor became predominant and ultimately successful in engaging other Indonesian dissidents into their orbit in the 1990s. By using all resources in Indonesia, RENETIL and East Timorese youth activists intensified their struggle.

15

Saky, Carlos (2013) RENETIL Iha Luta Libertasaun Timor-Lorosa’e: Antes Sem Titulo, Do Que Sem Patria!, p. 489 16 For instance, Domingos Saramento Alve mentioned that RENETIL members watched the film of Santa Cruz massacre which he had brought from Japan (interview: 26/12/2014). 17 Interview with Helmi Fauzi, a former member of INFIGHT and board member of Solidamor (24/1/2015). 18 Interview with Mariano Sabino Lopes (29/12/2014). 19 For the detail see Uhlin (1997, 11). 20 Later East Timorese activists and Indonesian pro-democracy activists upheld a theme; Democracy for Indonesian, Referendum for East Timor; see Rei (2007) and Wilson (2010) for the detail. 21 For instance, Santa Cruz massacre opened more space even for Indonesian human rights NGOs. See Quentiliano (1996, 103). 22 Wison, a coordinator of SPRIM (1994-1997), wrote that PRD submitted a proposal to Xanana Gusmao to create the agency in 1994 after the action by East Timorese, fence-scaling action of the U.S embassy in Jakarta (Wilson 2010,155). 23 This action was the first joint action by East Timorese and Indonesian youths in 1995.

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Conclusion: Breaking the discourse on East Timorese The joint action of East Timorese and Indonesian youths is surprising because right from the offset, many East Timorese were suspicious of Indonesians, even those who supported the East Timorese struggle, and vice versa. As Carey (2003) explains, most East Timorese youths had had negative feelings towards Indonesian students during their school life. Virgilo Silva Guterres told of the negative feeling towards Indonesians, especially the Javanese, seeing these as the enemy before the Santa Cruz massacre.24 Naldo Rei, a former youth activist, describes the situation that some of his maubere comrades, although not all, still saw SPRIM as the same as ABRI who had been involved in the savage killings of East Timorese even just before the fence-scaling action in December 1995 (Rei 2007, 150). More importantly, it was the Javanese who had more difficulties to imagine the East Timorese as their comrades before the 1990s since they were regarded as ‘the ungrateful’25 in the national project to create the unitary state in the archipelago. Originally, East Timor was regarded as part of the diversity in Indonesia; namely, as “the youngest province” (propinsi termuda) (Matsuno 1993, 200). “The East Timorese is called Our Brothers” (Tempo, November 30, 1991). For Indonesia, East Timor was originally like one of the family members. However, it was labeled with ‘ingratitude’ through the conflict mainly because of its contrary attitude towards the national project of the archipelago. This ‘Ingratitude’ meant they were never on the Indonesian side; more precisely, they were never people of Indonesia in a perceptual sense. Anderson (1993) points out “a deep inability to imagine East Timor as Indonesian” to explain the falsehood of absorbing East Timor. However, the fact that the people of Indonesia could come to imagine East Timorese as their comrades made it more difficult to absorb East Timor. The conflict completely changed the discourse on East Timor throughout the Indonesianization, and eventually left them as comrades. Even though it was just a small numbers of groups which were involved in East Timorese actions, the commitment of influential pro-democracy groups and intellectuals and the series of joint actions shows that the perception of Indonesians towards East Timorese had changed throughout the Indonesianization. Finally, in the 1990s, the East Timorese, who did not or could not join the common project of creating a unitary state, came to be part of another common project, together with Indonesians, of breaking the Suharto regime. Indonesianization linked the suffering of the East Timorese to the feelings of sympathy, disappointment, and shame among Indonesian society. The letter from Wilson to Naldo Rei is fairly suggestive, simply because Wilson expressed his feelings of shame towards his own country26 with feelings ‘bound by a deep horizontal comradeship’ (Anderson 1999, 3). The Indonesianization of conflict in East Timor is a lesson for all nationalists, considering that a true nationalist is capable of feeling ‘ashamed’ about crimes that their government might commit (Anderson 1999, 10). Bibliography Books and Articles Ajidarma, Gumira Seno 1995, Eyewitness: protest story from Indonesia, Imprint Books, Sydney. Anderson, Benedict 1983, Imagined communities: Reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism, Verso, London. ---1993, ‘Imagining East Timor’, Arena Magazine, No.4 ---1999, ‘Indonesian nationalism today and in the future’, Indonesia 67. Aspinall, Edward 1995, ‘Students and the military: regime friction and civilian dissent in the late Suharto period’, Indonesia No. 59, pp. 21-41. Bexley, Angie & Tchailoro, R. 2013, ‘Consuming youth: Timorese in the resistance against Indonesian occupation’, Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 14(5): 405-422.

24

Interview with Virgilo Silva Guterres (10/11/2014). See Anderson (1993). 26 See Rei (2007, 308-12). 25

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Carey, Peter 2003, “Third World Colonialism, the geração Foun, and The Birth of a New Nation: Indonesia Through East Timorese Eyes, 1975-99”, Indonesia 76, pp. 23-67. Matsuno, Akihisa 1996, ‘Reading the unwritten: an anatomy of Indonesia discourse on East Timor’, Leite, Pinto Pedro (eds). The East Timor problems and the role of Europe, International Platform of Jurists for East Timor (IPJT). CAVR 2003, Chega!: The Final Report of the Timor-Leste Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation, Volume 1, PT Gramedia. Rei, Naldo 2007, Resistance: A childhood fighting for East Timor, University of Queensland Press, Brisbane. Quentiliano, Mok 1996, ‘The role of RENETIL: national resistance of East Timorese students’, in It’s time to lead the way: Timorese people speak about exile resistance and identity, East Timor Relief Assoction, Collingwood. Saky, Carlos 2013, RENTIL iha luta libertasaun Timor-Leste, CV primaproint. Uhlin, Anders 1997, Indonesia and the ‘third wave of democratization’: The Indonesian pro-democracy movement in a changing world, Curzon Press. Weldemichael, Awet 2012, Third world colonialism and strategies of liberation: Eritrea and East Timor compared, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Wilson. 2010. A Luta Continua!: politik radikal di Indonesia dan pergerakan pembebasan Timor-Leste, Tanah Lapang.

Journals Tempo No. 39 1991,’Tragedi Dili’, November 23 Tempo No. 40 1991, ‘Timor Timur Di Mana Salahnya’, November 30

Interviews Interview with Virgilo Silva Guterres conducted by Takahiro KAMISNA in English; 10/11/2014, Dili, East Timor. Tape provided. Guterres was secretary general of RENETIL Interview with Gregorio da Cunha Saldanha; conducted by Takahiro KAMISUNA in English; 15/11/2014, Dili, East Timor. Tape provided. Saldanha was the president of Ojetil Interview with Carlito Caminha (Ze’sopol Caminha); conducted by Takahiro KAMISUNA in Tetun; 18/11/2014, Dili, East Timor. Tape provided. Caminaha was a former member of RENETIL in Jakarta and chief editor of Talitakum in 2005 Interview with Lucas da Costa; conducted by Takahiro KAMISUNA in English; 12/12/2014, Dili, East Timor. Tape provided da Costa was a former member of RENETIL Interview with Mariano Sabino Lopes; conducted by Takahiro KAMISUNA in English; 23/12/2014, Dili, East Timor. Tape provided. Sabino Lopes was the co-ordinator of DPP-IMPETTU and deputy leader of RENETIL's chapter in Indonesia Interview with Mariano Sabino Lopes; conducted by Takahiro KAMISUNA in English; 29/12/2014, Dili, East Timor. Tape provided. Sabino Lopes was the co-ordinator of DPP-IMPETTU and deputy leader of RENETIL's chapter in Indonesia Interview with Demetrio do Amaral de Carvalho; conducted by Takahiro KAMISUNA in English; 5/1/2015, Dili East Timor. Tape provided. Amaral de Carvalho was a former secretary general of RENETIL Interview with Domingos Saramento Alve conducted byTakahiro KAMISUNA in English; 26/12/2014, Dili, East Timor Interview with Fernando de Araujo (La Sama); conducted by Takahiro KAMISUNA in English; 7/1/2015, Dili, East Timor. Tape provided. De Araujo was the leader of RENETIL from 1988 to 1999 Interview with Helmi Fauzi; conducted by Takahiro KAMISUNA in English; 24/1/2015, Jakarta, Indonesia. Tape provided. Fauzi was a former member of INFIGHT and a board member of SOLIDAMOR. Interview with Rachland Nashidik; conducted by Takahiro KAMISNA in English; 27/01/2015, Jakarta, Indonesia. Tape provided. Nashidik was a former member of INFIGHT and one of the founders of PBHI

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34 MOOCs4Development? Action research into open online learning in Timor-Leste Monty King This project has its genesis in my work as a teacher and principal of Lorosa’e English Language Institute (LELI) in Kampung Alor, Dili between 2009 and 2011. LELI facilitates the US State Department’s Access Microscholarship program in Timor-Leste, providing approximately 360 hours of English language tuition over two years to a group of local high school students aged 15-17, selected based on academic merit. The program has grown from 32 participants in the 2009 intake to 72 in 2014, and since its inception, approximately 40 students have received international undergraduate scholarships, mainly to Australia, New Zealand and the United States. One of the main sources of scholarships for students is the Australia Awards funded by the Australian Government’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT). A recent DFAT policy change means the Australia Awards will target postgraduate students in Timor-Leste (Australia Awards 2015), reducing the number of international undergraduate scholarship opportunities for post-secondary students such as graduates from the Microscholarship program. Since 2012, I have worked at Edith Cowan University (ECU) in Western Australia as an academic learning consultant, and as part of this role I create digital resources, including YouTube clips, posters, and PowerPoint presentations, aimed at improving students’ academic and English language literacies. This work led me to Open Education Resources (OERs) and Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs), which are online learning resources designed to teach large numbers of participants from around the world, often involving short video lectures, readings and online discussion fora, freely available to anyone with an Internet-connected device. As a result of my work in East Timor and at ECU, I began my Ph.D. at the University of Western Australia in 2014 to investigate whether resources such as OERs and MOOCs can provide education opportunities for students like graduates from the Access Microsholarship program, who are unsuccessful in applying for overseas scholarships. The term OERs was first used in the 2002 UNESCO Forum on Open Courseware conference to describe the profusion of open source education material on the Internet. OERs are defined as ‘digitised materials offered freely and openly for educators, students and self-learners to use and reuse for teaching, learning and research’ (OECD 2007, p.10). An increasing proportion of OERs are now designed for independent learners, reflecting a pedagogic shift from teacher to learner-centred pedagogy (Kanwar et al. 2010). This is exemplified by the work of the Khan Academy, whose mission is ‘to provide a free, world-class education for anyone, anywhere’ (https://www.khanacademy.org/about), and the Open Courseware (OCW) movement, originating from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. The rush of publicity about MOOCs has focused recent attention on this form of open online learning, and their evolution has been marked by a proliferation of approaches, making them difficult to categorise (Bali 2014). xMOOCs, made famous by Coursera (www.coursera.org) and EdX (www.edx.org), are created based on cognitive behaviourist pedagogical principles. They typically contain short videos with automated formative quizzes, self and/or peer marking of assessments, and the use of forums for participants to discuss content and seek support, all of which have sound pedagogical foundations (Glance et al. 2013). Criticisms of the xMOOC model centre on their inflexibility and failure to encourage constructive, engaged learning (Milligan and Littlejohn 2014), while Bates (cited in Daniel 2012) argues that these courses support the recall of ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ answers without requiring depth of thought or active engagement with learning. More recently hybrid MOOC forms have emerged, which encourage reflection, online discussion and collaboration via discussion forums, project and problem-based activities. Leaders in the MOOC industry have been optimistic about the potential for uptake of courses in the Global South as a means of meeting the growing demand for quality higher education. Anant Agarwal, the CEO of EdX, claims that “[a]nybody who has an Internet connection and the will to learn can access these great courses from excellent universities and get a credential at the end of it.” (Agarwal, 2014). Daphne Koller, the CEO of Coursera, sees the potential for MOOC providers to tap 211

a new source of talent, saying “[m]aybe the next Albert Einstein or the next Steve Jobs is living somewhere in a remote village in Africa” (Koller, 2012). Initial evidence suggests that MOOC uptake by learners in developing countries has so far been minimal. Ho et al. (2014) found that 2.7% of the participants in xMOOCs through HarvardX and MITx in 2012/2013 registered from IP addresses in countries on the United Nations Least Developed Countries (LDC) index. A study of the participants in 32 Coursera MOOCs run by the University of Pennsylvania concluded that learners in developing countries were not a major cohort in their courses, despite the claims of MOOC providers (Christensen et al. 2014). What conditions need to be improved to encourage students in countries of the Global South, and specifically Timor-Leste to benefit from these resources? My research into the academic literature surrounding MOOCs and OERs in Southern countries has identified four thematic foci, which are then related to the Timor-Leste context; Access to the Internet; digital and English language literacies; Availability of resources adapted to local context; and issues of academic hegemony and neo-colonialism. Access to the Internet and attendant infrastructure According to the International Telecommunications Union (2014), around 4.3 billion people on earth do not use the Internet, but the numbers of people gaining access are growing steadily. International bandwidth has increased by 45 percent annually between 2001 and 2013, and total international bandwidth in developing countries increased from around nine per cent in 2004 to almost 30 percent in 2013 (ITU 2014 p.iii). Liyanagunawardena et al. (2013) note that access to Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) in resource-poor areas can be inhibited by factors such as a lack of suitable transport to areas with an Internet connection. Initiatives such as Internet.org aim to significantly extend Internet access in the Global South by providing cheap devices and data, although many of these programs are in their infancy. Internet-enabled mobile phones account for a sizeable portion of the global increase in Internet use over the past five years (ITU 2014) and are a practical means of increasing access to open online education (Pegrum 2014). deWaard et al. (2011) acknowledge difficulties using mobile devices in education, including screen and keyboard size, however they are significantly cheaper (Ally & Tsinakos 2014), plus learners are already familiar with the functionality of mobile devices (Bory & McGreal 2014). In Timor-Leste the liberalisation of the telecommunications market in 2012 has transformed the sector, with three providers; Timor Telecom, Telkomcel and Telemor, vying for market share. Billboards in the centre of Dili are dominated by colourful promotions offering cheap data, and each company appears to be aiming for a different market segment. Timor Telecom, the previous monopoly holder, provides the Internet connections for many government departments, and promotes packages for the public offering cheaper access to social media platforms such as Facebook. It also offers free access to all Wikipedia pages for its users. Indonesia-based Telkomcel offers cheap data for users who access the Internet via wi-fi ‘hotspots’ dotted around Dili, including on the campuses of the larger higher education institutes, and hence is popular with students. Telemor is aiming at improving market penetration into the municipalities beyond Dili, and anecdotal evidence suggests they have had initial success in providing an improved product. A future fibre-optic cable connection from Indonesia or Australia through to Timor would substantially improve the speed of Internet connection across the country.

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Internet advertising along the Comoro Road, Dili July 2015 (Author’s photo).

Digital and English language literacies Once students have Internet access, the challenge is to develop the literacies that will enable them to exploit the resources available. Digital literacy incorporates ‘the ability to use digital technology, communication tools or networks to locate, evaluate and create information and to understand and use this information in multiple formats.’ (University of New South Wales 2014). It requires a multiliteracies approach including search literacy, critical literacy hardware and software literacy. Language literacies are key to the successful uptake of online resources. According to 2013 estimates, around three-quarters of all MOOCs are presented in the English language, however the number of courses available in other languages is growing (Shah 2013). OERs such as the Khan Academy are now available in Portuguese, and a Brazilian education provider, Veduca (http://www.veduca.com.br/) has entered the MOOC field, producing a range of courses in Portuguese. English language literacy enables students to access a large proportion of online resources, and with so many free online language learning resources now available, identifying appropriate, quality resources for students to utilise becomes another important issue. English is growing in popularity in Dili as a language of employment, particularly with international businesses, and of education. The establishment of the English Language Centre (ELC) at the national Universidade Nacional Timor Lorosa’e (UNTL) funded by DFAT’s East Timor English Language Program (ETELP) provides a range of English language resources for students. Since 2008 student numbers at LELI have increased steadily, reflecting the demand for English language training. A major barrier to the development of English language literacy is the prohibitive cost of local courses. One alternative is free online English

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apps such as Duolingo (https://www.duolingo.com/) which students in Dili with an Internet-connected smartphone use to improve their English skills. Some universities provide courses on digital literacy; Universidade de Dili (UNDIL), for example, administers the International Computer Driving Licence (ICDL) digital literacy qualification (http://www.icdlasia.org/), while the UNTL ELC offers computer literacy programs offline. My experience working with informal learners was instructive. For example, I spent an afternoon with a man who was interested in trying some online learning resources, and we searched together for MOOCs and OERs of interest to him. I observed that he was unfamiliar with a keyboard layout and unaware of the right-click mouse function. This made searching time-consuming, exacerbated by the fact we were sitting in one of the few free public Internet access points in Dili; the Xanana Reading Room, where computer use is limited to 30-minute slots and the Internet speed is relatively slow. The ability to be able to fully exploit opportunities for online learning is hindered when learners lack basic digital literacies. Availability of resources adapted to local context One of the central issues surrounding the provision of MOOCs and other online resources is the failure of these resources to reflect the situation ‘on the ground’. Richter and McPherson (2012) stress the need to tailor OERs to specific national and regional contexts, and conclude that resources that are not adapted to learner context do not engage students. According to Leber (2013), MOOC content needs to be adaptable to different contexts for it to be effective. Research by Nkuyubwatsi (2014) into the cultural translation of MOOCs to development contexts, identified benefits in learners organising local study groups to help apply course content to local contexts. Nkuyubwatsi observed that ‘[t]hose who want to use MOOCs to transform lives of people in developing countries probably need to empathise with local stakeholders and demonstrate an understanding of local problems from local people's perspective.’ (2014 p.7-8) Rhoads et al. (2013) are critical of the transactional nature of OERs and cite Paulo Freire’s critique of the ‘banking’ concept of education, in which learners are empty accounts with knowledge deposited into them. Freire (1992) argues that such an approach is oppressive and prevents the learner from engaging in praxis: putting theory into practice in a personal context to enable social change. Freire argued that critical dialogue is an essential part of the learning process, and curricula must be negotiated with the students. Freire’s work has enjoyed great popularity in Timor-Leste and the promotion of critical dialogue via open online learning resources has the potential for transformative social change. There is currently little evidence of online learning resources developed specifically for the Timorese context, but my interviews with education stakeholders, including students, suggests that the time is ripe to develop such resources. Quinn (2013) notes the dominance of ‘teacher talking time’ in Timorese school classrooms, and so resources would need to help transition learners to more learnercentred pedagogical practice, giving them opportunities use open online learning resources on their terms within their resource constraints. Engineers Without Borders (EWB) have been working with local engineers to complete the Leadership Rewired online course on leadership in sustainability (http://www.rewired.org/). The course is project-based, and so participants can apply the theories introduced to a practical example in the context of their work. Academic hegemony and neo-colonialism Knowledge production for OERs and MOOCs has been dominated by the Global North; however opportunities exist for higher education institutions in the Global South to ‘MOOC back’. Kanwar et al. (2010) note the ‘unidirectional flow’ of OERs from North to South, and Southern countries with limited resources become consumers of resources and are dependent on donor funds to produce their own. The fallout in post-colonial countries can also lead to reactions against using these resources (McPherson & Richter 2012). The need for greater recognition of alternative knowledge systems outside the Global North is central to Connell’s Southern Theory (2007), and this applies equally to the knowledge presented, and generated, in MOOCs and OERs. 214

The recent development of the MOOC industry has raised many of the same issues surrounding the production, ownership and distribution of knowledge online. Altbach (2014) argues that although MOOCs are free and relatively easy to access, they can restrict the development of local academic culture. MOOCs and OERs are enacting academic neocolonialism, and Altbach levels accusations of Western academic hegemony, echoed by Lane and Kinser (2012) who are concerned about the future ‘McDonaldisation’ of education. MOOCs such as the University of the South Pacific’s recent MOOC Climate Change and Pacific Islands (http://www.uspmoocpaccc.org/) could represent a chance to redress the imbalance in the production of online learning resources. UNTL’s ICT directorate is well positioned to develop such resources, as will other higher educations with time and funding. One possible resource that could be adapted to online educational resources is the Timor-Leste Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation (CAVR) Chega! Report (http://www.cavr-timorleste.org/) on the Indonesian occupation of Timor-Leste between 1975 and 1999. Elements of this report such as eyewitness testimony and contemporary media reports, resources available on the Timorese Resistance Museum website (http://amrtimor.org/amrt/index.php?lingua=en) and the UNSW Companion to East Timor site (https://www.unsw.adfa.edu.au/school-of-humanities-and-social-sciences/timor-companion) could be remixed as a course to develop critical literacies around history and historicity, as well as digital and language literacies. Such resources would contribute to a Timorese education system as envisaged by Boughton (2013, 317) which ‘prioritises the goals of national development and the cultivation of Timorese national identity constructed out of the actual lived experience of the Timorese people and, in particular, their long and difficult struggle for independence.’ Conclusion It is evident that significant opportunities exist for online learning resources to meet some of the growing demand for education worldwide, particularly higher education in the Global South. In Timor-Leste, recent improvements in Internet access brought about by the liberalisation of the telecommunications industry has cut the cost of Internet access significantly, and the willingness of telco providers to allow free data access to Wikipedia is a sign that they are aware of this potential. As learners digital and language literacies continue to improve, there will be a need for resources tailored specifically to help Timorese learners develop skills to improve their employment outcomes, promote lifelong learning and close the digital divide. Ultimately the production of OERs, MOOCs and other similar resources by Timorese education institutions is a worthy goal, enabling Timorese learners to benefit from online educational opportunities and making an important contribution to the corpus of educational resources available online. References Altbach, P 2014, ‘MOOCs as neocolonialism: Who controls knowledge?’ International Education 75: 1-7. Agarwal, A 2014, ‘Why Massive Open Online Courses (still) matter (video file) available from: https://www.ted.com/talks/anant_agarwal_why_massively_open_online_courses_still_matter/transcript ?language=en [25 October 2014] Australia Awards 2015, Australia awards scholarships for study in 2017 Available from http://www.australiaawardstl.org/types-of-awards/ [19 December 2015] Ally M & Tsinakos A, 2014, Increasing access through mobile learning, Commonwealth of Learning/Athabasca University, Vancouver. Bali, M 2014, ‘MOOC pedagogy: Gleaning good practice from existing MOOCs’ MERLOT Journal of Online Learning and Teaching 10(1): 44-56 Boga, S & McGreal, R 2014, Introducing MOOCs to Africa: new economy skills for Africa program, Available from: http://www.col.org/PublicationDocuments/MOOCs_in_Africa_2014_Boga-McGreal.pdf [2 March 2015] Boughton, B 2013, ‘Timor-Leste: Education decolonisation and development’, in L Symaco (ed) Education in South East Asia, Bloomsbury Educational, London, pp. 299-321. Connell, R 2007, Southern Theory: The global dynamics of knowledge in social science, Allen & Unwin, Sydney.

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35 The relationship between reading attitude and reading achievement in L2 English and L1 Tetun by Timor-Leste university students Jorge da Silveira Guterres and Michael Harrington Introduction Attitudes toward reading can have a profound influence on reading achievement in the first language (L1) and second language (L2). However, research to date has yet to specify the exact nature of reading attitude and achievement link. This study examines the relationship between reading attitude and reading achievement by Timor-Leste university students when reading in their L1 Tetun and L2 English. It also examines differences between female and male students on these variables. A survey reading attitudes was administered along with reading tests in the respective languages. The results showed no statistically significant relationship between reading attitude and reading achievement in either the L1 or the L2. There was also no significant difference between L1 reading achievement and L2 reading achievement or between the female and male students. Methodological and theoretical reasons of the observed lack of a significant relationship between attitude and reading achievement are identified and discussed. Background of study As is typical of developing counties, students in the Timor Leste education system struggle to develop adequate reading skills in both the L1 Tetun and L2 English. The reasons attributed to this problem are varied. They include ineffective teaching methods, the classroom environment, family income socio-economic status, and individual differences in intelligence, motivation, confidence and other individual-based factors (Brown 1991; Suggate 2009; Jones 2006; Wilbourn et al. 2011). The learner’s attitude to reading has also been proposed as an important contributor to reading achievement (McKenna & Kear 1990; McKenna et al. 1995). No research to date has examined the potential relationship between reading attitudes and reading outcomes in Timor-Leste. The current study aims to fill this gap. It will attempt to answer two questions: Is there an overall relationship between reading attitude and reading proficiency in TimorLeste university students? Does the attitude-achievement link differ between L1 Tetun and L2 English performance and between female and male readers? Literature Review Reading attitudes Attitudes are defined here as feelings and dispositions of persons, objects, situations, or issues that may include positive and negative emotions (Wood et al. 2007). Alexander & Filler (1976, 1) defined reading attitude as “a system of feelings related to reading that causes the learner to approach or avoid a reading situation.” It has also been considered to be “a state of mind, accompanied by feelings and emotions that make reading more or less probable” (Smith 1990, 215), or simply as the readers’ or students’ affect (feeling) toward reading (Mathewson 1994; McKenna et al. 1995). McKenna and colleagues classify reading attitudes into two types; one is recreational reading attitude and the other one is academic reading attitude (McKenna et al. 1995). Recreational reading attitude refers to reading for pleasure, while academic reading attitude refers to school related subjects. There are many factors that may influence students’ positive or negative attitude toward reading, especially academic reading. These include the teachers’ reading attitude, availability of reading materials, classroom environment, literacy culture or perhaps parents’ reading attitudes (Miller 2012; Au 2006; Krashen 2004; Gibbson 2003). A central question concerns how reading attitudes affect achievement – and vice versa. There are mixed findings concerning the relationship between these two variables. Some studies revealed that positive reading attitudes are a predictor of reading achievement (McKenna et al. 217

1995; Walberg & Tsai 1985; Martínez et al. 2008; Ghaith & Bouzeineddine 2003; Petscher 2010; Kush et al. 2005) while others report no significant relationship between reading attitudes and achievement (Kush et al. 2005, Ward 2013, and Elliot 1983). The study here examines this question in the Timor Leste context. One factor that has been regularly related is the individual’s enjoyment in reading. This can have an effect on the length of time students spend on reading the text, which it turn may be linked to motivation and text outcomes. Text content can play a role in the reader’s engagement in the text (Moore & Lemons 1982). Chua (2008) did a longitudinal study on the effects of Sustained Silent Reading (SSR) on students in the first year of secondary school. Results showed that students who felt that leisure reading was pleasurable and enjoyable showed an increase in positive reading attitudes, while students who felt leisure reading was useful and meaningful did not exhibit much change in reading attitudes. Positive reading attitudes result when learners have access to a variety of interesting reading materials (Krashen 2004). When students access a range of reading materials that they like, their motivation to read and time spent reading will increase. Studies showed that the amount of time students are engaged in reading can contribute to their reading achievement (Byrnes 2000; Taylor et al. 1990). For example, Yamashita (2013) researched extensive reading (ER) and its effects on L2 reading attitudes. She found that the ER positively increased students’ feelings of comfort and reduced anxiety toward EFL reading attitudes. In addition, findings also reported three cognitive aspects in L2 learning: intellectual, practical and linguistics values. Results of data analysis showed that ER had a positive effect on the students’ intellectual value in learning English. At the same time, it negatively increased the practical value. The linguistic value was removed from the measurement. Camiciottoli (2001) also found that students who read more books in their free time in their native Italian were more willing to find time to read books in English. This indicated that there is a positive correlation between attitude to extensive reading in English and reading in the native language (Italian) in a study examining the effect of ER in English on the reading habits and attitudes of EFL students who were enrolled in a Business Administration degree at an Italian university. External factors like the physical setting of instruction can also affect reading attitudes Gibbson (2003). Attitudes to reading can also change over time. Smith (1990) did a longitudinal study on the development of attitudes from childhood to adulthood. Findings revealed that adult attitudes to reading cannot be predicted from those of childhood. The results also demonstrated that attitudes to reading are generally a “stable construct over time” among children (p. 219). The study also stressed the importance of developing positive attitudes toward reading early in the lives of children. Sainsbury & Schagen (2004) investigated whether there were any changes in students’ reading attitudes in the five-year period since the introduction of the National Literacy Strategy in the UK. Findings suggested that children’s reading attitudes were generally positive. However, there were some declines in both younger and older age groups. Reading enjoyment fell significantly over the five years, but their confidence as readers significantly increased. The foregoing indicates that attitudes toward reading can affect that amount of time an individual will spend reading, which in turn will results in more positive reading outcomes. Attitudes toward reading and the time spent doing it is also influenced by the individual’s interest in the text and the intrinsic enjoyment he or she experiences when reading. This study will examine the relationship between attitudes and reading outcomes in university students in a Timor Leste university. Relationship between reading attitudes, gender and achievement in First Language (L1) Reading achievement can also be affected by other factors such as socioeconomic status, gender, literacy background, teacher, intelligence of student, and reading disability (Ward 2013; Elliot 1983; Schofield 1980). Several studies have examined performance difference between female and male readers Martínez et al. (2008), McKenna et al. (1995), Lazarus & Callahan (2000), Kush & Watkins (1996), Ghaith & Bouzeineddine (2003), Petscher (2010) and Ward (2013). Some of these studies found female readers better than male readers Martínez et al. (2008) while others indicated that male were better than female readers Ward (2013). The various studies provide mixed results for the relationship between positive reading attitudes and reading achievement outcomes in the L1. In 218

instances where a link was established, females regularly had more positive attitudes and a higher level of reading achievement. The potential effect of gender on the reading attitude-outcome in the L2 will be examined here. It is the first such study to do so. L1 and L2 reading attitudes Another factor that may affect readings attitudes toward reading in the L2 may be the individual’s attitude to reading in his or her L1. Several studies have been conducted on L1 and L2 reading attitudes. Yamashita (2004) investigated the relationship between L1 and L2 reading attitudes and their influence on L2 extensive reading (ER). She found that reading attitude variables such as comfort, anxiety, value and self-perception in both L1 and L2. Furthermore, findings also demonstrated that L1 reading attitude is one of the factors that support L2 reading attitude. Findings also suggested that transfer from L1 to L2 not only occurs in the cognitive domain, but also in affective domains such as attitude. The L2 research on reading attitudes is very limited compared to that in the L1. The studies examined here indicate that there is a positive link between attitudes and achievement and that student attitudes can be developed in the classroom. This section has provide a brief review of the limited research that has examined the relationship between reading attitudes and reading practices. Various factors contributing to positive reading attitudes and reading outcomes were identified. The possible effect that gender might play in this relationship was also noted. The next section will report on a study that addresses these issues in a Timor Leste university. Methodology Participants Participants in the study were university students (N=62) studying at the Universidade Nacional Timor Lorosa’e (UNTL) a university in Timor-Leste. They were at fifth semester of the undergraduate major in English teaching. Thirty-one females and 31 males took part in the study. Ages ranged from 18 to 25 years old. Data Collection Instruments A reading attitudes survey and reading achievement test were the two sources for data in the study. These are described below. Ethical clearance for the research was obtained from the Ethics Review Committee in the School of Languages and Comparative Cultural Studies at the University of Queensland. Reading attitudes survey Student reading attitudes were measured using a questionnaire adapted from the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) 2009. The instrument contained 11 items eliciting student reading attitudes to both the L1 and L2. A four-point Likert scale format was used for all items. Six of the items elicited agreement judgements for positive attitudes toward reading. The other five elicited agreement judgements about negative attitudes toward reading. The researcher prepared a paper-based version of the questionnaire for two classes. These questions are in English. IELTS reading test The reading test was adapted from IELTS test preparation materials (Cambridge 2005). The researcher (the first author) selected four reading texts for use in this study. Each reading text had 27 items. The four texts were translated into the students’ L1 Tetun by the researcher and colleagues. Type of reading that was used for this study is academic reading. This type of reading was chosen because participants are learning academic language to be used in their future career as the English teacher. Each student completed all four texts, two in L1 Tetun and two in L2 English. Presentation was counter-balanced so that half the students did two of the readings in Tetun and two in English and the other half did the same texts in the other language. Data Collection Procedures 219

To facilitate the counterbalancing of texts across the two languages the data collection was carried out in two intact class groups, n=29 and n=33, respectively. The researcher, a Timor Leste nationality, collected the data in both classes during class time. In each session, he was first introduced to students by the classroom teacher and then explained the aims and process of data collection. The students were then asked to answer based on their normal practice in, and feelings about, reading in both the L1 and L2. The researcher collected all the questionnaires when all students had completed them. The process took approximately 30 minutes. The reading achievement test was administered to both groups in a following class session. The first group did the test later in the same day while the second group completed it the following morning. Both reading tests were administered in a paper-based format in a single session of 90 minutes. The researcher, distributed and explained the testing procedure, and then remained in the classroom while the students did the test. All the answer sheets were collected by the researcher as soon as students finished. The research then scored the tests using the answer key provided with the readings (Cambridge 2005). This study was carried in July 2014 Results Test of reliability The L1 and L2 reading tests were assessed for reliability for the respective data collection groups using Cronbach's alpha. Group 1 had extremely low reliability values for both the L2 reading test, α= .14, and the L1 reading test, α = .30. In contrast, Group 2 reached a satisfactory level of reliability result for the L2 test, α = 0.73, and the L1 reading test, α= 0.71. Based on these results, only the results for the second group will be analysed further. The low of reliability value for group 1 may be caused by several factors, including language proficiency and the time of the test. Although participants were at the same level of study, they may have differences in language proficiency. Another reason for low reliability for group one may be caused by the time of doing the test. Group one did the test at 1pm while group two did the test at 9am. Students may feel sleepy, stressed from the previous class or less motivated to do the test in the afternoon. These are possible reasons for the low reliability results for group one. Reading performance Table 1 presents reading performance for L1 and L2 and gender. OveraIl mean performance on the L1 test was better than that on the L2. Normality assumptions were met so the mean difference was tested using a paired t-test. The difference was statistically significant, t (32) = 3.46, p = .002. The female students had better mean scores than male students for the L1 reading test, while the male students had slightly better scores in L2 reading. Neither differences were statistically significant. Table 1 - Descriptive Statistics of L1 and L2 Reading Test

N

Gender

14

Female

19

Male

33

Total

95% CI

Reading Test

Min

Max

Mean

SD

L1 L2 L1 L2 L1 L2

4 4 3 3 3 3

15 9 19 24 19 24

9.86 6.64 8.05 6.84 8.96 6.74

3.59 1.45 3.66 4.67 3.63 3.06

Lower

Upper

8.12 4.95 6.56 5.39 7.34 5.17

11.59 8.33 9.54 8.29 10.57 8.31

L1= First language, SD= Standard deviation, CI= Confidence interval, Maximum possible score is 27

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The descriptive statistics for reading attitudes by gender summed across the positive and negative item types are reported in Table 2. Overall, female students had higher mean ratings than their male counterparts on both the positive and negative items.

Table 2 - Descriptive Statistics of Reading Attitude by Type (Positive and Negative) and Gender

Reading attitude

Gender

Positive reading attitude (6 items) Negative reading attitude (5 items)

Female Male Total Female Male Total

N

Mean

14 19 33 14 19 33

3.21 3.12 3.16 2.99 2.89 2.93

95% CI

SD 0.38 0.33 0.35 0.28 0.34 0.31

Lower 3.00 2.96 3.04 2.83 2.73 2.82

Upper 3.43 3.28 3.29 3.15 3.06 3.05

SD= Standard deviation, CI= Confidence interval, Maximum possible score is 4

The pattern of mean responses by type and gender are presented visually in Figure 1. Independent ttests were conducted to test observed differences in the attitude means scores. There were no statistically significant differences evident. Figure 1 - Comparison positive and negative Reading Attitude by gender

Reading attitude 3.3 3.2 3.1 3 2.9 2.8 2.7 Female

Male Positive

Negative

Positive and negative reading attitudes between female and male readers were not statistically significant, however they are consistent with previous studies’ findings e.g. Lazarus & Callahan (2000), Kush & Watkins (1996), McKenna et al. (1995), and Martinez et al. (2008).The strength of association between the reading and attitude scores were examined using Pearson’s r. No statistical correlations were found among any of the variables. Discussion The lack of statistically significant findings means that few hard conclusions can be drawn from the study. The higher mean scores for L1 Tetun reading achievement for the female students is consistent 221

with Lietz (2006) and many others who have found that girls outperform boys in reading (e.g. Lazarus and Callahan 2000; Kush and Watkins 1996; McKenna et al. 1995; and Martinez et al. 2008). Research Question 1 There were no statistically significant correlations between attitudes toward reading and reading achievement in either L1 or L2 reading. As a result, findings of the current study lends no support to a number of L1 studies (McKenna et al. 1995; Walberg &Tsai 1983; Kush et al., 2005; Elliot, 1983) and Ward (2013). These studies found that reading attitudes were significantly correlated with reading achievement. Differences in results between previous and current studies may be due to several factors such as level of participants in studying English, quality of test materials, or number of participants. The current study may best be considered a pilot study and a foundation for further research in Timor-Leste. Research Question 2 There was a statistically significant difference between L1 and L2 reading achievement. The L1 reading proficiency scores were higher compared to L2 English reading scores, which is not unexpected. The female students had higher positive mean attitudes to reading but the difference is not statistically significant. The results are thus inconsistent with the findings of McKenna et al. (1995) who did find a statistically significant effect for females. It should be noted that McKenna et al. focused on L1 primary school students while the current study involved university students and the language in the reading survey was L2. Conclusion The study examined the potential relationship between reading attitude and achievement in TimorLeste, with an interest in whether language and gender might affect this relationship. None of the results were significant, which means that one must be very cautious in interpreting the results. Results that showed no correlation between reading attitude and achievement may cause by several factors. Some of these factors are lack of interesting reading materials in L1 and L2, and Timor-Leste does not have culture of reading. More research still needed in future to find out if these factors may cause the relationship between reading attitude and achievement in Timo-Leste. Limitations and further research The first possible limitation is the data collection instruments. The text used to measure reading proficiency may not have been appropriate for participants, as was evident from the fact that the reading test reliability for one group was extremely low. As a result, one group of students had to be excluded from the data analysis. The attitudes instrument also could benefit from piloting. Converging evidence from interviews might also shed light on the role of attitudes in the reading practices of these students. Similar studies may also be conducted at others levels of education in Timor-Leste. Bibliography Alexander, JE & Filler, RC 1976, Attitudes and reading, Del: International Reading Association, Newark. Au, KH 2006, Multicultural issues and literacy achievement. Mahwah, N.J: L. Erlbaum Associates Brown, BW 1991, ‘How gender and socioeconomic status affect reading and mathematics achievement’, Economics of Education Review, 10(4): 343-357. Byrnes, J 2000, ‘Using instructional time effectively’ in Baker, L., M. Dreher, & J. Guthrie (eds.) Engaging Young Readers, Guilford Press, New York, pp. 188-205. Cambridge 2005, Cambridge IELTS 4, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Chua, SP 2008, ‘The effects of the sustained silent reading program on cultivating students’ habits and attitudes in reading books for leisure’, The Clearing House, 81(4): 180-184.

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Crawford Camiciottoli, B, 2001, ‘Extensive reading in English: Habits and attitudes of a group of Italian university EFL students’ Journal of Research in Reading, 24(2): 135-153. Elliott, PL 1983, An investigation into the relationship between reading achievement and attitudes toward reading of third and sixth grade students. (Masters thesis) Memorial University of Newfoundland, Ottawa, Canada. Available from: ProQuest, UMI Dissertations Publishing. Ghaith, GM & Bouzeineddine, AR 2003, ‘Relationship between reading attitudes, achievement, and learners perceptions of their jigsaw II cooperative learning experience’, Reading Psychology, 24(2). Gibbons, AC 2003, Effects of the physical classroom environment on the reading attitudes of fourth graders. Ph.D Thesis, University of Houston. Available from: ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. Jones, CK 2006 The relationship of language proficiency, general intelligence, and reading achievement with a sample of low performing, limited English proficient students. ProQuest, UMI Dissertations Publishing. Krashen, SD 2004, The power of reading: Insights from the research, N.H: Heinemann, Portsmouth. Kush, JC & Watkins, MW 1996, ‘Long-term stability of children’s attitudes toward reading’, The Journal of Educational Research, 89(5): 315-319. Kush, JC, Watkins, MW & Brookhart, SM 2005, ‘The temporal-interactive influence of reading achievement and reading attitude, Educational Research and Evaluation, 11(1): 29-44. Lao, CY & Krashen, SD 2000, ‘The impact of popular literature study on literacy development in EFL: More evidence for the power of reading’, System, 28(2): 261-270. Lazarus, BD & Callahan, T 2000, ‘Attitudes toward reading expressed by elementary shool students diagnosed with learning disabilities’, Reading Psychology, 21(4): 271-282. Lietz, P 2006, ‘A meta-analysis of gender differences in reading achievement at the secondary school level’, Studies in Educational Evaluation, 32(4): 317-344. Mathewson, GC 1994, ‘Model of attitude influence upon reading and learning to read’ in Ruddell, R. et al. (eds) Theoretical models and processes of reading, 4th edn, International Reading Association, DE, pp. 11311161. Martínez, RS, Aricak, OT & Jewell, J 2008, ‘Influence of reading attitude on reading achievement: A test of the temporal-interaction model’, Psychology in the Schools, 45(10): 1010-1023. McKenna, MC & Kear, DJ 1990, ‘Measuring attitude toward reading: A new tool for teachers’, The Reading Teacher, 43(9): 626-639. McKenna, MC, Kear, DJ & Ellsworth, RA 1995, ‘Children's attitudes toward reading: A national survey’, Reading Research Quarterly, 30(4): 934-956. Miller, SJ 2012 Literacy practices as predictors of reading achievement. ProQuest, UMI Dissertations Publishing). Moore, SC & Lemons, R 1982, ‘Measuring reading attitudes: Three dimensions’, Reading World, 22(1): 48-57. OECD, 2009, PISA 2009 Assessment framework, OECD, Paris. Petscher, Y 2010, ‘A meta-analysis of the relationship between student attitudes towards reading and achievement in reading’, Journal of Research in Reading, 33(4): 335. Sainsbury, M & Schagen, I 2004, ‘Attitudes to reading at ages nine and eleven’, Journal of Research in Reading, 27(4): 373-386. Schofield, HL 1980, ‘Reading attitude and achievement teacher-pupil relationships’, The Journal of Educational Research, 74(2): 111-119. Smith, MC 1990, ‘A longitudinal investigation of reading attitude development from childhood to adulthood’, The Journal of Educational Research, 83(4): 215-219. Suggate, SP 2009, School entry age and reading achievement in the 2006 programme for international student assessment (PISA)’, International Journal of Educational Research, 48(3): 151-161. Taylor, BM, Frye, BJ & Maruyama, GM 1990, ‘Time spent reading and reading growth’, American Educational Research Journal, vol. 27, no. 2, pp. 351-362. Available from: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1163013 Walberg, HJ & Tsai, SL 1983, ‘Reading achievement and attitude productivity among 17-year olds’, Journal of Literacy Research, 15(3): 41-53. --- 1985, ‘Correlates of reading achievement and attitude: A national assessment study’, The Journal of Educational Research, 78(3): 159-167. Ward, SL 2013, An examination of a relationship between reading attitudes and reading achievement for a group of sixth grade students. ProQuest, UMI Dissertations Publishing. Wilbourn, MP, Gottfried, AW & Kee, DW 2011 ‘Consistency of hand-preference across the early years: Longterm relationship to verbal intelligence and reading achievement in girls’, Developmental Psychology, 47(4): 931-942. Wood, SE, Wood, EG & Boyd, D 2007, The world of psychology, social & applied psychology. Riverside, Rolling Meadows, IL. Yamashita, J, 2004 ‘Reading attitudes in L1 and L2, and their influence on L2 extensive reading’, Reading in a Foreign Language, 16(1): 1-19.

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36 Expectations of development: The Tasi Mane project in Suai-Covalima Judith Bovensiepen, Monis Filipe and Flaviano Freitas Introduction and background In July 2011, the government of Timor-Leste launched the Strategic Development Plan 2011-2030 (henceforth SDP). It sets out its overall goal, which is to ‘transition Timor-Leste from a low income to upper middle income country, with a healthy, well educated and safe population by 2030’ (SDP 2011, 9). The 226-page long document includes extensive plans to improve education and health, and develop cultural heritage, as well as Timor-Leste’s oil and non-oil economies. One part of the economic development focuses on petroleum, and includes plans for the development of human resources for the petroleum industry, for the establishment of a national petroleum company, and for the so-called Tasi Mane project (SDP 2011, 136-138). The stated goal of this project is to bring petroleum development to Timor-Leste’s shores and to ‘provide a direct economic dividend from petroleum industry activities, supporting infrastructure will be developed on the south coast’ (SDP 2011, 138). The Tasi Mane project, which is the focus of this article, envisages the development of three industrial clusters on the thinly populated south coast of the country. The idea behind the Tasi Mane project us to develop the coastal zone on the south of the half-island, an area projected to become ‘the backbone of the Timor-Leste petroleum industry’ (SDP 2011, 138). Focusing on three areas along the south coast, the SDP seeks to ‘ensure that required infrastructure is in place to support a growing domestic petroleum industry’ (SDP 2011: 138). In Suai, the planned scheme stipulates the building of a Supply Base including a port, an international airport, a heavy metals workshop, shipbuilding and repair facilities, and a crocodile farm. ‘Suai will become a centre for the petroleum industry in Timor Leste providing services, logistics, fabrications and human resources’ (SDP 2011, 139). In Betano plans include an industrial park housing an oil refinery and a petrochemical plant. The SDP states that in the future, ‘domestic fuels needs such as diesel, gasoline, jet-fuel and asphalts will be able to be provided by this refinery’ (SDP 2011, 139), as well as providing products for export. In Beaço, plans include an industrial complex for an LNG plant (Liquified Natural Gas), a pipeline for natural gas (presumably from Greater Sunrise fields), a regional airport, and marine facilities for downloading goods. The entire Tasi Mane project, according to the SDP, ‘will commence by 2015 and be completed by at least 2020’ (SDP 2011, 139). Moreover, there are plans for three new cities – Nova Suai, Nova Betano and Nova Beaço – to administer these projects, and a large highway connecting these three industrial clusters (SDP 2011, 139; see also Timor Gap 2015; La’o Hamutuk 2011). Since the launch of the SDP, the Tasi Mane project has received both support and substantial criticism. Members of the current government maintain that it will enable economic development and provide employment opportunities to local people. The project is explicitly framed in nationalist terms, since one of its aims is to reduce economic dependency on other countries (by developing a domestic petroleum industry) and since it involves plans for a pipeline from the disputed Greater Sunrise fields in the Timor Sea to be brought to Timor-Leste’s shores. In an article on the Australian spying scandal, Kim McGrath (2014) has outlined the longstanding scheming of the Australian government for Greater Sunrise oil and gas. The Greater Sunrise field lies 450 kilometres north of Darwin, but only 150 kilometres south of Timor-Leste. According to international maritime law, the boundary between both countries should be based on the median line and hence the fields would belong to Timor-Leste (according to the Convention of the Law of the Sea, which Australia ratified in 1994). Despite of this, in 1989, during Indonesia’s illegal occupation of East Timor, Indonesia and Australia signed a resource sharing agreement, which assigned 80% of Greater Sunrise to Australia. This agreement was invalidated when Timor-Leste regained independence. Timor-Leste has since been in negotiations with Australia over the disputed fields, negotiations that Australia is alleged to have tried to win through the rather ruthless means of spying

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(McGrath 2014). The sense of outrage and frustration at Australia’s continued claims to Greater Sunrise forms part of the motivation for the plans of the Tasi Mane project. Nevertheless, there are a great number of criticisms of Tasi Mane, both within and outside the country. There are concerns about spending valuable national resources on a petroleum infrastructure program when it is not clear whether the pipeline from disputed Greater Sunrise fields is actually going to come to Timor-Leste. There are several NGOs currently researching and working on this issue, focusing on the negative consequences of petroleum dependency, on land and family conflicts, on environmental problems, and on the project’s effects on cultural heritage and sacred sites (e.g. La’o Hamutuk, Haburas, Fundasaun Mahein, Oxfam, and Timor Aid). The dangers of petroleum dependency (the ‘resource curse’) and concerns about Timor-Leste’s oil not being sufficient to warrant such major investment in petroleum infrastructure have been well-documented. Critics argue that the oil industry is notoriously bad at creating much needed employment opportunities, whereas others are concerned about the top-down nature of the development scheme. There have been criticisms about the resettlement that will be necessary for the implementation of the project and concerns about the ways in which contracts are handed our (see Scambary 2015). Some of the worries expressed with regards to the Special Economic Zone (ZEESM) to be developed in Timor-Leste’s enclave Oecussi may similarly be applied to Tasi Mane. Meitzner Yoder (2015) has criticised ZEESM, for example, for being outsider-oriented (i.e. focusing on tourism rather than on local development), for erasing the specificity of place, selectively appreciating cultural heritage, and for relying on spatial re-ordering that neglect the highland regions. In December 2015, the President of Timor-Leste vetoed the 2016 state budget, based on concerns that too much money is attributed to major projects like Tasi Mane and the Oecussi special zone (ZEESM), whilst criticising that not enough is allocated to health, education and agriculture (Inder 2016). However, the parliament reconsidered the budget and decided unanimously not to make any changes. Despite the concerns with regard to these large-scale development plans, there is widespread enthusiasm and hope attached to the Tasi Mane scheme, both at the local level and in government circles. In this paper, we look in more detail at these hopes and expectations at the local level, focusing specifically on the municipality of Covalima, where the implementation of the project has already started and where the government has begun to take possession of the land, in exchange for what they call ‘compensation’ in the form of money ($3 per square meter). Research and methods This paper discusses some of the results from research that was carried out between March and August 2015.1 The research is part of an ongoing project led by Judith Bovensiepen on the hopes and expectations towards petroleum wealth in Timor-Leste. This article mainly draws on a survey carried out by Monis Filipe, Flaviano Freitas and Judith Bovensiepen in the municipality of Covalima in July 2015. It is also informed by expert interviews and participating and observing events relating to the implementation of the Tasi Mane project. The survey consisted of 50 semi-structured questionnaires, which we carried out in five different locations in Covalima. We were unable to pick a random sample and hence make no claims that our results are representative of the broader population. We chose interviewees mainly on the basis of availability and tried to spread out across the area. All interviews were conducted in Tetum. We chose the locations in a way that it would provide us with a good cross-section of places affected in different ways by the Tasi Mane project. Of these five places, four were directly affected, and one was not directly affected (but, there was a noticeable indirect impact). Research was conducted in Fatu Isin (Suco Camenassa), where the Supply Base will be built – and where a large proportion of inhabitants already gave their fields to the government in exchange for monetary compensation – a process referred to as the ‘liberation of the land’. The second place was Sanfouk, (Suco Camenassa), whose residents have also been asked to offer their fields for the building of the Supply Base. In July 2015, 35% of those who agreed to give their land to the Supply Base had already

1

This article draws on research funded by the Economic and Social Research Council of the UK (grant number: ES/L010232/1), whom we would like to thank for their generous support.

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received monetary compensation (144 people), and the next ‘phase’ of payment was just about to begin. Altogether, 350 hectares are affected by the Supply Base in the suco Camenassa, and another 780 hectares will be affected for the building of an industrial estate (in Bele Kasak). Holbelis (Suco Labarai), the third place in which we conducted research, is an area near the current airport where a proportion of inhabitants will have to move to a new locality since their houses will be affected by the transformation of the existing runway into an international airport. Even though the houses that have to be moved had been identified at the time of research, a place for the resettlement had not yet been agreed. This was different in the Suco Matai, our fourth locality on the other side of the airport, where a new place to resettle has already been identified for the 72 households affected. The fifth place where we carried out our survey was the Suco Suai Loro, which will not be directly affected by the Tasi Mane project, but where the Supply Base was to be built initially.2 The questionnaire was divided into five parts. The first part included an assessment of the socio-economic status of the households we interviewed; the second part included general questions about the family make-up, inheritance, origin, language and social organisation; the third part looked at the knowledge that the respondents had about the Tasi Mane project and its implementation, the fourth part concentrated on the hopes and expectations research participants had with regard to the project, and in the last part we asked about actual concrete engagement that respondents already had with those charged with the project’s implementation (government officials and the national petroleum company Timor Gap). Results: hopes and expectations Part four of the questionnaire concentrated on how people imagined the future through four main themes: work and education, living in a big city, hopes that oil will be available for future generations, and messages that respondents formulated for their political leaders. Work and education One of the main promises that were made during the ‘socialisation’ events, during which representatives of the national oil company provided information to the ‘affected communities’ in Covalima was that the latter would gain work through the Tasi Mane project. Concrete promises were made about the thousands of jobs the project would create. ‘Direct’ and ‘indirect’ opportunities were emphasised; jobs were promised as cleaners, drivers, in the tourism industry and other sectors. These promises had clear impact on people, since work was without doubt a major expectation that people had with regards to the Tasi Mane project and with regards to their future. In fact, many respondents suggested that it was their right to work for the project, and that their right trumped that of their country men and women, since they gave up their land and/or houses for the project. When asked whether they could imagine working for the Tasi Mane project, 86% of respondents said yes. Interestingly, there was no real difference here between the suco Suai Loro that is not directly affected by the Tasi Mane project and the other affected localities, even though those directly affected tended to emphasise their right to work and the increased necessity for them to find work, as many had lost or were about to lose their fields. Jobs people could envisage doing include working as cleaners, cooks, manual laborers, drivers, in security, as officials working at the airport or the port, as carpenters or in construction. Research participants were also asked what they were hoping that their children and grandchildren would work as in the future. People rarely specified a particular kind of work, but instead emphasised that they wanted their children and grandchildren to receive a good schooling and then work in what might best be described as an ‘office-job’, i.e. one that did not involve manual labour. 90% of respondents said that they wanted their children to gain a good education. Education was also associated with the hope that they would then have better chances to work for the Tasi Mane project, i.e. for the airport, the Supply Base or elsewhere in the petroleum industry. We encountered a number of families where one or more members were studying abroad in petroleum related courses,

2

We would like to thank all research participants, and especially the village chiefs of these locations for granting us permission to conduct the research.

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specifically with the hope that they would later get jobs working for the Tasi Mane project. In fact, 43% of those who responded that they had relatives living, working or studying abroad also mentioned that these relatives were studying subjects related to natural resource extraction. Living in a big city Research participants were asked two direct questions about how they imagine their district would look like in the future. First, they were asked, ‘how do you think your district will look like in 10 or 30 years from now?’ Then they were asked, ‘what country will Timor-Leste most resemble in 20 years from now?’ The overwhelming majority response to the first question was that Covalima would be a big city, and the association that people had with this big city was almost exclusively a positive one. In fact 26% said that there will be very big changes in the future, while 56% said that Covalima will be like a city, a big, beautiful or good city, or a city like Baukau or Dili. Only a single respondent expressed concern, asking ‘how will this place look like when we have all lost our land and houses?’ The vast majority hoped that the project would lead to better roads and infrastructure and hence raise everyone’s living standards. One man from the suco Matai said: ‘Covalima will be the capital of the oil industry [in 30 years from now].’ When asked what country Timor-Leste will resemble most in 20 years from now, people mentioned a variety of different countries – often several countries at the same time that were associated with high living standards. The favourites were Australia (with 42% of respondents mentioning it), Indonesia (30%), Singapore and Portugal (22% each), followed by America and England (with 14% each). Research participants volunteered the names of these countries without the researchers making suggestions or naming countries to choose from. Oil for our grandchildren A highly controversial topic that has led to disputes amongst critics and government officials is the question about how long Timor-Leste’s oil will last. In April 2015 the NGO La’o Hamutuk published their analysis that the Petroleum Fund ‘will only be able to support Timor-Leste for five to eight years after Bayu-Undan runs out … until about 2025.’ This analysis led to a lot of debate amongst civil society groups, to media reports, and some critical responses from the government. As we show in the next section, there were some critical questions on this particular topic, yet the large majority of respondents were adamant that Timor-Leste was very rich in oil (reflecting the government line). What people think about this question is crucial, not just with regards to how much trust they put into the project, but also with regards to how resources are managed in the present. We asked respondents ‘how long do you think Timor-Leste’s oil will last?’ A large proportion (76%) of respondents estimated that Timor-Leste’s oil will last a long time; to be more precise: 40% estimated 50-100 years, 16% over 100 years, 8% 11-49 years, and 12% said ‘a long time’. Only 2% (i.e. one respondent) said that the oil would last 10 years or less and one person responded ‘a short time’. Many of those with high estimates said that Timor-Leste’s oil will last until ‘our children and grandchildren’s time’. Others added ‘we have a lot of oil’, and some living in areas with oil seeps proudly declared ‘we are sitting on top of oil here!’ Of those who estimated that the oil would last for more than 100 years, one respondent said 1,000 years, others several hundred years, 300-400 years, and forever. 26% of respondents said that they did not know or that it depended on how the oil was used (this was something even those who said the oil will last a long time added to their response). A message for our leaders The final question of the part on hopes and expectations in our questionnaire asked research participants what they would say to those in power if they had the opportunity to express their wishes of the future? They were asked that if they could say something to their political leaders, such as the former Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao, the Minister of Petroleum and Mineral Resources Alfredo Pires, the current Prime Minister Rui Maria de Araújo, or the Director of Timor Gap Francisco Monteiro, what would they say? The responses here were quite diverse. They ranged from expressions of deep gratitude towards the leaders that they chose to build the Tasi Mane project in Covalima, to expressions of doubt and reproach: ‘why are you not looking after the poor people?’ one man asked. Eight respondents said that they would ask the government ‘to look after us people’. Whereas good roads, water facilities, toilets and education (school and training) were all concerns mentioned, by far the most significant request 228

(by over 16% of people) was to ask for work for themselves or their children. ‘The government has to look after us people’ one respondent said, ‘Because we are suffering, we have problems. My husband and my children have to work for the Supply Base.’ Several respondents also stressed that the project should go ahead quickly: ‘We want the development to happen fast.’ Another respondent said. ‘Stop all the talking. Don’t just talk, but do it quickly’ was his message for political leaders. One man had a specific question: ‘Our nation is a young nation. How much crude oil do we have? What is the percentage that we have already taken out? And how much longer will our oil last? And if it is a short time, then how will we live?’ Conclusion As our results have illustrated, amongst research participants in the municipality of Covalima, the expectations towards the Tasi Mane petroleum development project are immense and people put a lot of trust into their leaders that they will deliver, that Covalima will be a big and beautiful city, and that they will get work from these developments. Not many of those interviewed were exposed to the criticisms of the project voiced by scholars and activists in the capital city Dili. Interestingly, such criticisms did not just derive from NGOs, but also from within the oil industry. The idea that people in Suai were ‘sitting’ on top of oil was challenged by two expert interviews we carried out with representatives of the oil industry. Oil seeps, as they can be seen in a number of places in Covalima (e.g. in Suai Loro and Matai), are not actually a sign that there is a lot of oil, we were told. In fact, such seeps may be a sign that the oil reserve has been damaged. Most natural resource experts we spoke to agreed that further studies would need to be carried out to find out whether Timor-Leste really does have any commercially viable onshore oil or gas reserves. By contrast, members of the government interviewed, emphasised the need for national unity; they worried that the criticisms towards the project would ‘scare off investors’. The Tasi Mane project has become a politically sensitive and potentially divisive topic, leading some to doubt whether the project will be implemented at all. Rapidly falling oil prices in the international markets further diminish the wealth that the country will be able to gain from potential reserves, which further intensifies public debates on how Timor-Leste’s oil wealth should be used. In light of such uncertainties, it remains to be seen whether the expectations and high hopes of ‘affected community’ members we spoke to will be fulfilled. Bibliography Inder, Brett 2015, The Budget 2016 Impasse. http://www.monashintimor.org/blog Accessed 15 January 2016. La’o Hamutuk 2011, South Coast Petroleum Infrastructure Project. 16 September 2011, updated 22 July 2015 http://www.laohamutuk.org/Oil/TasiMane/11TasiMane.htm Accessed 14 October 2015. --- 2015, Timor-Leste’s oil and gas are going fast. 15 April 2015, updated 13 June 2015 http://laohamutuk.blogspot.co.uk/2015/04/timor-lestes-oil-and-gas-are-going-fast.html Accessed 13 October 2015. --- 2014, Can the Petroleum Fund Exorcise the Resource Curse from Timor-Leste? 1 June 2014, updated 17 September 2015. http://www.laohamutuk.org/econ/exor/14ExorcisePaper.htm Accessed 13 October 2015. McGrath, Kim. 2014, ‘Oil, gas and spy games in the Timor Sea. Australian scheming for the Greater Sunrise oilfield has a long history’, The Monthly, April 2014. Meitzner Yoder, Laura S. 2015, ‘The development eraser: fantastical schemes, aspirational distractions and high modern mega-events in the Oecusse enclave, Timor-Leste’, Journal of Political Ecology 22: 299-321. Scambary, James. 2015, ‘In search of white elephants: The political economy of resource income expenditure in East Timor’, Critical Asian Studies 47(2): 283-308. SDP. 2011. Timor Leste Strategic Development Plan 2011 – 2030. https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/content/documents/1506Timor-Leste-Strategic-Plan-201120301.pdf Accessed 3 February 2016. Timor Gap. 2015. Southern Coast Project. Website. http://www.timorgap.com/databases/website.nsf/vwAll/SOUTHERN%20COAST%20PROJECT Accessed 12 October.

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37 Echoing alternative voices: the East Timorese in Macao1 Emilie Tran Introduction Administered by the Portuguese Empire and its inheritor states for almost 450 years, Macao has become, since 1999, a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the People’s Republic of China. The East Timorese living in Macao nowadays are the remnants of several waves of migration that reflect the historical links between Portuguese Macao and Timor-Leste, formerly East Timor (Carneiro de Sousa 2006). The geographical proximity between Timor-Leste and Macao has facilitated the movement of people between the two territories: convicts from Macao were sent to Timor-Leste, whereas the East Timorese wishing to complete secondary school studies, or become priests had Macao as their closest alternative, with its full-fledge Portuguese school and its Roman Catholic seminary. In recent years, the scholarship programmes of the Macao SAR and mainland China governments, alongside the close relationship between the two Dioceses of Macao and Dili, have contributed to sustain the coming of clergy and lay East Timorese to study in Macao, although this concerns only a small number of people every year. Understandably, migration patterns between these two territories have been scarcely documented in historiography — largely concentrated on the Portuguese administration and missionaries — and in the 20th - 21st centuries’ social studies. However, the turmoil in Timor-Leste in the 1990s brought to Macao several waves of East Timorese refugees, which aroused some scholarly attention and subsequently led to one and only published study to the author’s knowledge: Lisete Lumen Pereira (2006) interviewed some members of the East Timorese community living then in Macao and recounted their life memories, most of which revolves around the central figure and testimony of Fr. Francisco Fernandes, known as Fr. Xico (1936-2005). Ten years later, given the new global context in which China has asserted itself as a development aid provider (China’s Information Office of the State Council 2011 and 2014), and vowed to enhance cooperation with the Portuguese speaking countries (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China 2014), Timor-Leste-China relations have become an object of academic interest and investigation (Storey 2009; Barreto Soares 2014; Talesco 2014) that ultimately addresses the issue of China’s soft power in terms of working and effectiveness (Tran & Matias 2015). Hence, while (re)visiting the life memories of the members of the East Timorese community living in Macao, this paper also aims at informing about the latter’s views on China’s soft power deployment towards developing countries, and Timor-Leste in particular. The East Timorese in Macao and China: A small and thus overlooked immigrant population The issue of identity is one of the central questions in most work related to diasporas, and so is the case in the study of the East Timorese living outside Timor-Leste. The several waves of East Timorese refugees since WWII, migrating to notably Australia, have naturally compelled researchers to look into this locale the challenges of exile mainly from a sociological, anthropological and ethnographical angle, built upon the perspectives of the refugees. Taking on exploring not only the many facets of East Timorese diasporic identity, including the role of trauma and affective relations along with nationalistic feelings with the homeland, the scholarly production ultimately addresses the issue of community rebuilding (Askland 2005, 2007, 2009, 2014a, 2014b; Wise 2002, 2004a, 2004b, 2006), but also the contribution of East Timorese refugees in Australia’s local politics through the process of “marginalisation and empowerment” (Goodman 2000). With a different focus and in another locale, Goglia and Afonso (2012) studied multilingualism and language maintenance of the East Timorese

1

The author is thankful to the Macao Foundation for its generous support in 2014-2015, without which this research, including the extensive fieldwork, the participation to the TSLA 2015 conference in Dili, and subsequent outputs, would not have possible.

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diaspora in Portugal, spearheading a new scholarship on East Timorese diaspora from language resources and repertories. Regarding the migration trends into China, its new role as a country of immigration has attracted scholarly attention. By 2013 according to The Annual Report on Chinese International Migration, foreign residents in China accounted for 848,000 (Wang 2015), with a vast array of backgrounds and experiences (Pieke 2012). Whereas Chinese graduates and scholars abroad return in ever growing numbers (Wang & Bao 2015), traders and labour migrants from all the five continents are attracted by China’s trading prospects, employment opportunities, together with relatively cheaper living costs, reasonable political stability and prosperity, coupled with comparatively lenient visa policies under the 1985 Law of Administration of Entrance and Exit of Foreigners (in Chinese: Waiguoren Rujing Chujing Guanli Fa) (Brady 2000; 2003). Although the new Exit and Entry Administration Law (in Chinese: Chujing Rujing Guanli Fa) introduced in July 2013, aims at stricter immigration control (Bork-Hüffer & Yuan-Ihle 2014; Haugen 2015), and despite some slowing down of the Chinese economy in recent years, the People’s Republic continues to appeal to expatriates and migrants from all walks of life, professionals and students alike. The East Timorese living in Mainland China are mostly concentrated in Beijing and comprise the Timor-Leste embassy staff and officials, along with a small group of East Timorese students, between a dozen to a bit more than 20 in university degree programmes (interview with Timor-Leste Embassy in Beijing, 2015). There are also groups of East Timorese professionals being trained in specifically oriented short-term programmes in the mainland under the cooperation agreements between China and Timor-Leste (Tran & Matias 2015). As for Hong Kong and Macao, both territories were at the same time hotbeds of emigration and immigration. The waves of Chinese refugees fleeing the political upheavals that marked Mainland China’s history throughout the 20th century literally populated both territories. In the late 20th and early 21st centuries, there are three new types of immigrant population: the economic and professional immigrants from Mainland China, the immigrant domestic helpers from South East Asia’s lesser developed countries, and thirdly, the expatriate community. In Macao, the liberalisation of the gaming licenses in 2001 has tripled the number of gaming operations, and the SAR has been coping with a severe shortage of human resources at all levels and in all sectors. Hence, out of the 642,900 residents in Macao, 180,751 are non-resident workers, economic and professional immigrants from Mainland China (64.6%), the Philippines (13.2%), Vietnam (8%) and Hong Kong (5.1%), Indonesia (2.3%) and elsewhere (6.9%) (DSEC 2015). Besides, Macao has 10 tertiary education institutions (GAES 2013, 3) that have been attracting over the last decade an increasing number of overseas students, the last survey accounted for 10,872 foreign students (GAES 2013, 66). Thus, in Macao, a setting of intricate migrating patterns, the East Timorese live alongside hundreds of thousands of immigrants from all over the world, and whose tangible population size and socio-economic contributions have led to proportionally significant academic coverage. Albeit small, the East Timorese community of Macao form a distinct group with a variety of profiles: there are students, lay and clergy people, some of whom have become Macao residents, with characters whose personal life stories have been at times intimately tangled with history with a big H. In this study are considered East Timorese those who identified themselves as such: regardless of their ethnic background, residency status or nationality, all the subjects interviewed asserted their East Timorese identity mainly because they were born in Timor-Leste and speak Tetum whenever the East Timorese community get together once in a while. The discourses of East Timorese in Macao For short periods of time, at the peaks of the refugee crises in the late 1990s when East Timorese fleeing the violence prior and after the 30 August 1999 referendum, had flocked to Portuguese Macao via Indonesia and Hong Kong by the hundreds, there were 500 to 600 East Timorese at once in the territory, according to Father Francisco Fernandes, who provided leadership and comfort to them and coordinated their onward journey. Indeed, then Macao was neither perceived as a land of opportunities for East Timorese refugees, nor even a safe heaven: because of the looming retrocession to China, it was rather a transit point. Thus, right before the handover to China in December 1999 most of the

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refugees had left for Portugal, whereas some had gone to Australia. Only a small group have remained in the territory, which they now consider their ‘home’, We live here now, my wife is Chinese, and so are my children. But I was born and I grew up in Timor[-Leste], so even today, I’m happy to mingle with East Timorese from time to time. We chat in Tetum or Portuguese and we have fun together!

There is no record or data that exactly account for the number of individuals who form this community: some interviewees estimated it to be between 25 to 50 individuals, with fluctuations year on year, mostly due to irregular cohorts of seminarian students. According to Fr. Domingos Soares, who heads the Grupo de Macao Rai Timor, an association founded by above mentioned Fr. Francisco (“Xico”) Fernandes to foster cultural exchanges, the last gathering to mark the creation of the association assembled 50 to 60 people. The narratives of the East Timorese community, collected for the purpose of this study, convey themes and experiences that resonate with other East Timorese diasporic communities. Conducted from March to September 2015 in four research locales, the fieldwork in Macao kicked off with a visit to the Forum Macao2 cum interview with the Timor-Leste representative, followed by interviews with 17 East Timorese in their 20s to 70s3. Further fieldwork interviews were performed in Dili and Lisbon with East Timorese and Portuguese authorities, and individuals who had lived in Macao. Lastly, a fieldtrip to Beijing allowed the researcher to meet and interview East Timorese embassy staff and officials, as well as a few East Timorese students in Beijing universities. In Macao, the 17 informants, recruited through snowball sampling, include 7 male and 10 female, among whom 12 are clergy people and 5 are laypersons. 5 had arrived prior to the handover and have settled permanently in Macao, whereas 12 are non-permanent residents, on a student visa and undertaking undergraduate or graduate studies in Macao universities, in information technology (1), government studies (1), education (2), and theology (9). Besides the students, there were also 3 active people: 1 civil servant of the MSAR government, and 2 clergy people serving the Macao Diocese. Finally, there were 2 retirees: 1 musician and composer, and 1 businessman — the only ethnic ChineseTimorese — who had passed on his trading company to his sons. The interviews gave considerable space to narratives, and were conducted by the researcher herself. On one particular occasion, the researcher had to resort to an intermediary to pass on her interview questions to a group of East Timorese nuns and their feedback were returned through electronic mail communication. The past Healed, glorified, and moved on Feeling singled out for once in a context where they are a tiny minority, the East Timorese community spent time and consideration to address the researchers’ questions. Especially, there were 2 members of the older generation, who happened to have actively participated in the resistance war against Indonesia. One recalled when preparing banners, how he debated with his peers on the wording to embody the entire East Timorese nation and avoid factional struggle between independence organisations. Both informants went into great length recalling their hardships — hiding in mountains with scarce food and water for weeks —, how more than once they had been doomed to be caught or even to die, and how ‘thanks to God’, they ultimately survived. One informant even recalled the handto-hand fights at the time of the guerrilla warfare, something he ‘would never be able to forget’, which rather contrasted with that informant’s current occupation as a priest, bound to go back to Timor-Leste

2

Forum Macao (or Fórum de Macau in Portuguese) is the usually adopted short term to refer to the “Permanent Secretariat of Forum for Economic and Trade Co-operation Between China and Portuguese-Speaking Countries (Macao)”. Established in 2003 with headquarters in Macao by the Chinese government, the Forum comprise 7 members: Angola, Brazil, Cape Verde, Timor-Leste, Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, and Portugal. Under the leadership of China, the Forum Macao aims at facilitating multilateral cooperation to strengthen economic and business partnership between China and the Lusophone world. 3 The author expresses her deepest gratitude to the many East Timorese in Macao and in East Timor who gave their previous time to share lengthily with her.

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upon completion of his master in education, in order to manage a catholic school. At the time of the interview, that informant was also proofreading his wartime memoirs in Portuguese to have them published. Hence, war memories are still very present in the discourse of the generation who took part in the resistance. Proud of the role they had played then, they were thankful to have the opportunity to share their past life’s unique experience outside of their usual social network. The integrated and balanced perception of their own history, and their social reconstruction afterwards typically indicate that those two interviewees were two resilient subjects, who had already processed comparatively smoothly the psychological consequences of their past wartime traumatic experiences. Making history with a ‘big H’ Another informant, Simão Barreto, who had migrated to Macao in 1958 to join the seminary, and eventually studied music and became a violinist in the National Symphonic Orchestra of Portugal, but also a composer who founded the Macao Conservatory, recalled the role of the East Timorese group in Macao, ahead of and during the East Timorese National Convention held in Peniche, Portugal, on April 23-27, 1998. Fr. Francisco Fernandes was indeed credited in his obituary to have played a role in creating the CNRT: ‘He convinced the senate of Liurais, the country's traditional chiefs, to take part in the convention’ (Jollife 2005), where he became a member of the political committee. Complementing the official account of that event with his own recollection, the interviewee shared his inside story of that event: When Xanana Gusmao called the resistance groups to join their forces, the Fretilin in Mozambique and the UDT in Portugal had ceased to communicate with each other, hence they could never organise any convention. We, in Macao, were far away from both of them, and somewhat in between. We received a letter from Xanana Gusmao asking the Macao group to make the convention happen. The then governor of Portuguese Macao, Rocha Vieira, gave us his full support and allocated one million patacas to provide for all the expenses of the meeting, including travels to Macao, meals and accommodation for everyone. We worked on the logistical aspects. Eventually, the Macao group started to contact and invite everyone. So, through our preliminary effort and commitment in Macao, we showed that it was possible to forget our political differences for the sake of national unity and the independence cause. But the Lisbon group was annoyed to see that the meeting would be held, not in Portugal though. Eventually, it was decided that the convention would take place in Peniche. This would not have been possible if we, the [East] Timorese group in Macao, had not started to move things! And so, we went to Peniche, Manuel Tilman, Xico Fernandes, Tomas Jesus, Jaime Ximenes and myself, again with the support of the government who allowed us to take paid leave.

As one can see, the East Timorese community in Macao counts among its members some significant figures. Out of Macao’s 5 delegates to Peniche, 2 were selected in the leadership team of the CNTR. Besides “Xico” Fernandes, whose memory lives on strongly among the East Timorese in Macao, Manuel Tilman became a member of the Executive Commission and the head of the Administration and Resources Department. Fr. Domingos Soares, who has been serving in the parish of Macao for the past 7 years, also participated in the Peniche Convention — as a delegate from Dili though. Mixed feelings towards China Unlike other immigrant groups in Macao who have migrated to the SAR for employment opportunities and plan to stay on, as long as they can make a living, the outlook of the East Timorese is radically different: when asked whether they would stay in Macao if they were to find placement in areas related to their training, the non-permanent residents interviewees, who arrived most recently, unanimously responded that they felt compelled to ‘go back home’ in order to help build up their country. The nuns and priests follow the plans laid out for them by their superiors and religious congregations, which is to come to Macao for theology studies and then either return to Timor-Leste for any assignment decided for them, or to be dispatched in their congregation’s houses throughout Asia.

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I was working in a school before coming to Macao. My Bishop, Dom Basilio, sent me here for me to be properly trained in a master programme in education, so that upon my return, I can work in the school management of one of the Catholic schools. My field is IT. In Dili, I was with the Ministry of Finance, but our IT system is so underdeveloped that we cannot do much. So I have applied for a scholarship and I am now studying computer science. When I return I can develop computer programmes for the Ministry of Finance.

Their strong desire to return is motivated by their ‘love for their beautiful homeland’, where ‘the lifestyle really suits [them]’. However, all expressed frustration and disappointment with the slow development progress in Timor-Leste since its independence, ‘the government is not doing enough’, some timidly mentioned possible corruption issues: ‘I gave my life for my country; I hope they, the ones in power, are not going to ruin everything.’ Living in Macao, with some benefiting from scholarship programmes from the Chinese government that has been providing development aid to Timor-Leste (Storey 2009; Barreto Soares 2014; Talesco 2014) in its attempt of “charm offensive” (Kurlantzick 2007, 109-111), some interviewees expressed their sincere gratitude towards China. In that respect, Beijing soft power diplomacy towards the Portuguese-speaking countries (Tran & Matias 2015) is indeed bearing its fruits. An interviewee further elaborated on the extent of China’s aid to Timor-Leste, that ‘is not new since China has never given up on Timor-Leste’, and recalled how China had supported financially the resistance, without any condition: Not long after the Indonesian invasion, [Marí] Alkatiri and [José] Ramos-Horta went to Beijing to ask for support. Portugal, after the revolution, had other preoccupations, and no money to give us. We had absolutely nothing then. They met with the highest authorities, the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. We’ll never forget that China gave us money then, that was used to pay for essential expenses such as travels and also the suits, so that our leaders could be presentable and go to the UN in New York, and elsewhere and plea for our cause.

However, while the Macao East Timorese community saluted the present contributions of China in Timor-Leste’s development, some of the interviewees also expressed concerns about the recent Chinese immigration into Timor-Leste, fearing that the latter would eventually take over the business in their country, thus preventing the locals to take the lead in those ventures: You know, people talk and one can feel some form of frustration and resentment against the recent waves of Chinese immigrants to Timor[-Leste]. Some of us know how things have turned out in some places in Africa, so…There are so many Chinese now coming to Timor[Leste]. Some of them arrange fake marriage with [East] Timorese to appropriate land. We are not automatically blaming the Chinese people it is also the responsibility of our government to prevent these abuses.

There are some 500 Chinese nationals working for Chinese firms in Timor-Leste, plus some 3,000 individuals in various enterprises and projects4. In a face-to-face interview with Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, Roberto Soares5, he mentioned that Timor-Leste and China were working on a memorandum to address these hot immigration issues. Further research By studying the East Timorese community in Macao, this paper falls at the crossroads of several areas of recent social science research and literature and uncovers the field for further investigation with regards to, on one hand, development studies along with China’s assertive role as an aid provider; and on the other hand, to migration and diasporic studies on foreigners living in China, and the East

4

Mobile communications with officials of the East Timorese diplomatic corps based in Beijing and in Macao, February, 2016. 5 Dili, July, 2015.

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Timorese community in particular. The potential for further research may comprise comparative analyses on issues such as identity perception or language maintenance by the East Timorese diaspora worldwide, including the one settled in Macao, who was overlooked due to its relatively small size. Nevertheless, precisely because that community lives in Macao, China, with a significant number of members benefitting from various cooperation agreements between the civil and clergy authorities of Beijing, Dili and Macao, the MSAR East Timorese community reflects the current state of relations between Timor-Leste and China. Bibliography Askland, Hedda Haugen 2005, ‘Young East Timorese in Australia: Becoming Part of a New Culture and the Impact of Refugee Experiences on Identity and Belonging’, MSocSc thesis, School of Social Sciences: The University of Newcastle, NSW. --- 2007, ‘Habitus, practice and agency of young East Timorese asylum seekers in Australia’, The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 8: 235-249. --- 2009, ‘East Timorese in Melbourne: Community and Identity at a Time of Political Unrest in Timor-Leste’, PhD Thesis, School of Humanities and Social Sciences: The University of Newcastle, NSW. --- 2014a, ‘Circulating stories: East Timorese in Australia and questions of post-independence identity’. Oceania, 84(2): 105–120. --- 2014b, ‘East Timorese in Australia: Affective Relations, Identity, and Belonging in a Time of Political Crisis’, ASEAS — Austrian journal of South-East Asian Studies, 7(2): 199-216. Barreto Soares, Laurentina “mica” 2014, ‘L'aide internationale dans la construction nationale: les stratégies australiennes et chinoises à Timo-Leste’, in de Araújo e Corte-Real Benjamim, Christine Cabasset and Frédéric Durand, Irassec, Bangkok. Brady, Anne-Marie 2000, ‘Treat insiders and outsiders differently: The use and control of foreigners in the PRC’. The China Quarterly, 164: 943-964. --- 2003, Managing Foreigners In the People’s Republic, Rowan & Rowman and Littlefield, Lanham. Bork-Hüffer, Tabea & Yuan, Yuan-Ihle 2014, ‘The Management of Foreigners in China: Changes to the Migration Law and Regulations During the Late Era Hu/Wen and Early Era Xi/Li and Their Potential Effects’, in International Journal of China Studies, 5(3): 571-597. Carneiro de Sousa, Ivo 2006, ‘Para a História das Relações entre Macau e Timor (Séculos XVI-XX)’, Revista de Cultura, 2006 (18): 13-22. China’s Information Office of the State Council 2011, White Paper: China’s Foreign Aid (2011), http://www.gov.cn/english/official/2011-04/21/content_1849913.htm, viewed 12 February 2016. --- 2014 White Paper: China’s Foreign Aid (2014), http://english.gov.cn/archive/white_paper/2014/08/23/content_281474982986592.htm, viewed 12 February 2016. DSEC (Government of Macao Special Administrative Region Statistics and Census Service) 2015, Demographic Statistics 3rd Quarter 2015, file:///Users/etran/Downloads/E_DEM_FR_2015_Q3.pdf, viewed 11 February 2016. GAES (Tertiary Education Services Office) 2013, Tertiary Education Services Office Yearbook 2013: Education of Talents Development of Macao, http://www.gaes.gov.mo/doc/2013/gaes2013-en.pdf, viewed 11 February 2016. Goglia, Francesco & Afonso, Susana 2012, ‘Multilingualism and Language Maintenance in the East Timorese Diaspora in Portugal’, Ellispsis 10: 73-99. Goodman, James 2000, ‘Marginalisation and empowerment: East Timorese diaspora politics in Australia’, Communal/Plural, 8(1): 25–46. Haugen, Heidi Østbø 2015, ‘Destination China: The Country Adjusts to its New Migration Reality’, Migration Information Source, 4 March. Jolliffe, Jill 2005, ‘Father Francisco Fernandes Humanitarian’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 24 September. Kurlantzick, Joshua 2007, Charm Offensive: How China’s Soft Power Is Transforming the World, Yale University Press, New Haven. Lumen Pereira, Lisete 2006, ‘Memórias de Vida de Timorenses em Macau’, Revista de Cultura, 2006 (18): 23-33. Macao Yearbook 2015, The Government Information Bureau of the Macao Special Administrative Region, 2015, http://yearbook.gcs.gov.mo/files/yearbook/2015/myb2015e.pdf, viewed 12 February 2016. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China 2014, “Xi Jinping meets with Representative to the President and Deputy Prime Minister Paulo Portas of Portugal”, http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/topics_665678/xjpzxcxjzgjldrdlchwdbxagtwnrlgbjxgsfwbcxzlldrhw/t 1178229.shtml, viewed 11 February 2016. Pieke, Frank N. 2012, ‘Immigrant China’, Modern China, 38 (1): 40-77.

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Talesco, Cristian 2014, ‘Foreign Aid to Timor-Leste and the Rise of China’, Journal of International Studies, 10: 134-154. Storey, Ian 2009, ‘China’s Inroads into East Timor’, China Brief, 9(6): 7-10. Tran, Émilie & Matias, José Carlos 2015, ‘The Seminars of the Macao Forum: An Illustration of China’s SoftPower Diplomacy Towards the Portuguese-Speaking Countries’, China: An International Journal 13(1): 93-112. Wang, Huiyao, 2015, Annual Report on Chinese International Migration (2015), Blue Book Series, Center for China and Globalization. Wang, Huiyao & Bao, Yue 2015, Reverse Migration in Contemporary China. Returnees, Entrepreneurship and the Chinese Economy, Palgrave Macmillan, UK. Wise, Amanda 2002, ‘No Longer in Exile? Shifting Experiences of Home, Homeland and Identity for the East Timorese Refuge Diaspora in Australia in Light of East Timor's Independence’. Ph.D. thesis. Centre for Cultural Research, University of Western Sydney, Sydney. --- 2004a, ‘Nation, Transnation, Diaspora: Locating East Timorese Long-distance Nationalism’, SOJOURN 19(2): 151-80. --- 2004b, ‘Embodying exile. Trauma and collective identities among East Timorese refugees in Australia’, Social Analysis, 48(3): 24–39. --- 2006, Exile and return among the East Timorese, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, PA.

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38 Timor-Leste’s complex geopolitics: the local, the regional and the global1 David Willis The recognition that Timor-Leste faces a complex geopolitical environment is nothing new (e.g. see Gusmao 2010). However, the most recent comprehensive assessment of Timor-Leste’s strategic environment, Forca 2020, was in 2007. The fundamental reality for the Democratic Republic of TimorLeste is that of a small state in a big neighbourhood. Forca 2020 variously describes Timor-Leste’s region as being Southeast Asia, between Asia and the Pacific and between the Indian and Pacific Oceans (Government of Timor-Leste 2007). But it is really the broadest conception, that of the global competition between the world’s sole superpower the US and the rising challenger China that most accurately describes the uncomfortable reality for Timorese policymakers. This dynamic shapes TimorLeste’s geopolitical environment in a way that makes it uniquely complex and challenging. More immediately it is located between two middle powers with a history of colluding against it – Australia and Indonesia; two regions with mutually exclusive regional fora – Southeast Asia and the South Pacific, and ultimately; two superpowers competing for dominance in the Asian theatre – the United States (US) and China. This paper seeks to examine these three levels of Timor-Leste’s geopolitical environment – the local neighbourhood, the region and the global system – and the tensions that arise at the intersection between them. It will do this through a geopolitical lens, which offers: a scholarly analysis of the geographical factors underlying international relations and guiding political interactions. Such analysis does not determine the directions that statecraft must take. It does, however, present the desirable directions and alert policy makers to the likely impact of their decisions on these relations and interactions (Cohen 2009, 11).

A sound understanding of contemporary geopolitical dynamics should be at the bedrock of any thinking about Timor-Leste’s external relations.2 No country can make foreign policy in a vacuum and for Timor-Leste to succeed it must develop policy in line with its geopolitical situation. This has been recognised by policymakers like former Secretary of State for Defence Pinto, who stated in his recent book, ‘the geographical position of Timor-Leste has great potential benefit if we are able to predict its strategic importance in a global context.’3 The geopolitics of a small state Small states are mainly recognizable by their constraints, the recognition that they cannot ensure their own security, let alone pose a threat to the security of others. This geopolitical fact is, and will always be, preeminent for Timor-Leste – it is a small state surrounded by bigger ones. In her study of small states, Hey (2003, 193) identifies that ‘[s]mall state foreign policy is heavily constrained by systemic factors,’ that is factors at the international level, external to the state. This is largely due to the systemlevel dominance of larger powers and/or international organisations controlled by these larger and more resourceful states. She concludes that:

1

The author wishes to thank Dr. Maryanne Kelton, Professor Michael Leach and Zac Rogers for comments on a draft of this paper. 2 However, geopolitical analysis is not without its critics. For example, Calder argues ‘…geopolitical discourse can blind us to multiple long-run dangers, and to all-too-often neglected tools of conflict resolution, even as they lead to tragic misallocations of scarce financial resources.’ See Kent E. Calder 2014, ‘The Traps of Geopolitical Discourse and the Mandate for New Thinking’, Global Asia, vol. 9, no. 3, Fall, pp. 58-63. 3 Author’s translation from the original in Indonesian: ‘Posisis geografis Timor Leste sangat potensial memberikan keuntungan jika kita mampu memprediksi kepentingan strategis dalam koteks global.’ See Julio Tomas Pinto 2015, Dari Invasi ke Rekonsiliasi: Dinamika Hubungan FALINTIL-Forca Da Defesa De Timor Leste dan Tentara Nasional Indonesia, Kompas, Jakarta, p. 38.

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international and regional dynamics are always at the top not only of small state’s foreign policy agendas, but also the list of forces that explain those agendas and the behaviour directed at them (Hey 2003, 193).

This is not to say that other levels of analysis (national, individual) are not important factors in TimorLeste’s foreign policy decision-making, but simply that policymakers in Dili face greater constraints than choices. Small states have a limited ability to shape their external environment, and at worst, are at risk of being the playthings of more powerful nations. Minister of Defence Cristovão (2015) recently acknowledged this, stating that small countries are ‘more often than not neglected or obliterated from the bigger picture when discussing the contemporary geo-strategic theatre.’ Timor-Leste’s vulnerability is further exacerbated by its geostrategic value for larger powers; it is located in the strategic heart of the emerging Indo-Pacific theatre where the competition between the major powers is likely to play out – what Wesley (2011) has termed the Indo-Pacific Peninsula. The four core countries with a geostrategic interest in Timor-Leste – the US, China, Australia and Indonesia respectively – all value its geography. Timor-Leste’s geography is described in Forca 2020 as having an archipelagic structure, comprised of the primary territory on the eastern half of the island of Timor, the enclave of Oecussi, the island of Atauro and the islet of Jaco, with a total surface area of 18889km². The four compass directions around the country reveal the strategically vital Ombai-Wetar Strait to the north; the Arafura Sea and the Indonesian island of Leti to the east; the Timor Sea with its valuable oil and gas reserves and contested maritime border with Australia to the south, and; the Indonesian province of Nusa Tenggara Timur4 with its porous land border to the west (Government of Timor-Leste 2007, 6-7). The eastern half of the island of Timor has long been of strategic interest to its neighbours and great powers alike, shaped by World War II, the Cold War and the emerging Sino-American rivalry. Located in the centre of the Indonesian archipelago, East Timor has always been a concern for Jakarta and its decision to annex the territory in 1975 was justified in order to prevent a “Cuba in Southeast Asia” (Smith 2005, 17). Since World War II Australia has intervened in East Timor three times, to preempt perceived Japanese invasion in 1942, under severe domestic pressure and in a volte-face of policy in 1999 and with concern about a potential ‘arc of instability’ of weak neighbours to her north in 2006.5 The sea lines of communication surrounding the island, particularly the Ombai-Wetar Strait, generate significant interest in the US and China. Ombai-Wetar is a deep-water strait that is used by US submarines, something that ‘can not have been lost on Beijing…’ (Storey 2011, 282). Therefore, Timor-Leste’s primarily challenge is to maintain its independence amongst such interest. Ian Storey (2011, 277) states that since independence Dili has had three core foreign policy goals: 1) preserve benign relations with both Indonesia & Australia; 2) join regional & international forums, foremost the Association of Southeast Asian Nations – ASEAN, and; 3) create a diverse range of bilateral relationships, focused on aid provision. Fundamentally, Timor-Leste’s foreign policy objectives aim to secure its long-term security and prosperity, a goal that faces significant challenges at every geopolitical level. The local neighbourhood: between Indonesia and Australia At the first level of its geopolitics, Timor-Leste is situated between its two much larger neighbours – Indonesia and Australia. No country has a greater geopolitical relevance to Timor-Leste than Indonesia. The Indonesian archipelago surrounds Timor-Leste’s western, northern and eastern flanks, and shares its only land border, totally encapsulating the enclave of Oecussi and the majority of its maritime border. Geographically dominated by its giant neighbour, Timor-Leste is dependent on Indonesia for, among other things: access to its Oecussi enclave, imports of primary foodstuffs and goods, diplomatic support and territorial integrity. Agreement on both land and maritime borders with Indonesia remain

4

East Nusa Tenggara (or literally the eastern southeastern islands) is the only majority-Catholic province of Indonesia, has a comparable level of development to Timor-Leste and is one of Indonesia’s five “Melanesian” provinces. 5 For revised accounts of the 1942 and 1999 interventions see Clinton Fernandes 2010, ‘Two tales of Timor’ in Craig Stockings, Zombie Myths of Australian Military History, University of New South Wales Press, Sydney, pp. 213-233.

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unresolved, although 13 years after Timor-Leste’s independence, Jakarta appears keen to finally resolve these issues to, in President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s words, reassert Indonesia’s “commitment as the main partner in the development of Timor Leste” (Parlina 2016). In the economic realm Timor-Leste is reliant on Indonesia for basic foodstuffs (Strating 2014, 242), in addition to being the source of nearly a third of its imports (DFAT 2015). Dependence also manifests itself in the diplomatic realm with Jakarta holding the key to Timor-Leste’s long-held aspiration for ASEAN accession (Strating 2014, 242). As a result Dili has had to pursue a series of Jakarta-friendly actions. Certain polices are therefore effectively prohibited, such as supporting West Papuan independence and intensive defence co-operation with external powers. In this vein, pursuit of Indonesia over crimes committed during its occupation has had little result. The Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation (known by its Portuguese acronym CAVR) to investigate human rights abuses, saw ‘the Timorese government f[all] short in following the CAVR's recommendations for further action’ (Seabra 2012, 147). Dili has been accused of “appeasing” its neighbour (Strating 2013, 194) and has had to put up with things from its giant neighbour such as threats and the continuing prospect of working with compromised, former-military figures like Wiranto and Prabowo Subianto.6 Second in terms of importance, is Timor-Leste’s only other neighbour – Australia. Although, not dependent upon Australia to the extent it is on Indonesia, Timor-Leste is similarly overshadowed by its larger neighbour to the south. Australia, like Indonesia, has demonstrated both an ability and willingness to intervene in Timor-Leste. Australia also shares a contested maritime border with TimorLeste, which overlaps substantial hydrocarbon deposits in the Timor Sea. These are covered under the current CMATS treaty7 signed in 2006, which was set to manage exploitation of these resources. However, no development has yet commenced and Timor-Leste is currently pursuing arbitration over the treaty, questioning its validity after revelations of commercial espionage by Australia.8 This is crucial, as without arbitration, CMATS’ provisions on revenue sharing and the maritime border make it effectively ‘irrevocable’ (Leach 2013). Australia is also the overwhelming aid provider to Timor-Leste, dwarfing Timor-Leste’s other closest partners the US & the European Union (Brant 2015). Canberra’s provision of aid, like its 2006 intervention was driven in large part by concern over a possible “arc of instability” to its north (see Ayson 2007, 215-231), which would be a source of transnational security concerns like asylum seekers and terrorism. In this sense the 2006 intervention follows Australia’s pursuit of self-interest in the same way as the 1942 and 1999 interventions. As a newly independent state, Timor-Leste’s natural strategic reaction is to play its two neighbours off against one another as a means to ‘maximize the strategic leverage that can be gained from each’ (Leach & Percival-Wood 2014, 78). However, the utility of this strategy is significantly curtailed by the fact that neither of Timor-Leste’s neighbours perceives the other as a strategic competitor. Despite differing political interests on a range of issues from asylum seeker movements to US military bases. Jakarta and Canberra share fundamental strategic interests; both are concerned about the potential security implications of China’s growing regional influence. So much so that Australia has supported Dili’s accession to ASEAN ‘as a means for limiting China’s potential influence in TimorLeste’ (Leach & Percival-Wood 2014, 80), which can also be said for Indonesia. The two countries also do not pose a security threat to each other, as White has observed: the Australian army could get to Indonesia but do nothing once it got there; the Indonesian army could overrun Australia but can't get here. So we just accept each other and get along (Wesley 2010).

Indonesia and Australia’s bilateral relations far outweigh their relations with Timor-Leste, and both are therefore likely to neglect Timor-Leste when there are not perceived concerns to their security, respectively. Faced with a history of collusion and neglect, it is unlikely that Timor-Leste will be able to accommodate its fundamental foreign policy interests solely between Indonesia and Australia, and

6

Both of these individuals ran in Indonesia’s legislative election last year with their own personalised election vehicles. Prabowo’s successes lead him to run for president, which he only narrowly lost, while Wiranto campaigned for the eventual winner Jokowi and ultimately joined the current governing coalition. 7 Full name: Treaty between Australia and Timor-Leste on Certain Maritime Arrangements in the Timor Sea. 8 For full and up-to-date details of the dispute, see http://www.laohamutuk.org/Oil/Boundary/CMATSindex.htm

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therefore understandable that Timor-Leste looks beyond to the level of regional institutions as a potential hedge against this dependence. The regional level: Southeast Asia or the Pacific? As a small state unable to secure its interests against its larger neighbours, Timor-Leste has looked to the regional level to address its geopolitical insecurities. Joining Southeast Asia’s primary regional institution – ASEAN has been a foreign policy goal for Timor-Leste since at least 2001 and was considered by FRETILIN as early as 1975 (Ortuoste 2011, 8). However, as of 2015, despite successfully joining the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) in 2005, Timor-Leste has been unsuccessful in its attempts to join ASEAN. Opposition has come at various times from Laos, Myanmar and Singapore for reasons varying from Timor-Leste’s low-level diplomatic infrastructure to differing political values, while Indonesia has remained a consistent supporter (Smith 2005, 19). ASEAN has two primary benefits for Timor-Leste: first, it applies ASEAN’s long-held “non-interference” norm to Timor-Leste, therefore theoretically guaranteeing its territorial sovereignty, and; secondly, it links Timor-Leste into one of the world’s most dynamic economic regions. However, the ASEAN of today faces some severe issues. First, there are concerns over its future functionality, in 2012 under the chairmanship of Cambodia the organisation failed to release a joint communiqué for the first time in its history, with members divided over the territorial disputes of some members with China in the South China Sea (Emmerson 2012). Second, there are also questions over core state – Indonesia’s – commitment to ASEAN under new president Jokowi, with a key advisor stating in 2014 stating that the organisation is no longer the prized cornerstone of Indonesia’s foreign policy (Sukma 2014). Additionally, the region’s non-interference norm comes at a price; the conservative countries of Southeast Asia are largely anathema to criticism of the human rights record of Myanmar’s military regime. This has already seen Timor-Leste backing down over its criticism and softening its support for Aung San Suu Kyi and the Burmese Opposition (Ortuoste 2011, 16-7). The Pacific, unlike Southeast Asia, has no one primary regional institution, it is divided between the: Pacific Islands Forum (PIF), Pacific Islands Development Forum (PIDF), Secretariat of the Pacific Community and Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG). The region’s fractious regionalism raises serious questions over its utility to Timor-Leste’s foreign policy interests. The similarly-sized small island states of the Pacific do hold shared concerns with Timor-Leste over important issues such as addressing climate change and the humanitarian situation in West Papua. However, the region’s weakness has allowed it to be exploited by external powers. As Sahin (2014, 11) notes, key organisations like the PIF are ‘dominated by Australia and New Zealand.’ Indonesia has dramatically increased its presence in the MSG, being granted associate membership in 2015 to represent its five “Melanesian” provinces and successfully preventing regional recognition of an independent West Papua (Blades 2015). While the PIDF, created by Fiji under the leadership of Voreqe Banimarama as an alternative, free from Australian dominance, is financially supported by China as part of its regional engagement strategy (see Ratuva 2014, 409–422). Ideally, Timor-Leste would prefer membership to both regional institutions (Ramos-Horta 2001 quoted in Sahin 2014, 10); however, they are exclusive of one another. Timor-Leste faces a choice between Southeast Asia with its dynamic economies but conservative politics and the Pacific with its similar sized states but fractious regionalism. But even this difficult choice is diminished by the relative weaknesses of both regional projects, which struggle to manage their respective neighbourhoods and mitigate great power rivalries. Dili may then want to avoid the binary Southeast Asia/Pacific option and opt instead for identifying itself as an Indo-Pacific country and aspire to join the East Asia Summit. But, Timor-Leste is already a member of the broad ARF and this has had limited strategic benefits. Also, it is unlikely that the broader EAS with an ever-greater number of members can achieve what ASEAN has yet to do in developing a cohesive community able to manage the region. There is little to be offered Timor-Leste at the regional level. The global theatre: Sino-American competition At the highest level of current geopolitics is the global competition between the world’s two most powerful countries – China and the US. Beijing has rapidly built relations with Timor-Leste since its 240

independence in 2002. China became the first government to establish diplomatic relations with TimorLeste and was the destination of Gusmao’s first visit post-referendum. In its efforts to woo Dili, China has employed a range of strategies. It has cleverly engaged Timor-Leste through the Community of Portuguese Language Countries with strategic usage of its formerly-Portuguese Macao territory (Leach 2007-2008, 6-8). China has been an important source of aid, providing USD $52.16 million to TimorLeste between 2006 and 2013, coming all in the form of “no strings attached” grants (Brant 2015).9 Much of this aid has also been of maximum visibility with China constructing: the Presidential Palace, the Foreign Affairs building, the Defence Force HQ and an army barracks in Dili. China has also begun to increase its involvement in supporting Timor-Leste’s defence capabilities, with the sale of two 50year old Shanghai Class patrol boats that were ultimately found to be ‘unseaworthy in East Timor’s open rougher waters’ (Kingsbury 2012b, 7). China has already begun to show its hand in Timor-Leste, recognising the geostrategic value of the Ombai-Wetar Strait, Beijing requested in 2008 to build a radar array along Timor-Leste’s north coast (Kingsbury 2012b, 8). Additionally, China’s interests in Timorese oil and gas extended to requesting ‘exclusive rights’ to the deposits; both Chinese proposals were rejected by Dili (Kingsbury 2009, 195). Dili has however been more receptive to China’s regional economic plans.10 Ultimately, Horta (2007, 1) has stated that China’s interest in Timor-Leste ‘is part of its overall expansion into Southeast Asia and its strategy to balance the US’ influence in the region.’ The other pole in the global geopolitical competition is the US. Compared to the other countries previously considered, the US has relatively less immediate geopolitical interest in Timor-Leste and has traditionally considered it and other small Pacific island states the responsibility of its ally Australia. On the 1999 intervention, National Security Advisor Berger said ‘We don’t have a dog running in the East Timor race, but we have a very big dog running down there called Australia and we have to support it’ (Berger 1999 quoted in Fernandes 2004, 97). This accords with the long-held view in Washington that ‘Australia and New Zealand still carry, and should carry, the larger percentage of the responsibility in the region’ (Holbrooke 1978 quoted in Halvorson 2013, 440). However, Washington has become concerned more recently about China’s growing presence in Timor-Leste. In particular it is concerned with Chinese designs on Ombai-Wetar and as a result has enhanced defence cooperation with its ally Australia, announcing in 2011 a rotation of marines in the northern Australian port-city of Darwin (Kingsbury 2012a). Timor-Leste’s natural desire to offset its dependence on its neighbours Indonesia and Australia by building a partnership with China is severely complicated by the geopolitical competition between the US and China. Any moves by Dili that could be perceived as enhancing Chinese influence in the region will face relatively unified opposition from the US as well as its ally Australia and partner Indonesia. As a result Timor-Leste is stuck between two neighbours not supportive of its interests; two regions unable to manage their respective affairs, and; a global power struggle that constrains choices in the first two levels. This is not an envious position, but one that Timorese policymakers must address to ensure the success of Asia’s newest state. Responding to geopolitical complexity Timor-Leste’s geopolitical situation is obviously marked by a degree of complexity, but it is the intersection of the three levels of analysis identified in this paper that bring it to a near incomparable level.11 Dili has naturally sought to offset the dominance of its neighbours Indonesia and Australia by pursuing regionalism and enhancing its relationship with China. However, there are severe limitations to both of these strategies, emanating from the global geopolitical overlay of Sino-American

9

Compared to USD $707.92 million from Australia over the same period. During Prime Minister Gusmao’s April 2014 visit to China, Dili and Beijing signed a comprehensive partnership agreement that indicated support for a number of initiatives: ‘15. The Timor-Leste Government appreciated and supported the proposals made by the Chinese Government to build a 21st-century Maritime Silk Road and an Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and would actively participate in these processes.’ See ‘Joint Statement between the People's Republic of China and The Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste on Establishing Comprehensive Partnership of Good-neighbourly Friendship, Mutual Trust and Mutual Benefit’, Government of Timor-Leste, . 11 The author has struggled to find adequate historical analogies for Timor-Leste’s geopolitical situation: maybe pre-World War One Serbia, Cold War Jordan and/or modern Papua New Guinea. 10

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competition. Both Southeast Asia and the Pacific have become theatres for the great games of external powers and any cooperation with China raises suspicions in the majority of regional states that continue to harbour fears about Chinese intentions. How Dili decides to manage this complexity will be crucial for the future of the new state, which requires a safe, secure and fair environment in which to develop. New Prime Minister Rui Araujo has declared that Timor-Leste will pursue a diversification strategy, he said: [w]e opt for non-aligned political commitment. We are a friend of everyone…And of course, we will be selective in terms pressures we face. But the most important thing in terms of the relationship is mutual benefit and mutual respect (Channel NewsAsia 2015).

This policy is almost identical to that pursued by former Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004-2014). SBY followed a diversification policy of ‘a million friends, zero enemies’ while in office. This however was seen by many in Jakarta as failing to adequately support Indonesia’s interests and SBY’s successor Jokowi stated upon assuming the presidency that: Our [foreign] policy is free and active, befriend all countries but [we will put first] those who give the most benefits to the people…What's the point of having many friends but we only get the disadvantages? many friends should bring many benefits (Wardhy 2014).

Under Jokowi, Indonesia has returned to a more classic strategy of playing competing powers off against each other, an option for a middle power like Indonesia (Brummitt 2015). A small power with Timor-Leste’s geopolitical constraints however lacks the same capabilities and does not have such luxury. Seabra (2012, 160) sees Dili as pursuing a soft strategy of leveraging relations with China against Jakarta and Canberra into the future, without ‘explicitly using [that] influence…as doing so would signal the final passing to the other side of the diplomatic barricade.’ However, such a strategy is akin to walking a tightrope and contingent on considerable diplomatic skill. Ultimately there is no one ideal strategic choice for Timor-Leste to pursue, but having a clear understanding of how global geopolitics constrains foreign policy options will at least inform policymakers to the likely impact of their decisions and guide them toward more prudent decision making. Bibliography Ayson, Robert 2007, ‘The ‘arc of instability’ and Australia’s strategic policy’, Australian Journal of International Affairs, 61(2): 215-231. Blades, Johnny 2015, ‘Geopolitical storm coming to a head in MSG’, Radio New Zealand, 8 June, http://www.radionz.co.nz/international/programmes/datelinepacific/audio/201757276/geopolitical-stormcoming-to-a-head-in-msg Brant, Philippa 2015, Mapping Chinese aid in the Pacific, Lowy Institute for International Affairs, 2 March, http://www.lowyinstitute.org/chinese-aid-map/ Brummitt, Chris 2015, ‘Desperate for investment, Indonesia plays China vs Japan’, Bloomberg Business, 20 May, http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2015-05-19/desperate-for-investment-indonesia-plays-chinavs-japan Channel NewsAsia 2015, ‘EXCLUSIVE: 'We are friends with everyone', says Timor Leste's new Prime Minister’, Channel NewsAsia, 21 March, http://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/asiapacific/exclusive-we-arefriends/1730016.html Cohen, Saul Bernhard 2009, Geopolitics: The Geography of International Relations, 2nd edition, Rowman & Littlefield, Lanham. Cristovao, Cirilo Jose 2015, Speech on panel: Emerging Challenges to Small State Security in the Asia-Pacific, Special Session 4, 14th Asia Security Summit, The IISS Shangri-La Dialogue, Singapore, 30 May, http://www.iiss.org/en/events/shangri%20la%20dialogue/archive/shangri-la-dialogue-2015-862b/specialsessions-315c/session-4-38a7 Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade 2015, Timor-Leste, Fact Sheet, June, http://dfat.gov.au/trade/resources/Documents/timo.pdf Emmerson, Donald K. 2012, ‘ASEAN stumbles in Phnom Penh’, East Asia Forum, 23 July, http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2012/07/23/asean-stumbles-in-phnom-penh-2/ Fernandes, Clinton 2004, Reluctant Saviour: Australia, Indonesia and the independence of East Timor, Scribe, Melbourne. Government of Timor-Leste 2006, Forca 2020, available from http://www.etan.org/news/2007/06forcas.htm

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Gusmao, Xanana Kay Rala 2010, Speech by His Excellency the Prime Minister and Minister for Defence and Security Kay Rala Xanana Gusmao at the handover ceremony of the two patrol boats Class Jaco, Gabinete do Primeiro-Ministro, Republica Democratica de Timor-Leste, Dili Port, 11 June, http://timorleste.gov.tl/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/Speech-by-PM-at-the-handover-ceremony-of-the-patrol-boats11.6.10.pdf Halverson, Dan 2013, ‘Reputation and responsibility in Australia’s 2003 intervention in the Solomon Islands’, Australian Journal of International Affairs, 67(4): 439-455. Hey, Jeanne A. K. 2003, ‘Refining our understanding of small state foreign policy’ in Jeanne A. K. Hey (eds) Small states in world politics: Explaining foreign policy behaviour, Lynne Rienner, Boulder, pp. 185195. Horta, Loro 2009, ‘Timor-Leste: The dragon’s newest friend’, Irasec Discussion Papers, n°4, May. Kingsbury, Damien 2009, East Timor: The Price of Liberty, Palgrave Macmillan, New York. --- 2012a, ‘China’s interests in East Timor’, Deakin Speaking, 10 August, https://blogs.deakin.edu.au/deakinspeaking/2012/08/10/chinas-interests-in-east-timor/ --- 2012b, ‘The Chinese in East Timor’, Arena, No. 119, Aug/Sept, pp. 6-8. Leach, Michael 2007-2008, ‘Talking Portuguese: China and East Timor’, Arena, no. 92, Dec/Jan, pp. 6-8. --- 2013, ‘Turbulence in the Timor Sea’, Inside Story, 6 December, http://insidestory.org.au/turbulence-in-thetimor-sea/ Leach, Michael & Sally Percival-Wood 2014, ‘Timor-Leste: From INTERFET to ASEAN’ in Sally PercivalWood and Baogang He (eds) The Australia-ASEAN dialogue: tracing 40 years of partnership, Palgrave Macmillan, New York, pp. 67-85. Ortuoste, Maria 2011 ‘Timor-Leste and ASEAN: shaping region and state in Southeast Asia’, Asian Journal of Political Science, 19(1): 1-24. Parlina, Ina 2016, ‘RI, Timor Leste agree to boost ties, border talks’, Jakarta Post, 27 January, http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2016/01/27/ri-timor-leste-agree-boost-ties-border-talks.html Ratuva, Steven 2014, ‘A new regional Cold War? American and Chinese posturing in the Pacific’, Asia and the Pacific Policy Studies, 1(2): 409–422. Sahin, Selver B. 2014, ‘Timor-Leste’s Foreign Policy: securing state identity in the post-independence period’, Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 33(2): 3-25. Seabra, Pedro 2012, ‘The need for a reshaped foreign policy’ in Michael Leach & Damien Kingsbury (eds) The politics of Timor-Leste: democratic consolidation after intervention, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, pp. 145-162. Smith, Anthony L. 2005, ‘Constraints and choices: East Timor as a foreign policy actor’, New Zealand Journal of Asian Studies, 7(1): 15-36. Storey, Ian 2011, Southeast Asia and the rise of China: the search for security, Routledge, Abingdon. Strating, Rebecca 2013, ‘East Timor’s emerging national security agenda: establishing “real” independence’, Asian Security, 9(3): 185-210. --- 2014, ‘The Indonesia-Timor-Leste Commission of Truth and Friendship: enhancing bilateral relations at the expense of justice’, Contemporary Southeast Asia, 36(2): 232-261. Sukma, Rizal 2014, Speech on panel: Indonesia’s foreign policy and security issues: continuity, evolution, or change?, The Jokowi Administration: Prospects for Indonesia’s Economic Development, Democratic Governance, and International Engagement, United States-Indonesia Society, Washington, D.C., 11 December, https://vimeo.com/115271536 Wardhy, Robertus 2014, ‘Jokowi Signals break with ‘Thousand Friends’ Foreign Policy’, Jakarta Globe, 17 November, http://jakartaglobe.beritasatu.com/news/jokowi-signals-break-thousand-friends-foreignpolicy/ Wesley, Michael 2010, ‘Australia-US: The Jakarta factor’, Lowy Interpreter, 20 August, http://www.lowyinterpreter.org/post/2010/08/20/Australia-US-Indonesia.aspx --- 2011, SEA-Blindness: why Southeast Asia matters, East-West Center, Washington D.C., 9 March, http://www.lowyinstitute.org/publications/sea-blindness-why-southeast-asia-matters

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39 Relational dimensions within Timor-Leste customary society Josh Trindade Introduction One of the key features of Timorese customary society are the complex relational dimensions that glue the society together. The relational dimensions that underpin East Timorese customary society have been critical to the reproduction and reconstitution of society, before during and after colonial occupation. In this paper, I explore these relational dimensions focusing on three areas of discussion. First, I describe the relationship between the people (the ‘real’ world) and the world of the spirits and divine entities. Second, the relationship between people and nature and the importance of natural resources such as land, water, forests, rivers, lakes and mountains for the survival of East Timorese communities. Finally, how relations between people are organized and managed within ‘traditional’ East Timorese society. For this purpose, I will specifically unravel the significance of brother-sister alliance (feton-nan), brother-brother alliance (maun-alin and alin-maun) and sister-sister alliance (binalin). What are relational dimensions? In Social Capital Theory, ‘relational dimensions’ are resources (such as trust and reciprocity) that define and affect the quality of a social network. Social capital is made up of ‘social obligations’ or ‘connections’, which can be converted into collective or individual economic benefits or other forms of capital (Bourdieu 1986). With this notion in mind, this paper sets out to understand how East Timorese traditional society has managed social relations without recourse to specialized institutions such as the armed forces, the police, or judiciary. Many other traditional societies are characterized by the same relational dimensions that underpin East Timorese society. The significance of different types of relationships have been debated within academia but they are often misunderstood or misinterpreted by the colonial powers who seek to weaken the social cohesion and solidarity of ‘traditional’ societies and indigenous peoples in order to divide and rule. Totem poles and relational dimensions in Timor-Leste In Timor-Leste, relational dimensions are symbolically represented in totem poles found across the island and common to all ethno-language groups. For example, in Tetun Terik the totem pole is called Sarin, in Mambae it is Ai-Tidin la Gernora, in Makasae Ate Sika Porkili, and Kaibira in Naueti. A totem pole is a pole upon which totems are hung or on which the image of totems are carved. A totem is a natural object or animal, which is believed to have spiritual meaning by a particular society and used by them as their emblem to represent them. Timorese totem poles are made out of wood or stones, some are beautifully carved and some are not. These totem poles either have three branches, five branches or seven branches. The branches of the poles represent a relational dimension. For example, the number of clans or the stages of afterlife journeys. The Ai-Tidin la Gernora, (ai-rin tara bandu in Tetun), the pole ‘to hang the law’ of the Mambae people has three branches. Two branches pointing one to left and another to the right, and the third branch pointing upward towards the sky. The branches of this pole represent specific relational dimensions. The pole is planted into the earth, representing the relationship between people and nature or the environment. The earth, soil or land is believed to give life, has feminine characteristics that associate it with motherhood. This is the reason why Timorese refer to the land of Timor as rain-inan (motherland). Land or nature is perceived as a mother because land, earth or soil nourishes people like a mother nurturing her baby [Trindade 2012]. The branch pointed towards the sky represents the relationship between people and the divine entities. As a dualistic society, Timorese divinities have dual elements of the feminine-fertility goddess of

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creation called maromak and the masculine-god of strength, security and protection called the loro [Trindade 2012]. This branch also represents the spiritual world, the world of the dead. The two branches to the left and right represent the relationship between people and people. Timorese relationships are complex and multilayered but it can be simply categorized into the dualistic realm of the masculine and feminine. The branches of the totem pole to the left and right symbolize these masculine and feminine aspects. For example, when a woman from one clan marries out, the wifegiving clan is called ‘wife-givers’ (umane; Tetun). The clan into which the woman is married is called the ‘wife-takers’ (fetosan; Tetun). In other words, every individual or clan in Timorese society is simultaneously wife-giver in relation to clans into which women of the clan have married out and wifetaker in relation to clans from which women have married into their own clan. It should be noted here that in relation to these dualistic dimensions, the masculine world is politically superior and ritually inferior to the feminine world. Consequently, the feminine world is ritually superior and politically inferior to the political world. These complex asymmetrical relationships and alliances bond society together to resist internal and external pressures in the time of war, conflict, life or death rites and other misfortunes. For example, between people, nature and divine entity, people are considered to carry masculine values while the divine entities and nature are considered to carry feminine values. In people to people relationships, it is more delicate to determine who carries feminine values or masculine values. Generally, the relational dimensions of East Timorese society can be summarized in the following diagram (from the ego of an individual or a clan). Diagram 1 - Timor Leste relational dimensions

From diagram 1, we can see that each individual or clan is vertically connected to the nature or land below and the divine entities above, and horizontally to other people. To ensure peace and tranquility in the society, each individual must work to ensure balance between the nature/earth and the sky and between Wife-Givers (Umane) and Wife-Takers (Fetosan). Keeping the balance between masculine and feminine values continuously is not only important but essential for the survival of the entire community. Timorese resilience depends on this concept. 245

Unlike the three-branched totem of the Mambae people, the Tokodede of Liquica have a fivebranched totem pole. The five branches of the pole represent the five clans that historically made up the local community in the area. The totem poles of the Naueti of Viqueque and Baikeno of Oecusse are comprised of seven branches. Representing seven clans or seven stages of the journeys afterlife. Timorese totem poles commonly stand near the sacred house (uma lulik) or in sacred places where rituals or blood oaths take place. The poles are normally used to hang offerings to spirits of the ancestors or the divine entities. Therefore, one will see that during sau batar (corn harvest) ritual, hemuran (blood oath) or tara-bandu ceremonies, the pole stands in a place considered sacred or important to place and hang offerings to the ancestors and the divine entities. People and the divine entities As described above, the dualistic nature of the divine is characteristic of East Timorese belief systems. Within Tetun Terik societies, Maromak is the fertility goddess responsible for peace, prosperity and tranquility, while Loro, the masculine god is the symbol of security, strength and protection. Maromak is superior to the Loro because it is viewed as the source of life, the creator. One should not confuse the feminine indigenous understanding of Maromak with the christianised masculine version of ‘Aman Maromak (god the father). Etymologically the term Maromak is derived from the Tetun Terik of mak naroman (the enlighten one), which became mak roman and finally maromak. For the Tetun Terik speaking people, maromak refers to the mother of the maromak oan (the child of maromak) who resides in the underworld. The marmak oan is the highest ruler of Wehali, the ritual center of Timor Island, East and West (Therik 2004). The concept of dualistic divine entities of feminine maromak (Hicks 1984) and masculine loro is found in some form or other in all language groups in Timor-Leste. For example, the Naueti people refer to their divine entities as wu’lara, derived from wula (moon, the feminine) and ‘lara (the sun, the masculine). The same concept also exists among Makasae speakers where they refer to their divine entities as uru-watu (uru = moon, and watu = sun). Similarly, the Fataluku people of Lautem refer to their creator as uru-watsu (uru=moon, watsu=sun). Second to the divine entities are the spirits of the ancestor. They are also important within Timorese belief systems and must be treated with respect. If neglected, ancestral spirits can bring misfortune to the living. During Portuguese and Indonesian colonial periods, the colonial authorities considered Timorese customary beliefs as inferior to monotheistic religions such as Christianity and Islam. The ‘natives’ were viewed as godless or ‘uncivilized’ savages. During 450 years of Portuguese occupation, however, only managed to convert 30% of the Timorese population to Catholicism and it was the 24 years of brutal Indonesian occupation managed to convert more than 95%. In another words, 24 years Indonesian occupation converted more Timorese to Catholicism than the Portuguese did in 450 years (Garrison 2005, 5; Kohen 2000, 20-21). People and nature relationship Nature in this context refers to the environment and natural resources such as water, trees, forests, land, rivers, lagoons, mountain/hills that are important for the survival of the community. The majority of the population of Timor Leste are near subsistence farmers and foragers. For many agricultural societies, infertility is feared and the concept of a fertility goddess (or other divine entity such as maromak) is a central part of everyday social and ritual life. Nature itself is considered to be a living entity and various natural resources are guarded by a spirit, such as bee-nain (water spirit), rainain (land spirit), ai-nain (tree-guardian), etc. Timorese believe that looking after the environment is important for the reproduction of society and future generations. Nature and its resources are not ‘owned’ but borrowed from the forefathers to be passed down to the unborn in the future. If you take care of nature, it will take good care of you in return. People are able to develop relations with nature through the mediation of nature ‘spirits’ or guardians. The relationship with nature is mediated through different rituals and ceremonies. For example, before planting seeds in a field, people carry out a small ceremony. They give an offering to the spirit of the land and to the fertility goddess in exchange for a good harvest. The sau batar (making the corn sweet) ceremony is conducted right before corn harvest to show gratitude to the spirits of the land, the 246

spirits of the ancestors and to the fertility goddess for the blessings received during the farming season. During the building of an Uma Lulik (sacred house) it is also important to show gratitude to the land and the trees/wood and other materials locally gathered for the building. The building of Uma Luliks involves cutting down trees and harvesting other materials. Before the materials are collected rituals are conducted to show respect to the land and the plants and to apologize to other forms of life that will be disrupted during this process. It is thought that a failure to follow this process will cause infertility to the clan or entire community in the form of disease and other misfortune. People and people relationship People to people relationships are the most delicate relationships within customary Timorese society. This relationship is not only important but also multilayered and it provides security to individuals or families within it. It also dictates social interactions between individuals and clans. The relationship can be categorized into masculine and feminine aspects in which it defines the position of superiority and inferiority over one another within the clans. Diagram 2 - People to people relationships within Timor-Leste customary society

The essence of Timorese relationships can be simplified in three main categories of brother-sister relationship, brother-brother relationship and sister-sister relationship (see diagram 2 above). This categorization can be applied to all ethno-linguistic groups in Timor-Leste and can be found in both patrilineal and matrilineal societies. The Fetosa – Umane (Brother – Sister) Relationship – is based on marriage and it can unite two families or clans. The Fetosan is the family or clan of the sister who married out or the Wife-Taker and the Umane is the family or clan of the brother who stays in the house of origin or the Wife-Giver. This relationship is crucial in patrilineal society; once this relationship is established, the two clans will constantly exchange goods to cement it and it will last for many generations. Umane is ritually superior and politically inferior to Fetosan. During colonial periods, the relationship between Wife-Givers and Wife-Takers and the practice of gift exchange during marriage or barlaki has been misinterpreted and misunderstood. The colonizers, both Portugal and Indonesia interpreted Timorese barlaki practice as an act of selling and buying women in economic sense (Niner, 2012; Hicks 2012), an attempt to put Timorese cultural practices and values in inferior position in comparison to colonial cultures and values. This misinterpretation of Timorese marriage practice and barlaki is best summarized by Niner (2012, 138) as follows: As early as the 1960s they [barlaki] have been blamed for the subjugation of women and more recently cited as central a cause of high levels of domestic violence. This condemnation fits into broad global feminist critiques of traditional marriage practices as mechanisms for the control and exploitation of women by men.

Unlike the colonial authorities and some contemporary gender activists who view fetosan-umane relationship and marriage gift exchange as an act of exploitation and subjugation of women and the cause of domestic violence (UNFPA 2005), for Hohe and Ospina (2001, 26): The Wife Giver is often associated with the value of fertility. It is not perceived that the woman, as an individual person, is passed on to another family, but that the value of fertility is

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supplied to one’s Wife Taker. In the Wife Taker family, the new woman produces new life again in her children and this new life is then passed on to one’s own Wife Taker. Thus, we speak of a ‘flow of life’ that flows from the Wife Givers to their various Wife Takers. As ‘life’ and therefore reproduction is one of the most important values to society, the maintenance of the system is incredibly important. In daily life the relationships of Wife Givers and Wife Takers are always remembered. Often in conversations, people do not call an absent person by name, but they use the term for Wife Giver (uma mane) or Wife Taker (feto san) according to their relationship towards the person. These relationships order a big part of the social cosmos, with the Wife Giver always seen as superior. The advantage of this system is that it can combine a large number of families and hence, contribute to the establishment of peaceful relationships in a wide territory.

The Maun – Alin (Brother to Brother) relationship – Maun is the older brother and alin is the younger one. This relationship is strong among patrilineal society, and it forms the basis for the clan. Maun-alin refers not only to the blood brothers, but it is also used to describe all male line in the clan. Blood brothers may be refered to as maun-alin rasik (direct brother), while cousins may refered to as just maun-alin. In Tetun Terik society, a brother alliance which is created through a blood oath (hemu ran) is referred to as alin-maun. The Bin – Alin (Sister to Sister) relationship – Sister-to-Sister relationships areparticularly important within matrilineal societiesand make up about 12% of Timor-Leste population. The three matrilineal ethno -linguistic groups of Timor Leste are the Bunak, Tetun Terik Fehan and Galolen (Niner 2012, 144). Matrilineal groups do not have the same complex marriage exchanges found among patrineal groups. The goods exchanged between out-marrying and in-marrying son clans are called aituka-bemanas and are more symbolic than material in nature. Conclusion The relational dimensions that characterise interactions between people and divine entities, people and nature and people to people relations are critical to Timorese society past and present. These relationships also facilitated Timorese resistance networks to fight against foreign occupations. In contemporary settings, these relational dimensions are still alive and valid among the Timorese people. Across the country communities are involved in conducting rituals and ceremonies such as rebuilding scared houses (uma lulik) and death and life rites (lia mate-lia moris) with the objective of reconnecting with the divine entities, the land (nature) and with each other. This is particularly important in the context of independence as conflict and violence during previous colonial periods undermined certain relational dimensions. This local understanding should be included in school curriculum so that local concepts and knowledge can be passed down to the younger generation in Timor-Leste. It is also essential for the academics and the Government of Timor-Leste to research this issue further. Given the importance of these relationships, policy makers should take into account and consider the local context in building a better Timor-Leste because it is important for the Timorese to continue to value their culture as their heritage and identity. Bibliography Bourdieu, Pierre 1986. ‘The forms of capital’, Cultural theory: An anthology, 2011: 81-93. Garrison, Randall, 2005, ‘Who should harvest the fruits of victory? Constitution Building in Timor-Leste,’ paper prepared for IDEA’s Democracy and Conflict Management Programme Stockholm, Sweden. Hicks, David 1984, ‘A maternal religion, the role of women’ in Tetum myth and ritual, Special Report no. 22, Monograph series on Southeast Asia, DeKalb Center fo Southeast Asian Studies, Northern Illionis University. --- 2012, ‘Barlake: Compatibility, resilience and adaptation: The Barlake of Timor-Leste’ Local-Global: Identity, Security, Community, 11: 124-137 Kohen, Arnold S 2000, ‘The Catholic Church and the independence of East Timor’, Bulletin a/Concerned Asian Scholars, 32(1&2): 19-22 Niner, Sara 2012, ‘Between earth and heaven: the politics of gender’, in Leach, M. and D. Kingsbury (eds) The politics of Timor-Leste: democratic consolidation after intervention, Cornell Southeast Asia Program, Ithaca, NY, pp. 239-258 Therik, Tom 2004, Wehali: The Female Land – Tradition of a Timorese Ritual Center, Pandanus Books, Canberra. Trindade, Josh 2012, ‘Lulik: The core of Timorese values’, in Leach, M. et al. (eds) New Research on Timor-Leste, Swinburne University Press, Hawthorn.

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40 Oceans, oysters and oil: a survey of Australia’s maritime agenda in the Timor Sea to 1970 Kim McGrath This paper traces the origins of the current maritime border dispute in the Timor Sea between Australia and Timor-Leste to attempts by Australian colonial jurisdictions to exclude Japanese pearling fleets from the oceans off the north coast of Australia in the late 19th century. Primarily based on an analysis of records from the National Archives of Australia (NAA), the paper examines the connection between Australia’s legal and diplomatic efforts to secure exclusive rights over oyster beds, and Australia’s exclusive jurisdiction claim over its ‘continental shelf’ in 1953. It explores the shift in focus of Australia’s diplomacy from oysters to oil in the late 1950s as demand for petroleum escalated and technological advances allowed offshore petroleum exploration. In Australia’s case, this segue into what energy analyst Andreas Goldthau (2010) calls ‘energy diplomacy’,1 the use of foreign policy to achieve energy objectives, involved domestic and international initiatives to achieve Australian sovereignty over energy rich areas of the Timor Sea north of the median line between Australia and Indonesia and Portuguese Timor. The paper concludes that while the passage in 1967 of mirror federal and state legislation, designed to provide security of tenure for holders of exploration permits issued by Australia north of the median line in the Timor Sea, resolved domestic constitutional issues 2 , Australia’s energy diplomacy was unable to resolve doubts about the validity of exploration permits in the Timor Sea under international law. Australia’s oyster diplomacy From the late 19th century to the early 1950s, Australian and Japanese pearling fleets competed for oysters off the coast of north Western Australia and in the Timor and Arafura Seas (Balint 2005). Under international law at the time, it was accepted that colonial legislatures could not regulate the operation of colonial fisheries beyond three mile territorial waters (O’Connell 1955, 185; 1982, 139).3 This restriction frustrated attempts by Australian administrations to licence or prohibit Japanese pearlers. When the Australian Federation was formed in 1901, and the colonies became states sharing power with a new federal government, section 51 of the Australian Constitution of 1901 set out powers that were exclusive to the federal government, including trade and commerce, defence, taxation, foreign affairs and, at sub clause 10, ‘fisheries in Australian waters beyond territorial limits’. However, the Constitution was unclear as to whether the power dealing with offshore areas was exclusively conferred upon the federal government, and ‘Australian waters’ were not defined. These questions were still unresolved in the 1930s when Japanese pearlers increased their presence in the waters off the north coast of Australia. Competition lead to unsustainable harvesting, an oversupply of pearl shell on the world market, and a drop in prices (Scott, 1992, 792). Following World War II, as part of Peace Treaty negotiations, Australia and Japan attempted to agree on conservation measures ostensibly aimed at protecting the sustainability of the pearl and pearl shell industry (Scott, 1992, 794; NAA 735286). In these talks Australia initially claimed exclusive control over oysters, described as ‘sedentary fisheries’ by the negotiators, on the basis of the

1

Goldthau posits energy diplomacy involves ‘the use of foreign policy to secure access to energy supplies abroad and to promote (mostly bilateral, that is government to government) cooperation in the energy sector’ (Goldthau and Witte 2010, 28). 2 The constitutional conflict was revived with the passage of the Seas and Submerged Lands Act 1973 (Cwth) that extended federal rights to include the territorial sea as well as the continental shelf. The states took the issue to the High Court which found in favour of the federal government (Rothwell 1996, 49). 3 During the 19th century, the international law of the sea evolved to recognise three main zones; internal waters lying landward of the base-line of the territorial sea over which a nation exercised full sovereignty; the territorial sea, generally between three miles (the length of canon shot) and 12 miles from the low water mark, over which a nation exercised full sovereignty subject to a right of innocent passage for shipping; and, thirdly, the High Seas, open to all nations in times of peace and not subject to national sovereignty.

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international law doctrine of ‘prescription’ that was an exception to the territorial waters limit on coastal states’ rights (NAA 1110412, 59; Young 1961, 362). Under this doctrine a state could ‘control all persons, including foreign nationals, engaged in sedentary fisheries adjacent to its coasts if it had claimed that right, without protest, for a very long period’ (Scott 1992, 794). However Australia’s legal position based on prescription was weak as Japan clearly disputed Australia’s claim, and the pearl fisheries had been harvested by Indonesian and Malaysian divers ‘from time immemorial’ (O’Connell 1955, 188). Aware of this problem, Australia’s Solicitor-General, Kenneth Bailey4 (NAA 1110412, 37), devised an innovative solution using the ‘continental shelf’ doctrine introduced by United States President, Harry Truman, in 1945. The Truman Proclamation5 asserted jurisdiction and control over ‘natural resources’ on the United States’ ‘continental shelf’ to encourage ‘efforts to discover and make available new sources of petroleum and other minerals to meet long range world-wide needs for new forms of energy’ (Truman 1945). The media release accompanying the Proclamation stated that ‘submerged land which is contiguous to the continent and which is covered by no more than 100 fathoms (600 feet) of water is considered as the continental shelf’. While it was implicit from the language of the Proclamation that it was concerned with energy resources, ‘natural resources’ were not defined. Bailey saw an opportunity to allow Australia to claim sovereignty over the disputed pearl fisheries by extending the definition of ‘natural resources’ in include ‘sedentary fisheries’. He travelled to Europe and lobbied the International Law Commission that had been tasked by the United Nations to codify the international law of the sea, and in late July 1953, sent a triumphant, secret memorandum to Canberra advising that a continental shelf claim would include rights over natural resources under the seabed, and sedentary fisheries on the seabed (Scott 1992, 797). Australia immediately broke off negotiations with Japan and ‘resolved upon unilateral action’ (O’Connell 1955, 188). In September the Pearl Fisheries Act (No 2) 1953 (Cwth) amending the Pearl Fisheries Act 1952 (Cwth) 6 was introduced to Parliament (Goldie 1954, 540; Age 12 September 1953) and the Governor-General issued Australia’s own continental shelf proclamation based on the Truman Proclamation (Commonwealth of Australia Gazette No. 56, 2563).7 The Melbourne Herald described the proclamation as ‘one of the firmest acts of international policy ever undertaken by Australia’ (9 September 1953). The proclamation gave Australia one of the largest maritime areas in the world, over 15 million square kilometres, almost double the size of the Australian land mass (Cleary, 2007, 5). Unaware of the shift in position at the International Law Commission, Japan argued the Australian proclamation did not apply to oysters and mounted a challenge in the International Court of Justice. Before the case was heard, the 1958 Geneva Conference on the Law of the Sea resolved to include sedentary fisheries in the definition of natural resources in the Convention on the Continental Shelf 1958. Under the convention coastal states gained exclusive rights to energy resources and to sedentary fisheries on the continental shelf, that was defined as extending to a depth of 200 metres from the coast, or beyond that limit to depths that allowed the exploitation of natural resources. This was a huge win for Bailey, and for Australia. Japan abandoned its oyster challenge. Oysters to oil – Australia’s energy diplomacy in the 1950s and 1960s

4

Bailey was an adviser to the Australian delegation at the United Nations Conference on International Organisation and active in the committees that revised the preliminary Statute of the International Court of Justice and the final draft of the Charter of the United Nations. He was appointed secretary to the Attorney-General's Department and Solicitor-General of the Commonwealth in 1946. 5 The Truman Proclamation had been prompted by technological advances during World War II that made drilling for oil under the seabed in the vast oceans of the world a possibility. It only applied to the seabed - water above the continental shelf remained High Seas leaving freedom of navigation and over flight unaffected. 6 The Act defined Australian waters as ‘beyond territorial limits; the waters adjacent to a Territory within territorial limits; and the waters adjacent to a Territory not being part of the Commonwealth, and beyond territorial limits; being waters that are above the continental shelf.’ The third schedule listed by degrees of latitude and longitude the ‘Areas of Waters that are, or include Proclaimed Waters’. 7 The Governor-General’s proclamation unilaterally asserted Australia had sovereign rights over the ‘sea-bed and subsoil’ of the ‘continental shelf contiguous to any part of its coasts’ for the purpose of exploring and exploiting the ‘natural resources’ of the sea-bed and subsoil (NAA 4213501, 126; O’Connell 1955, 191).

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During the late 1950s Australia’s motivation to secure sovereignty over its continental shelf shifted from a focus on pearls and pearl shells, to energy resources. This coincided with government efforts to encourage onshore and offshore exploration for petroleum as Australia’s increasing consumption of petroleum products was wholly met by imports.8 The capacity of state governments to issue exploration permits however, was subject to the same constitutional uncertainty that had plagued the pearling industry. 9 To resolve the issue, in 1962 the Standing Committee of Commonwealth and State Attorneys-General was asked to develop a cooperative approach for offshore petroleum regulation (White 2011, 4). In mid 1963, in this uncertain climate, permits purporting to grant offshore exploration rights beyond the three mile territorial zone were issued by Western Australia10 and the Federal Government 11 to a small, cash strapped company from Gippsland in Victoria, Woodside (Lakes Entrance) Oil Pty Ltd (hereafter referred to as Woodside), and its subsidiary Mid-Eastern Oil No Liability. The exploration permits stretched two thousand kilometres from Broome in Western Australia to the Timor Trough12 in the Timor Sea, and 350 kilometres out to sea at their broadest point (NAA 12912755, 63). By the end of the year, Britain’s Burmah Oil Co Ltd and Shell Oil Development, the Australian arm of Royal Dutch Shell, had joined with Woodside to form a consortium to explore Woodside’s concessions on what became know as the North West Shelf. Almost immediately doubts about the validity of the permits under the Australian Constitution and under international law concerned Woodside’s international investors. On 12 December 1963, Woodside wrote to the Federal Government seeking assurance that any future legislation would confirm the company’s existing rights (NAA 1163060, 5). At that time there were four key areas of legal uncertainty. Firstly, whether it was the states or the federal government which had jurisdiction to issue off shore permits (Rothwell 1996, 48; Rothwell and Haward 1996, 32). Secondly, what exactly was meant by ‘Australian waters’ (Goldie 1954, 540). Thirdly, whether any nation had legal capacity to deny ‘foreign rivals’ access to the continental shelf. Federal Attorney-General Garfield Barwick13 acknowledged this issue in September 1963, when he wrote that it was: no secret that what has been retarding off-shore oil exploration has been in part the legal advice that some foreign companies have received from their own advisers that on the continental shelf a State is not legally able to make exploration permits effective by denying to foreign rivals access to the areas concerned (NAA 1110524, 25 September 1963).

Fourthly, an increasing number of nations were asserting exclusive rights over a fixed 200 nautical mile boundary in preference to a continental shelf claim (O'Connell 1982, 553) and there was growing support for a median line boundary in the case of overlapping claims.14

8

In 1964 petroleum was the most expensive single item in Australia’s import bill. Despite the uncertainty beyond the three-mile territorial sea limit states issued off-shore exploration permits based on amended existing land based legislation, or in the case of Queensland and Victoria, specific offshore legislation. 10 Under sections 32 to 41 of the Petroleum Act 1936 (WA) Woodside was issued Permits to Explore No. 213H, 232H and 238H in July 1963. The Act had been amended in 1954 to extend the definition of Crown land to include the ‘sea-bed and subsoil of the submarine areas contiguous to the coast of Western Australia and its Dependencies to the extent seawards to which State jurisdication for the time being extends’ (Section 2). In 1968 Permit 213H became nine offshore petroleum permits under the Petroleum (Submerged Lands) Acts 1967 (NAA12912755, 43) 11 The Federal Government administered the Northern Territory between 1911 and self government in 1978. The Federal Department of Territories under the Northern Territory Petroleum (Prospecting and Mining) Ordinance 1954-1957 issued Woodside and Mid Eastern Oil permits NT/P11 to NT/P15 inclusive in 1963; Burmah Oil Company of Australia Ltd permit NT/P6 in 1964; Woodside, Mid-Eastern Oil No Liability, Shell Oil Development and Burmah Oil Company of Australia Ltd permits NT/P7 to NT/P9 in 1965, and these four companies gained an interest in NT/P10 in 1966 (NAA 12901830, 198). Note permits NT/P11 and NT/P12 were originally issued as OP 90-1 and OP 90-2 (NAA1872072, 175). 12 A deep trench running parallel to the coast of Timor about 30 to 50 kilometres from the coast. 13 Barwick served as Minister for External Affairs from 1961 to 1964. He led the Australian Delegation to the 1960, 1962 and 1964 sessions of the General Assembly of the United Nations. He resigned in 1964 to become Chief Justice of the High Court of Australia. 14 For example, in early 1965 Britain and Norway concluded an agreement that adopted a median line between the two countries as a boundary for continental shelf purposes because of a clear preference for this method in the 9

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In April 1964 the Minister for National Development, Senator William Spooner and the Attorney-General, Billy Snedden gained Cabinet approval for joint federal/state legislation covering both the territorial seabed and the outer continental shelf with individual states having administrative control subject to federal oversight of the issue of permits and licences (NAA 1345145, 255). In a related submission Spooner argued the cabinet should go as far ‘as we possibly can to remove any air of uncertainty so that the companies concerned may be encouraged to go ahead with their [exploration] programmes’ (NAA 1163060, 1). He was duly authorised to write a letter of assurance to Woodside (NAA 1163060, 8). The 1965 Cabinet decision on where to draw the line in the Timor Sea A system of mirror federal/state legislation to control off shore petroleum operations was agreed at a Premiers’ Conference in June 1965. The federal legislation went to cabinet in December under the joint signature of David Fairbairn, who had replaced Spooner as Minister for National Development, Charles Barnes, Minister for the Territories, and Snedden, the Attorney-General (NAA 1345145, 149). The map in Figure 1 was attached to the submission. It shows the median line, the 1958 Continental Shelf Convention’s 200 metre depth line, and the offshore ‘tenements’ boundary line that clearly extends, in part, beyond both. Figure 1 – Offshore Petroleum Boundaries (from the collection of the National Archives Australia NAA 558528, 235)

The submission was unusual as the Ministers were still in dispute about whether the new joint federal/state petroleum exploration regime should confirm all existing permits in the Timor Sea, or pull back to the median line. Fairbairn, whose department had the closest relationship with permit holders, was concerned about the security of tenure of the permits issued by Australian jurisdictions. He believed it would soon be possible to drill in waters as deep as the Timor Trough which would mean it could be argued that ‘there was a common continental shelf between Australia and Timor and that therefore the applicable international rule was the median line’ (NAA 1345145, 158). Fairbairn also raised the risk of Australia going to war with Indonesia over a doubtful claim, ‘perhaps for the benefit of a foreign oil company’, or repudiating ‘our responsibilities to the people who had taken action and incurred great expenditures in good faith under our grant’ (NAA 1345145, 158). He stressed that offshore petroleum operations were ‘notoriously expensive and security of tenure is of the essence from

continental shelf convention (Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of the Kingdom of Norway relating to the delimitation of the continental shelf between the two countries,10 March 1965).

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the viewpoint of the permittee companies’ and that if Australia was later unable to issue a production licence the government could be liable to compensate companies for their actual and potential losses (NAA 1345145, 155, 159). However, the Department of External Affairs was focussed on securing Australian sovereignty over the permit areas, regardless of any consequences for Australia’s relationship with Indonesia. In the cabinet submission the department argued that the failure of either Indonesia or Portugal to protest against the issue of these permits or ‘Australia’s adoption of the 200 metres line in 1953’ strengthened Australia’s position at international law (NAA 1345145, 155).15 Separately, External Affairs advised that while Indonesia was not ‘oil-hungry’ and was unlikely to go to war over competing claims off Timor, it had no record of international legal settlement of disputes and was ‘extremely jealous of what is conceived to be national territorial rights’ (NAA 1345145, 185). Presciently, the department noted that ‘Australian exploration of oil fields off Timor conceivably could be something of a running-sore in our relations with Indonesia’ (NAA 1345145, 185). Nevertheless, External Affairs explicitly advised against opening negotiations on the boundary with Indonesia or Portugal. The view of the Department of External Affairs is that ... past experience with Indonesia suggests that negotiations would be likely to drag on indefinitely during which time operations in tenements beyond the 200 metres line and perhaps beyond the median line would be brought to a standstill. Moreover, in the light of the claims it has made to territorial waters and its general attitude on matters affecting its internal interests, Indonesia is unlikely to envisage any solution as acceptable other than that of the median line (NAA 1345145, 157).

The External Affairs advice in regard to negotiations with Portugal was equally self-serving. The department noted Portugal would probably welcome negotiations, but argued as cabinet had already expressed the view in February 1963, that ‘no alternative to eventual Indonesian sovereignty over Portuguese Timor presented itself’16 the Government did not want to ‘imply a degree of acceptance on our part of Portugal’s right to share in decisions permanently affecting the future of the area’ (NAA 1345145, 157). Snedden, the Attorney-General, endorsed the views of External Affairs and recommended existing grants be confirmed and full publicity be given to a decision to that effect and to the legislation putting the decision into operation and that the Government be prepared to maintain this stand against all criticism, leaving any more extreme situation to be determined if and when it arises (NAA 1345145, 160).

Energy diplomacy prevailed, and Fairbairn comprehensively lost the debate. Cabinet endorsed the advice not to negotiate with Indonesia or Portugal and agreed to unilaterally declare ‘jurisdiction over areas covered by these permits without prejudice to such rights as Australia may possess over areas beyond’ (NAA 1345145, 143). This decision reverberates in Australia’s relationships with its neighbours across the Timor Sea today. It led to on-going disputes about Australia’s Timor Sea claim under international law and on-going uncertainty for Australian permit holders. Less than two weeks after the cabinet decision, Australia’s unilateral action was questioned in an article in The Australian newspaper headlined ‘Australia risks oil challenge by Indonesia’. The article claimed the continental shelf boundary ‘could put some of our oil-exploration leases only a short distance from Timor’ and that ‘Indonesia would still have the formal right to challenge’ the boundary (Smith, 1965). This was a clear indication to Woodside, and other Timor Sea permit holders, that despite Australia’s unilateral action, and assurances from the highest levels of government, their permits were still not secure. The 1967 Australian offshore petroleum settlement

15

The cabinet submission noted the former Attorney-General Barwick confirmed advice that the permits were valid and had advised that ‘nothing should be done to encourage operators to lodge an application with Indonesia’ (NAA 1345145, 155). 16 Cabinet Decision 632, 5 February 1963 ‘In relation to Portuguese Timor, the Cabinet accepted the view that in the current state of world opinion, no practicable alternative to eventual Indonesian sovereignty over Portuguese Timor presented itself’ (quoted on NAA 546778, 273).

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It took another two years of negotiation, and over one hundred drafts, before Fairbairn introduced seven bills to Parliament in late October 1967 that became known as the Australian Offshore Petroleum Settlement (Rothwell, 1996, 50).17 By this time the Australian Bureau of Mineral Resources, Geology and Geophysics18 had gathered sufficient data to indicate the most prospective areas of the Timor Sea were indeed those north of the median line (Jones 1967). While Fairbairn did not refer to the Bureau’s advice, or the Timor Sea specifically, in his second reading speech he stated that: In 1965 I expressed the hope that further exploration would bring fresh discoveries of both oil and natural gas. This hope has been well justified. There have been further discoveries of petroleum; and it is especially gratifying that the companies engaged in offshore operations have demonstrated their confidence in the successful outcome of these inter-governmental negotiations by engaging in a steadily expanding programme of offshore exploration… (Fairbairn, 1967).

As discussed above, in 1965 Fairbairn had been concerned about the implications for Australia’s relationship with Indonesia if Australia confirmed permits north of the median line in the Timor Sea. However, neither Indonesia nor the Timor Sea, rated a mention in his second reading speech on the 1967 Bill. Nigel Bowen, who had replaced Snedden as Attorney-General, played down any controversy by assuring the Parliament that in all cases where Australian territory is opposite or adjacent to the territory of another country, regard has been had, and will be had, to the relevant principles relating to delimitation of a country’s continental shelf. This would apply as between Australia and Portuguese Timor and Australia and Indonesia (Bowen 1967).

Bowen also deliberately underplayed the potentially limitless breadth of the legislation by claiming it only applied to the ‘territorial seabed or the continental shelf within the meaning of the convention with its varying limits’ when in fact, as Professor Daniel O’Connell later asserted in the Australian media, the logic of the legislation meant Australia could eventually claim sovereignty over the seabed in the Indian Ocean ‘halfway to Africa’ (Robinson 1970, 1). There was a narrative description of the longitude and latitude coordinates set out in a Schedule to the Act and Fairbairn tabled a map that showed the areas where permits had already been issued and over which states and territories would have administrative jurisdiction. In the Timor Sea the coordinates coincided with the northern most limits of the permits issued by Western Australia and the Federal Government.19 The Act was passed but any confidence that it provided security of tenure to the permit holders north of the median line in the Timor Sea was short lived. Two months later, in January 1968, Portugal asked for information about Australia’s new offshore exploration regime (NAA 3338702, 96-99) and in February, Woodside and other companies holding permits in the Timor Sea sought further letters of assurance from Canberra (NAA 558639, 297). In December, Oceanic Exploration, a United States registered oil company, applied to Portuguese authorities for exclusive rights to explore for oil and gas offshore from Portuguese Timor up to the median line, overlapping permits issued by the Australian Government to Woodside (Portugal ICJ 1991, 197). The following year brought further uncertainty when both Indonesia and Portugal issued promulgations asserting

17

The Australian media initially hailed the settlement as historic, see for example Murray (1967). The Australian Bureau of Mineral Resources, Geology and Geophysics was formed in 1946 to provide technological advice to the mining industry, to undertake geological research, market surveys and other economic investigations in relation to the development of the mining industry. It had responsibility for administering subsidies available to domestic and international companies for onshore and offshore exploration under the Petroleum Search Subsidy Act 1957 (Cwth). A condition of the subsidies was that the results of any exploration activity were passed on to the Mineral Economics section of the Bureau. 19 This connection is explicitly made in draft Cabinet Submission Delimitation of Continental Shelves of Australia and Indonesia February 1970 (NAA 558528, 63). 18

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rights to exploration and exploitation permits on their continental shelves and committing to median line principles.20 However, the biggest set back for Australia was a United Nations’ Moratorium Resolution passed in December 1969 (UNGA Resolution 2574D (XXIV)) that stated: nations are bound to refrain from all activities of exploration of the resources of the area of the sea bed and ocean floor, and the subsoil thereof, beyond the limits of national jurisdiction (O’Connell, 1982, 461).

This meant Australia’s claim that its national jurisdiction extended indefinitely beyond the 200 metre line was no longer only vulnerable to protest from Portuguese Timor and Indonesia, but potentially now from a multiplicity of states concerned that Australia was claiming rights over the High Seas. Conclusion Despite a decade of intense energy diplomacy, during which Australian jurisdictions passed an historic suite of legislation to govern offshore petroleum exploration and exploitation to provide security for permit holders, the validity of the permits was still in doubt. Australia’s decision to legislate unilaterally rather than negotiate with Indonesia and Portuguese Timor may have resolved the domestic constitutional uncertainty, but it failed to resolve doubts about the validity of the permits under international law. Australia’s actions during the 1960s marked the beginning of five decades of energy diplomacy in the region aimed at achieving access to energy in the Timor Sea over and above any other policy considerations, the latest manifestation of which is playing out to day in the maritime border dispute in the Timor Sea between Australia and Timor-Leste. It is also noteworthy that the most significant oil and gas find in the Timor Sea, located in a permit area originally issued to Woodside’s subsidiary Mid-Eastern Oil in 1963, the multi-billion-dollar Greater Sunrise/Troubadour field, lies in disputed waters, and remains under the seabed. Bibliography Books and journals Antunes, Nuno Sergio Marques 2003, Towards the conceptualisation of maritime delimitation: legal and technical aspects of a political process, Volume 42 of Publications on Ocean Development: a series of studies on the international, legal, institutional and policy aspects of the ocean development, Brill. Balint, Ruth 2005, Troubled waters: borders, boundaries and possession in the Timor Sea, Allen & Unwin, Crows Nest, NSW. Cleary, Paul 2007, Shakedown: Australia's grab for Timor oil, Allen & Unwin, Crows Nest, NSW. Goldie, LFE 1954, ‘Australia's continental shelf: legislation and proclamations,’ The International and Comparative Law Quarterly 3(4): 535-575. --- 1969, ‘Sedentary fisheries and Article 2(4) of the Convention on the Continental Shelf - A plea for a separate regime,’ The American Journal of International Law 63(1):86-97. Goldthau, Andreas, and Jan Martin Witte 2010, Global Energy Governance - The New Rules of the Game, Brookings Institution, Washington DC. Jones, BF 1967, ‘Timor sea gravity, magnetic, and seismic survey, 1967,’ Geoscience Australia Record No. 1969/40. O'Connell, Daniel 1955, ‘Sedentary fisheries and the Australian continental shelf,’ American Journal of International Law, 185-209. O'Connell, Daniel, 1982, The International Law of the Sea, (ed) Shearer, Ivan, Clarendon Press, Oxford. Rothwell, Donald 1996, ‘The legal framework for ocean and coastal management in Australia,’ Ocean & Coastal Management 33(1-3):41-61. Rothwell, Donald and Haward, Marcus 1996, ‘Federal and international perspectives on Australia's maritime claims,’ Marine Policy 20(1):29-46.

20

Indonesia issued a Promulgation on 17 February 1969 (unofficial translation on NAA 558528) and on 31 October 1969 Portugal issued Decree Law No 49-369 setting the extent and exploitation of resources of the continental shelf for all Portuguese territory (NAA 558637).

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Scott, SV 1992, ‘The Inclusion of Sedentary Fisheries within the Continental Shelf Doctrine,’ The International and Comparative Law Quarterly 41(4):788-807. White, Michael 2011, ‘Australia’s Offshore Legal Jurisdiction: Part 1 – History & Development,’ Australian and New Zealand Maritime Law Journal 25. Young, Richard 1961, ‘Sedentary Fisheries and the Convention on the Continental Shelf.’ The American Journal of International Law 55(2):359-373. National Archives of Australia (NAA) 546778, A1838 935/17/3 PART 2, Portuguese Timor. 558528, A1838 752/1/23 PART 1, Indonesia-Australia continental shelf boundary negotiations. 558637, A1838 756/1/4 Part 1, Australia Portugal Negotiations on Portuguese Timor - Continental Shelf 1969-71. 564064, A1838 736/2/1/4 PART 2, Australia - Mining - Oil - Continental shelf. 735286, A5954 2347/3, Japan - Pearl Fisheries in Australian Waters - 1952. 1110412 A432 1952/2224, Pearl Fisheries - whether Australia can under International Law establish claims to prescriptive rights [Includes maps of the areas under discussion]. 1110524, A432 1963/3189, Continental shelf - proposed Commonwealth offshore oil legislation. 1163060, A5827 Volume 4/Agendum 130, Exploration for Petroleum on the Australian Continental Shelf. Request by Woodside (Lakes Entrance) Oil Company No Liability Concerning Permit Areas in the Timor Sea Decision 260. 1345145, A4940 C3945, 1964 Off-shore minerals - Commonwealth/State discussions. 1872072, A1838 1733/3/2 Part 7, Law of the sea - Delimitation - Australia - Indonesia [Timor] Part 7. 3338702, A1838 1592/10/5 Part 2, Law of the Sea Convention on the Continental Shelf. 4213501, A11604 606/3/2, [Jakarta] - Australian Pearl Fisheries Legislation 1953. 7803929, A432 1967/3322, Petroleum (Submerged Lands) Bill 1967 - Parliamentary debates and Press comments. 31167593, A1690 DPIE1975/958, Australia Portuguese Timor: Seabed Boundary: Timor Gap Treaty. 12901830, A1690 1973/1321, Burmah - Woodside - North West Shelf Development – 1973. Newspapers The Age, 1953 ‘Right to Coastal Areas Proclaimed’ 12 September (copy on NAA 735286). The Herald, 1953 ‘Federal Move on Japanese Pearlers’ 9 September (copy on NAA 735286). Murray, Robert 1967, ‘Commonwealth-States agreement, major Federal achievement in offshore laws’ Australian Financial Review, 19 October (copy on NAA 7803929). Robinson, Peter 1970, ‘Aust’s “expanding rim” offshore minerals doctrine in question’, Australian Financial Review, 16 October (copy on NAA 558534). Smith, Vincent 1965, ‘Australia risks oil challenge by Indonesia’, The Australian, 20 December (copy on NAA 1345145). Hansard Bowen, Nigel 1967, Petroleum (Submerged Lands) Bill, Hansard, 26 October, House of Representatives, Commonwealth of Australia. Fairbairn, David 1967, Petroleum (Submerged Lands) Bill, Hansard, 18 October, House of Representatives, Commonwealth of Australia. Legislation and official proclamations Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of the Kingdom of Norway relating to the delimitation of the continental shelf between the two countries,10 March 1965. Agreement Relating to the Exploitation of and Exploitation of the Petroleum Resources and Certain Other Resources of the Continental Shelf of Australia and Certain Other Submerged Land, Canberra, 1967. Commonwealth of Australia Continental Shelf Proclamation by his Excellency the Governor General in and over the Commonwealth of Australia Gazette No 56, 2563, 11 September 1953. Convention on the Continental Shelf, Geneva, 29 April, 1958 United Nations Treaty Series Vol 499, 311. Decree Law No 49-369 of 11 November 1969, Portugal http://www.un.org/Depts/los/LEGISLATIONANDTREATIES/PDFFILES/PRT_1969_Decree.pdf. Memoire du Gouvernement de la Republique Portugaise Vol 1 18 Novembre, 1991 International Court of Justice, Vol 1. Northern Territory Petroleum (Prospecting and Mining) Ordinance 1954-1957 (Cwth).

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Pearl Fisheries Act (No 2) of 1953 (Cwth) amending the Pearl Fisheries Act of 1952 (Cwth). Petroleum Act 1936 (WA). Petroleum Search Subsidy Act 1957 (Cwth). Promulgation of the Government of the Republic of Indonesia on Indonesian Continental Shelf 17 February 1969. Truman Proclamation: Presidential Proclamation 2667 - Policy of the United States With Respect to the Natural Resources of the Subsoil and Sea Bed of the Continental Shelf 1945. United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2574 D (XXIV) 1969: Question of the Reservation Exclusively for Peaceful Purposes of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor, and the Subsoil Thereof, Underlying the High Seas Beyond the Limits of Present National Jurisdiction, and the Use of Their Resources in the Interests of Mankind adopted by the United Nations General Assembly at the 24th session 1833rd Plenary meeting on 15 December 1969.

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41 Institution building in Timor-Leste: between the UN and national ownership Carla Luís1 Introduction In this article we will analyse the design of the Timorese liberal state institutions shaping the new independent country. We will focus on the post-conflict scenario and explore how these institutions shape or are the product of a possible power-sharing agreement, how this affected its design and how these choices were and are still perceived. We will briefly analyse the role of the main Timorese competing actors, within the broader context of a UN intervention and present preliminary results of a work in progress, based on the scientific literature and recent fieldwork, namely interviews to relevant Timorese political actors. Our aim is to assess to which extent the institutional design of the new liberal state institutions was perceived as adequate and its effects on post-conflict and stability. We will seek to demonstrate that, despite strong criticism, the Timorese institutional design has been used with great flexibility by the different political actors and sensibilities, with even unforeseen outcomes, in what seems to be a broad consensus on the adequacy to the Timorese reality. Independent Timor-Leste: an overview In Timor-Leste, since the 1999 Popular Consultation for independence, the internal power struggle started to develop. It started to be fought among the institutional lines, in an almost inversion of the Clausewitz clause “war is the continuation of politics by other means”. Whenever there was a breach or a possibility in the institutional design, in many cases an outcome of UN decisions (Goldstone 2004), the main competing sides would use it and try to take advantage of it, sometimes with unforeseen consequences in the concrete case (Freire and Lopes 2013). This can be seen in the electoral outcomes for the Constituent Assembly, the constituent process or the government formation clause as it was used in 2007 and later in 2012. Although the UN might have wanted to remain neutral, its actions and decisions had deep institutional implications (Ingram 2012, 20–21). Fretilin felt neglected by its initial action, adding to the fact that Xanana was emerging as the UN natural interlocutor (Goldstone 2004, 89). While all Timorese still pay tribute to the UN initial intervention, this is not exempt from criticism. The UN’s excessive bureaucratisation, the top-down approach (Brown 2009; Richmond and Franks 2008), its direct or indirect political influence (Goldstone 2004, 89), or simply the Timorese will for national ownership after decades of foreign occupation (Devereux 2015, 19), may be among the reasons motivating the Timorese will to bypass the UN since very early and to develop their own institutional perspective for the country (Tilman 2015). Despite great criticism regarding the constituent options made, especially within the academic community (Goldstone 2004; Ingram 2012; Devereux 2015, among others), national competition has indeed been channelled through the institutional design, taking it even further than what seemed to be originally foreseen, in an exercise of institutional flexibility (Reynolds, Reilly, and Ellis 2005, 2). We will illustrate this argument by tracing a brief analysis of the main institutional outcomes in TimorLeste in three crucial moments: the election for the Constituent Assembly, the Constituent process and the subsequent government formation in 2007 within the internal crisis, somehow repeated in 2012 with a smaller impact.

1

PhD Candidate at CES, Coimbra, Portugal. Thesis: “UN peacebuilding and the role of electoral systems: the case of Timor-Leste” - FCT grant SFRH/BD/79096/2011. I thank the support of Fundação Oriente, the Archives of the National Parliament of Timor-Leste and EEA – Escola de Estudos Avançados. I am most grateful to my interviewees for their generosity in sharing their views. Areas of interest: elections, peacebuilding, post-conflict, Timor-Leste, Southeast Asia. [email protected]

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From the popular consultation to independence The 1999 Popular Consultation, which formally led to independence, was carried by the United Nations Mission in East Timor (UNAMET) and deemed successful, with a strong popular participation (Luís 2015, 260). Turnout was 98,6% (446.953 voters) and 78,6% (344.580) voted in favour of independence (A/54/654 1999). According to the Paris Agreements (S/RES/1246 1999), previously entered into between Indonesia and Portugal, under UN facilitation, if independence was chosen, the UN would be granted the full authority over the territory, in order to make the transition. A UN peacekeeping mission was deployed, following also the violent outbreak shortly after the Popular Consultation, coming from the pro-Indonesian militias and army, which led to a wave of destruction. The United Nations Mission in Timor-Leste (UNTAET) had a broad mandate, including “support capacity-building for self government”, “the development of local democratic institutions (…) and the transfer to these institutions of its administrative and public service functions” (S/RES/1272 1999, 8). Timor-Leste became a mini-state, ran by the UN. To balance this, the East Timor Transitional Administration (ETTA) was created, with arguable degrees of national participation (National Council Member 2015; Pessoa Pinto 2015). Institutions for the newly born state Institutionally speaking, at the time of the 1999 Popular Consultation there was a sense of unity in Timor-Leste (Carrascalão 2015). The long struggle for independence had allowed the Timorese to develop an idea of the institutions they would want for the country (Feijó 2014). This determination would eventually contrast with the broad UN presence, with a mandate comprising statebuilding. Especially within Fretilin, one of the historical parties with an important role in independence and strongly organised, previous constitutional projects continued to adjust and develop (Reis 2015). Following its initial 1975 Constitution, when independence was declared, Fretilin held several conferences, still during the Resistance, where constitutional drafts were approved. Initially, Fretilin would opt for a presidential system for Timor-Leste, on the assumption that Xanana Gusmão could be the president, affiliated with Fretilin. In 2001 the presidential system was referred by the UNSG as “the current consensus” (S/2001/42 2001, 42). However, internal tensions started to emerge, mainly between Fretilin and Xanana Gusmão (Goldstone 2013, 213), with the UN playing a role, and Fretilin started to re-evaluate whether the presidential option would be the most adequate. The Constituent Assembly and the Constitution The building of the new liberal state followed under UNTAET (Luís 2015, 243), with a Constituent Assembly to be elected and draft a Constitution. The Constituent Assembly would be crucial and expected to “become the first legislature of the independent State” (S/2001/42 2001, 3), allowing the creation of legitimate national institutions (Reilly 2004, 2). This would meet both the UN and the Timorese leadership preferences, leaving aside other options of broader civil-society processes (Goldstone 2013, 89; Ingram 2012; Devereux 2015, 18–19). UNTAET designed the electoral system for this election (UNTAET/REG/2001/2 2001). A proportional representative system was adopted, with 88 members. From these, 75 would be elected in a single national constituency, with no threshold, according to the largest remainder formula. The remaining 13 would be elected in single-member constituencies, one per district, in a simple majoritarian system. Candidates could run in party lists, being either party members or independent, but citizens could run independently - a provision that could allow Xanana Gusmão to compete (Senior UN Electoral Officer 2015), despite at the time not affiliated with any political party. Elections had a very high turnout, with Fretilin achieving an absolute majority, with 55 mandates: 43 at the single national constituency and 12 of the 13 district members 2 . Although district representatives were meant to ensure regional representation, majoritarian circles favoured the most influential party nationwide. This increased Fretilin’s position at the Assembly, despite seeming consensual that it would always be the most voted (Soares 2015; Senior UN Electoral Officer 2015).

2

With an exception for Oecusse, due to the 10 minutes late arrival of Fretilin’s candidate to the registration, which generated much debate in the Electoral Commission.

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The Constitution approval required the vote of 60 out of its 88 members (UNTAET/REG/2001/2 2001) and Fretilin would still have to negotiate with smaller parties (Guterres 2013), which was seen positive towards social consensus. Institutional outcomes of the Constituent process There was a broad agreement regarding the main institutional options for the country and a strong will to take part in it (Luís 2013). Five constitutional drafts were submitted before the Constituent Assembly, although four proposed a semi-presidential system (Feijó 2014, 112). The constitutional discussion was not only centred around institutional aspects, as elements of a more symbolic nature also raised important discussions, namely the flag, the restoration (or not) of independence or the Falintil/(F)FDTL denomination (Lu-Olo 2015), among others. There was much discussion around the government system and particularly regarding the scope of presidential powers. The Constitution adopted a semi-presidential system, with universal elections for the Parliament and the President of the Republic, both mandates with the same duration, and a proportional representative electoral system for the Parliament, with D’Hondt method (CRDTL 2002). A single national constituency was adopted, thus leaving aside the district representatives previously set by UNTAET (that seemed to favour Fretilin). The Government would be formed according to an alternative clause, with the President of the Republic being decisive (Vasconcelos 2011, 349) in choosing either the most voted party or the majoritarian coalition of parties. This alternative clause was further used in 2007 (and 2012), being at the centre of a very controversial presidential decision, especially for Fretilin supporters, with great social and political impact in the country’s stability. The Constituent Process – critical appraisal The constituent process in Timor-Leste is often labelled by the literature as non-democratic, arguing it was “elite driven and dominated by one winning faction” (Garrison 2005, 19) or specifically driven group (Wallis 2014, 92), “with a like-minded minor party” (Ingram 2012, 15), among others. This is becoming, however, a narrow perspective, disregarding “the reflections on key issues of power and governance” (Devereux 2015, 6) both at the civil society and within the Constituent Assembly. The Constitution was approved with 72 votes in favour (82%), 14 against (16%), one abstention and one absence (Devereux 2015, 3), clearly exceeding Fretilin’s 55 members (62,5%). Furthermore, all members of the Constituent Assembly interviewed considered it an open, democratic and public process, described as fair and inclusive, with Fretilin showing a great openness (Guterres 2013); this was constant for members coming both from smaller parties (Tilman 2015; Guterres 2013; Carrascalão 2015), from Fretilin (Lu-Olo 2015; José Reis 2015), even if no longer close to it (Soares 2015), being also the perception of non Constituent Members not affiliated to Fretilin (Ramos Horta 2015). The Constitutional Consultations, a UN held popular consultation process (Mendes 2005; Adão 2009; Luís 2015), could have led to a broader social representation of another kind (Ingram 2012, 1415), despite some technical aspects of the debate (Ramos Horta 2015) and the fact that both the UN and the Timorese ruling elite would favour a rapid transition (Goldstone 2004, 88; Devereux 2015, 3). However, the UN failed to engage Fretilin in this (Soares 2015) and Fretilin perceived it as UN-owned, aimed at antagonising the most voted party (Soares 2015) and neglecting the powers of the popular elected body (Lu-Olo 2015). The UN action would possibly overlap the elected national institution (Tilman 2015; Pessoa 2015; Soares 2015; Lu-Olo 2015; Carrascalão 2015) and its popular legitimacy, meeting some resistance regarding the UN presence in the Constituent Assembly, with the Timorese seeking to leave the UN aside since very early (Tilman 2015). This could be the product of the much-criticised UN top-down approach (Blanco 2010, 185; Brown 2009; Richmond and Franks 2008, 4) and lack of social engagement, or the UN actually confused the lack of political entities with a lack of politics and correspondent institutional options (Ingram 2012, 6), in a period when the Timorese were eager for national-ownership (Soares 2015), and the UN itself set a 90-day period to adopt a constitution (UNTAET/REG/2001/2 2001). Popular Consultations were not welcomed by the Constituent Assembly (Adão 2009, 154), having a narrow impact in the institutional debate taking place, though fostering popular discussion (Mendes 2005; Luís 2015, 254). 261

The Constitution was finally adopted on 22 March 2002, presidential elections held on 14 April 2002 (UNTAET Directive 2002/1 2002) and Xanana Gusmão, who constituted itself for the first time as an institutional political actor, became the first elected President of Timor-Leste. Independence was formally declared on 20 May 2002. The Constitution entered into force, the Constituent Assembly transformed itself in the first National Parliament and the first elected President of the Republic took office. The state would have its de jure elected institutions in this very precise timeframe (Goldstone 2004, 88). This institutional design would be put to a strong test in 2007, within a climate of widespread instability and internal crisis, with presidential powers and the government formation clause at the centre of a highly sensitive decision making process, with great impact at the internal level. The internal crisis and the 2007 electoral cycle In 2006-2007 there was a period of widespread instability, coming from a group of army petitioners, which soon widespread to the whole country. From an institutional perspective, this took place as the 2007 electoral cycle was approaching. As the 2001 and 2002 elections had followed UNTAET’s Regulations, a national legal framework for the upcoming electoral cycle was needed. Presidential elections took place on 9 March and 9 April 2007 (two rounds) and Ramos Horta was elected President. Parliamentary elections were held on 30 June, with Fretilin wining the majority of votes and seats but not securing an absolute majority. There was a period of great institutional uncertainty, as if Fretilin would be invited to form a government it might not be able to secure a sufficient majority to, for instance, approve the state budget in the parliament. There were talks promoted by President José Ramos Horta, aiming at a consensus between parties to secure a stable government (Ramos Horta 2015; José Reis 2015). Although the path is still controversial (Carrascalão 2015), with Fretilin claiming that no further answer was given by Xanana Gusmão to its proposal for “a government of great inclusion” (José Reis 2015), Ramos Horta, argues he “tried everything” and no agreement or support for a Fretilin government was possible (Ramos Horta 2015), which eventually led to a government formed by Xanana Gusmão and the coalition of parties supporting it. There was protest and social unrest, mainly from Fretilin supporters, which never accepted this outcome as legitimate (Leach 2009). They argued this violated the Constitution, as the “coalition” would have to be formed prior to the election – and not after, as it was the case. Although the government formation clause was drafted in the Constituent Assembly with a Fretilin majority, it was not easy to trace its origin, as it was not in the initial draft proposals. It was introduced during the Constituent debate, allegedly to allow for more flexibility on government formation (Tilman 2015) and the inclusion of smaller parties in the government (Pessoa Pinto 2015). Its concrete application in 2007 generated even considerable surprise (Carrascalão 2015). Many Fretilin supporters argue, nevertheless, this clause would only be applicable to pre-electoral coalitions, with a strong debate around the constitutionality of the government formation. Nevertheless, and despite alleging the decision was unconstitutional, this was never submitted before the Court of Appeal, the relevant institution to address it. In the 2012 parliamentary elections, Fretilin was not the most voted party for the first time, but rather Xanana’s CNRT. From the 23 competing parties, only four passed the 3% threshold. CNRT was invited to form a government, which it did, including all other political parties in the parliament, except Fretilin. Again, there was social unrest, especially in Díli, but much less than in 2007. However, and despite some belief of fraud and manipulation regarding the final results (Tilman 2015), reinforced by the political proximity of the General-Director of STAE to the Prime Minister and the government (Jornal Independente 2012), aided by controversy regarding STAE’s refusal to provide CNE with the official forms with the results and to allow a recounting (EUEOM 2012, 10), the electoral results were not formally disputed (EUEOM 2012). Xanana was appointed by the President to form a government, supported by a coalition with parliamentary majority. This decision, following somehow the presidential praxis initiated in 2007 (Luís 2015, 258), seemed to have been more accepted by the population, with much less controversy surrounding it (EUEOM 2012, 3). Scope of presidential powers

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Some authors argue Timorese presidential powers were limited, even comparing to other CPLP constitutions (Ingram 2012, 18), increasing the powers of a Parliament expected to be led by Fretilin. However, the Timorese institutional power sharing is seen as positive by many key-actors, as it allows a balanced division of political intervention and preserves the image of the President (Ramos Horta 2015). The institutional outcome is broadly seen as adequate for the country (Ramos Horta 2015; Guterres 2013) and it has not been changed until the present, nor is it under debate (Babo Soares 2015). Finally, when carrying fieldwork for the present article, both the government system and the scope of the presidential powers seemed to be highly accepted and consensual. If institutions need to be both strong, but flexible to react to changing circumstances (Reynolds, Reilly, and Ellis 2005, 2) and allow multiple decision processes, even if generating tensions (Reilly 2014, 139), this seems to have been the Timorese case. The initial institutional design and intent seemed to have adapted to subsequent power relations with consequential decisions widely accepted popularly, in a proof of social legitimacy (Chandler 2006, 9). Conclusion After a long Timorese struggle for independence, culminating with the 1999 Popular Consultation, internal consensus started to vanish. In the post-conflict scenario a power struggle developed between two very powerful actors, Xanana Gusmão and Fretilin (Goldstone 2013, 213), in which the UN is seen as having played a role. Independence would mean canvasing state institutions, embracing sensitive political options in a specific timeframe (Goldstone 2004, 89). There was a very organised political actor, Fretilin, with cadres also coming from the diaspora, with a clear institutional perspective. The UN presence, through a wide mission, would intertwine, at times colliding, with the national dynamics on institution building. Having drafted the electoral system for the Constituent Assembly, and started a popular constitutional consultation process, the UN was since very early put aside in this debate. In the constituent process Fretilin was the most represented, with smaller parties also presenting their institutional views. Negotiation was inevitable and the process was consensually deemed as open, participatory, transparent and democratic. Despite potential disagreement with Fretilin options, Xanana Gusmão did not constitute himself as an institutional political actor until the 2002 presidential elections and became the President of the Republic. On 2006-2007 a new crisis emerged, and institutions became the conflict arena. Following the 2007 elections and after political uncertainty and negotiations, the President of the Republic was crucial using the power to appoint a prime minister to form a government. This would be formed by Xanana Gusmão, the one to secure a majoritarian coalition with three other parties, while the most voted party, Fretilin, would not take part. This led to social unrest, especially among Fretilin supporters, arguing this use of presidential powers would be against the Constitution. Despite the widespread controversy, this was never submitted before the Court of Appeal. In 2012 Xanana was again invited to form a government, supported by a majoritarian coalition and controversy was much smaller. There seems to exist a consensus nowadays among the Timorese regarding the adequacy of these institutions to Timor-Leste and its social and political reality. None of the institutional options made in 2001 have been amended until today nor this seems to be at stake. There is a generalised sense of adequacy of the present institutional design, very likely due to the checks and balances and the flexibility it allows for. References A/54/654. 1999, “Question of East Timor – Progress Report of the Secretary-General.” http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A%2F54%2F654+&Submit=Search&Lang=. Adão, José Carlos Guerreiro. 2009. 'A Formação Da Constituição de Timor-Leste.' Tese de Mestrado, Lisboa: Universidade Católica Portuguesa. Babo Soares, Dionísio. 2015. Interview with Dionísio Babo Soares, carried by the author in Dili, 10 July 2015. Blanco, Ramon. 2010, 'A Dimensão Institucional Do Modelo de Peacebuilding: O Caso de Timor Leste.” Univ. Rel. Int., Brasília, 8(2): 181-192 Brown, M. 2009, 'Security, Development and the Nation-Building Agenda East Timor', Conflict, Security & Development, 9(2): 141–64. Carrascalão, Mário. 2015. Interview with Mário Carrascalão, carried by the author in Dili, 29 June 2015. Chandler, David. 2006. Empire in Denial: The Politics of State-Building, Pluto Press, London. CRDTL. 2002. 'Constituição Da República Democrática de Timor-Leste.'

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Devereux, Annemarie. 2015. Timor-Leste’s Bill of Rights: A Preliminary History. ANU Press. EUEOM. 2012. “Timor-Leste - Relatório Final Sobre as Eleições Legislativas de 2012 - União Europeia - Missão de Observação Eleitoral.” European Union Electoral Observation Mission (EUEOM). www.eueom.eu/timorleste2012. Feijó, Rui Graça. 2014, 'O Espelho de Clio. Compreender O Debate Constitucional Sobre O Sistema de Governo', in R. Feijo (ed) O Semi-Presidencialismo Timorense, Almedina, Coimbra, pp. 109-122. Freire, Maria Raquel, and Paula Duarte Lopes. 2013, 'Peacebuilding in Timor-Leste: finding a way between External intervention and local dynamics,' International Peacekeeping 20(2): 204–18. Garrison, Randall. 2005. 'Constitution Building Processes and Democratization: A Discussion of Twelve Case Studies.' IDEA. Goldstone, Anthony. 2004, 'UNTAET with hindsight: the peculiarities of politics in an incomplete state,' Global Governance 10(1): 83–98. Goldstone, Antony. 2013, 'Building a state and ‘state-building’: East Timor and the UN, 1999-2012', in Berdal, M. and Dominik Zaum (eds) Political Economy of Statebuilding: Power after Peace, Routledge, New York. Ingram, Sue. 2012. 'Building the wrong peace: reviewing the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) through a political settlement lens', Political Science 64(1): 3–20. Guterres Lu-Olo, Francisco. 2015. Interview with Francisco Guterres Lu-Olo, carried by the author in Dili, on 2 July 2015. Reis, José. 2015. Interview with José Reis, carried by the author in Dili, on 30 June 2015. Pessoa Pinto, Ana. 2015. Interview with Ana Pessoa, carried by the author in Dili, on 7 July 2015. Guterres, Vicente. 2013. Interview with Vicente Guterres, President of the Timorese Parliament, carried by the author in Díli, Timor-Leste, on 5 July 2013. 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Interview with a former member of the National Council, held by the author in Dili, on 6 July 2015. Ramos Horta, José. 2015. Interview with Ramos Horta, carried by the author in Dili, on 8 July 2015. Reilly, Benjamin. 2004. “Electoral Assistance and Post-Conflict Peacebuilding: What Lessons Have Been Learned?” In Helsinki, Norway. --- 2014. “Semi-Presidencialismo E Desnvolvimento Democrático Na Ásia Oriental.” In O Semi-Presidencialismo Timorense, edited by Rui Graça Feijó, 123–42. Coimbra: Almedina. Reynolds, Andrew, Ben Reilly, and Andrew Ellis. 2005. Electoral System Design: The New International IDEA Handbook. Stockholm, Sweden: International IDEA. Richmond, Oliver P., and Jason Franks. 2008, 'Liberal peacebuilding in Timor Leste: the emperor’s new clothes? International Peacekeeping, 15(2): 185-200. S/2001/42. 2001, Report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (for the Period 27 July 2000 to 16 January 2001) http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S%2F2001%2F42&Submit=Search&Lang=E Senior UN Electoral Officer. 2015. Interview with Senior UN Electoral Officer, carried by the author May 2015. Soares, Aderito de Jesus. 2015. Interview with Adérito de Jesus Soares, carried by the author in Canberra, 15 May 2015. S/RES/1246. 1999. Resolution 1246 (1999), Adopted by the Security Council at Its 4013th Meeting, on 11 June 1999. /RES/1272. 1999. Resolution 1272 (1999), Adopted by the Security Council at Its 4057th Meeting, on 25 October 1999. Tilman, Manuel. 2015. Interview with Manuel Tilman, carried by the author in Dili, 26 June 2015. UNTAET Directive 2002/1. 2002. Directive No. 2002/1 Fixing the Date and Official Campaign Period for the Presidential Election. UNTAET/REG/2001/2. 2001. Regulation No. 2001/2 - On the Election of a Constituent Assembly to Prepare a Constitution for an Independent and Democratic East Timor. Vasconcelos, Pedro Bacelar de. 2011. Constituição Anotada - República Democrática de Timor-Leste. Braga: Direitos Humanos - Centro de Investigação Interdisciplinar, Escola de Direito da Universidade do Minho. Wallis, Joanne. 2014, Constitution Making during State Building, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

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42 Language and cultural resources in the creation of new, diasporic spaces: young migrants from Timor-Leste in the UK Estêvão Cabral and Marilyn Martin-Jones Introduction This paper provides an account of insights emerging from sociolinguistic research in progress with young men and women from Timor-Leste who are currently living and working in Northern Ireland, in the towns of Dungannon and Cookstown. It complements and extends prior research on language practices and language values that was carried out in the town of Dungannon, with two Timorese families (Da Costa Cabral, 2010). The research questions being addressed in this current project are as follows: What are the local conditions of employment and settlement? How are the young Timorese navigating these conditions and reorienting their lives in this particular context? How have their migration trajectories shaped their linguistic repertoires? With what consequences? And, beyond the home and the workplace, what forms of social activity are emerging and what new spaces of solidarity and conviviality? How are the young people drawing on different linguistic and cultural resources as they construct new identities within these diasporic spaces? In this paper, we present preliminary findings relating to the last two research questions. We have addressed the other questions in a longer publication (Cabral and Martin-Jones, forthcoming). Our focus here will be on the emergence and increasing significance of football in the lives of the young men in our sample, and on the ways in which language and cultural resources are drawn upon in the construction of the identities of the teams and of the players. The orienting theories for this research comes from the overlapping fields of multilingualism, the sociolinguistics of globalization, and the study of language and migration. (e.g. Blommaert, 2010; Heller, 2011; Williams and Stroud, 2013). Orienting theories In the wake of globalization, we have seen an intensification and diversification of transnational population movements, along with the emergence of new diaspora. We have also seen rapidly increasing transnational connectivity via the internet, social media and mobile technology and the multiplication of opportunities for creating and sustaining local and trans-local ties. As a result, in research on multilingualism and language and migration, there has been a questioning of sociolinguistic categories and concepts conventionally used in research with groups of migrant origin. Take, for example, the use of concepts such as ‘community’ to designate people with the same country of origin, along with assumptions about linguistic and cultural homogeneity. Pratt (1987, 60) was the first to call for a decentering of the notion of ‘community’ and to argue for a move towards a ‘linguistics of contact’ which would focus on ‘modes and zones of contact between dominant and dominated groups, between persons of different and multiple identities, speakers of different languages.’ In these fields of research, there is therefore a new emphasis on diversity within, as well as across, different social groups. There is also a new focus on the creation of new zones of contact, particularly in local life worlds away from institutional settings and workplaces. Processes of social categorization and identification are seen as fluid, multifaceted and highly situated (Pavlenko and Blackledge, 2004; Martin-Jones, Blackledge and Creese 2012). Day to day language practices, in face-to-face communication or on page or screen, are seen as being closely bound up with the representation and construction of identities. Moreover, in our digital age, communication and meaning-making is seen as being increasingly multi-modal in nature (Kress 2001; Pahl 2004). In multilingual contact zones, this often involves the blending and interweaving of resources from different languages, along with ample use of other modes of communication, such as images, colour, music or cultural artefacts. In the sections that follow, we endeavour to show how and why these new ways of conceptualising language,

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communication and identity in contexts of migration are particularly relevant to our research with young Timorese migrants in Northern Ireland. The creation of a Timorese diaspora and new, post-independence migration routes The first major outward movement of Timorese came in the wake of the Indonesian invasion and occupation (1975-1999). Individuals and whole families moved, as refugees, from the territory of EastTimor to build a new life in another country (e.g. Australia or Portugal). Since Independence, there has been a new transnational pattern of labour migration: a significant number of young Timorese have been leaving Timor-Leste in search of work in Europe. On Independence, all Timorese born before May 20, 2002 were given the right to apply for Portuguese citizenship and, thus, to residence and employment in Portugal and elsewhere within the European Union (EU). Many of those who take up this entitlement seek work in other EU countries, notably the United Kingdom (UK). There are no official statistics on the numbers of Timorese currently living and working in the UK, but according to informal estimates, the overall number is circa 10,000. Their remittances (to family members in TimorLeste) are highly significant: in 2008, it was estimated that this amounted to $5 million (US dollars) a year (Shuaib 2008). There have been two overlapping routes into employment in the UK for the young migrants from Timor-Leste: some have followed the long established labour migration routes from Portugal into the rural sector. This has led to the clustering of East-Timorese migrant workers in small towns, such as Dungannon and Cookstown in Northern Ireland, where factories linked to food production (e.g. meat processing) have been established. Other Timorese have moved into larger urban areas (e.g. Oxford, Peterborough, and Northwich, near Manchester) and have found work within the service sector (e.g. supermarkets, online shopping/delivery services). Whether they are based in rural or urban areas, they occupy precarious positions with the local economy. They are generally recruited by employment agencies and are expected to work to “flexible schedules”. Research in progress in Northern Ireland Thus far, we have made two field visits to Northern Ireland: in October 2014 and in June 2015. We have conducted participant observation in different public settings e.g. in the Catholic Church in Dungannon and in local sports events. We have also carried out extended interviews, of a semistructured nature, with Timorese men and women living and working in Dungannon and in Cookstown. The interviews have been carried out primarily in Tetum. They have focused on the interviewees’ migration trajectories and on their lived experiences of migration and settlement in this rural Irish context. In addition, we have used still photography and gathered relevant artefacts and digital texts (e.g. postings on Facebook). In this paper, we draw primarily on extended interviews with 12 young men that were carried out in June 2105. All these interviews were with young men involved in Timorese football teams and clubs in and around Dungannon. Diverse origins, trajectories and communicative repertoires From our participant observation and our interviews, it is becoming clear that there is considerable diversity among the young Timorese currently living and working in Dungannon and Cookstown. They come from different districts of Timor-Leste and they speak different national languages (e.g. Fataluku, Makasae and Mambae), as well as Tetum. Since they are all between the ages of 20 and 45, they have all received their education, either solely or partly, through the medium of Bahasa Indonesia. However, some of our interviewees spent some time in Portugal –as students – before moving to Northern Ireland. These interviewees therefore had a working knowledge of Portuguese. Some of them had also learned English, at school in Timor-Leste, or in Portugal. They have also had different migration trajectories. Two of those we interviewed in June 2015 had been among the very first groups to arrive in Dungannon, in 2001 and 2002, directly from Portugal. They had found employment through an employment agency in Portugal. Others had worked in other regions of the UK before moving over to Northern Ireland and had therefore had prior exposure to

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English in the workplace. All of those who had arrived within the last few years had come directly from Timor-Leste to join friends and family who were already working in Northern Ireland. Language and cultural resources in the creation of new diasporic spaces of solidarity and conviviality: The Timorese football teams and clubs In their local life worlds, beyond the challenging conditions of their workplaces, the twelve young men we interviewed in June 2015 were creating new diaporic spaces of solidarity and conviviality, through the organisation of Timorese football teams and clubs. They were doing so in diverse ways, taking on different identities and drawing on a wide range of linguistic and cultural resources. In June 2015, there were 9 Timorese football teams in the Dungannon/Cookstown area. They are listed in Table 1 below: Table 1 – Timorese Football Team

Name of team

English translation

FC1 Lao Rai United

FC Travellers United

FC Estrela Oriente

FC Eastern Star

Fitun Unidade (based in Cookstown) FC Tahi Calu

Star United

Tetum & Portuguese

FC Rough Sea2

English & Fataluku

FC Moko United

FC Sons United

The Young Crocs

-

English & Fataluku & English English

AS Bidau

AS3 + Name of a neighbourhood in Dili, Timor-Leste

FC Matebian

FC + Name of a mountain in Timor-Leste

Ramkabian

Languages used in the name and the acronym English & Tetum & English English & Portuguese

Compound name, including three mountains in TimorLeste: Ramelau, Kablake and Matebian

The names of the teams and clubs indexed the identity of the players in different ways. The players in FC Tahi Calu and FC Moko United were mostly Fataluku speakers, from Lospalos, in the Eastern region of Timor-Leste and the names of their teams signified a regional identity. Similarly, the regional identity of the players in FC Matebian was indexed in the name of the team: they were mostly from the Baucau area, also in the east. The Young Crocs team was organised for Timorese boys aged 14-19, who were growing up in Northern Ireland. The six other teams included a mix of adult players, originating

1

Although the acronym here comes before the name and follows the word order used in the names of football clubs in the Portuguese league, according to one of the club organisers, it actually stands for the English words ‘Football Club’. 2 Literally ‘Male sea’. This name could be read as a geographical reference to the South-East of Timor-Leste, where the tides are known to be stronger. It also has a masculine connotation since, in Fataluku (as in Tetum), a ‘calm sea’ is described metaphorically as ‘female sea’; while a ‘rough sea’ is described as a ‘male sea’. We should also point out that the orthography used here is an Indonesian one. Following the Indonesian orthographic convention, the ‘C’ in ‘Calu’ should be pronounced as [č]. 3 AS is an acronym commonly used in the Italian football league (as in AS Milan), but according to one of our interviewees, it stands for the Portuguese word: Associação (Association).

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from different districts of Timor-Leste4. In these football clubs, members were represented as being Timorese and as having a shared identity. When we conducted a joint interview with the organisers of the Ramkabian club, they explained that they had included reference to three different mountains in Timor-Leste as a way of emphasising inclusivity, dealing with difference and the building of solidarity. In the words of one of the organisers: “The club is not just a football team …it is a family, more of a family than a club” (Interview with RS and HA, June 7, 2015). FC Lao Rai United was also represented in a similar way by one of the organisers. He explained to us that this football club took care of the general welfare of its players. For example, if someone needed help to pay for a return trip to Timor-Leste (e.g. for a family funeral), club funds were contributed towards the cost of the air-fare. All those associated with the club paid £10 each per month towards the running of the club. He also noted that all the football clubs had become “better organised in the last few years” (Interview with MFB, June 5, 2015). He saw the football tournaments as giving an opportunity for Timorese from different districts of Timor-Leste to get to know one another. Our interviews with club organisers gave us a window on the amount of organisation that went into the clubs (and continues to do so). Those who took on the role of ‘manager’ had to raise funding for the team and for the tournaments. They also had to book the pitches for the tournaments and hire Irish referees. In addition, they had to arrange local sponsorship. A local law firm sponsored Ramkabian and a local taxi firm in Cookstown sponsored Fitun Unidade. The sponsorship funded the purchase of football shirts, jackets along with the medals and cups for the tournaments. Each team and club had its own colours and its own logo, giving it a distinctive identity. We include in Figure 1 below, the logos for FC Lao Rai United, Ramkabian and the Young Crocs. Figure 1 - The logos for three of the football team

All these logos incorporate signs that link them to Timor-Leste. This includes: the map of Timor-Leste in the logo for FC Lao Rai United; the crocodile5 in the logo for the Young Crocs, the star from the national flag and the colours of the flag that appear in all three of the logos. Colour was used symbolically in other ways too: in the design of the football shirts, the jackets and even the ribbons for the medals and the cups – all incorporated the red, yellow, black and white of the national flag. Traditional cultural artefacts were also used as emblems of identity. For example, FC Lao Rai United had commissioned the weaving of a Timorese tais in yellow, black and white with the name of the club incorporated into it. This tais is shown in Figure 2 below. Figure 2 - A black, white and yellow tais with the name of FC Lao Rai United

4 5

While AS Bidau refers to a neighbourhood of Dili, the players actually had mixed backgrounds. The image of a crocodile is often evoked in Timor-Leste, since the land is said to have the shape of a crocodile.

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The football tournaments were scheduled to coincide with dates of national, political significance in Timor-Leste. They were held in and around two dates: August 30 (the anniversary of the Referendum in 1999 and the historic vote by the people of Timor-Leste in favour of Independence) and May 20 (the anniversary of Independence Day in 2002). In Figure 3 below, we include a photograph of the cup won by Fitun Unidade in the May 20 tournament of 2014, along with the medals won by individual players. The date of the tournament is engraved on the base of the cup. Figure 3 - The cup and medals won by Fitun Unidade during the May 20th tournament in 2014

This brief glimpse at the ethnographic, textual and visual data that we have gathered reveals that Timorese identities were being constructed in multi-faceted ways in the linguistic and cultural practices of the football clubs. Occasional visual symbols of heritage (the tais and the crocodile) were interwoven with symbols of national identity (the star and the colours of the flag) and with the language and symbols of international football league culture. While some of the names of clubs asserted a regional identity in Timor-Leste, using particular languages or names of places, others espoused a national identity, using Tetum or Portuguese. The name of the Young Crocs team was all in English, indexing the fact that the boys were growing up in Northern Ireland but had a heritage link to Timor-Leste. As shown in Table 1, the naming practices were creative, multilingual and quite hybrid in nature, again reflecting the worlds of international football, and the interests of the founders of each of the clubs. Thus, the term ‘United’ is commonly used in the names of football clubs in the Anglophone world. ‘AS’ is an acronym that, apparently stands for the Portuguese word ‘Associação’ (Association) and ‘Unidade’ (Unity/United) is clearly Portuguese. The actual names of the teams and club were in Tetum, Fataluku, Portuguese or English, with the exception of Ramkabian (the compound name). Despite this diversity in the team-specific practices of identification, the scheduling of the tournaments around dates of national significance in Timor-Leste brought all the clubs together in sports events where, in this rural Irish context, they were seen as part of one diasporic ‘community’, 269

with its origins in the nation of Timor-Leste. Details of these tournaments were regularly posted on Facebook and viewed by friends and family members in Timor-Leste and in other regions of the UK. In 2014, one of the teams (FC Lao Rai United) extended its range of football fixtures by travelling to England to play a Timorese team in the town of Northwich, just south of Manchester. In doing so, they created a new diasporic space of solidarity and conviviality. Contact with this Northwich team had been made through Facebook. There was also ample coverage of the actual match, in photographs and video postings on Facebook, along with photographs of the festivities that followed the match.

Concluding comments Despite the challenging conditions of employment and settlement that they have encountered in Northern Ireland, the young Timorese men that we interviewed in June 2015 have recently found a way of creating spaces of solidarity and conviviality through active participation in these football clubs. The clubs provide a means of navigating difference, building new friendships and enacting a shared diasporic identity, oriented to the nation of Timor-Leste. The research we are presenting here was carried out in just one setting in the UK where there are significant numbers of young Timorese. The next step must be to move towards multi-sited ethnographic work, along the lines anticipated by Marcus (1995) and Hannerz (2003), and to work with young Timorese residing and working in other regions of the UK, in other rural or urban settings. Some of this research will, inevitably include “virtual ethnography” (Kelly Holmes and Lenihan, 2010), given the significance of mobile technology and the use of social media in the lives of Timorese within the diaspora. Research along these lines would enable us to capture commonalities and differences in the ways in which other diasporic spaces are being established, and the ways in which language and multimodal forms of communication are mediating processes of identification in those spaces. Bibliography Blommaert, J. 2010, The sociolinguistics of globalization, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Cabral, E. and Martin-Jones, M., [forthcoming], ‘Moving north and re-mooring in new, diasporic spaces: language and cultural resources in the trajectories of East-Timorese in the UK’, in Kerfoot, C. and Hyltenstam, K. (eds) Entangled discourses, south-north orders of visibility. Routledge, New York. Da Costa Cabral, I. 2010, From Dili to Dungannon: a case study of two bilingual migrant families from EastTimor. Unpublished MA thesis, University of Birmingham, UK. Hannerz, U. 2003, ‘Being there...and there...and there! Reflections on multi-site ethnography’, Ethnography 4(2): 201-216. Heller, M. 2011, Paths to post-nationalism: a critical ethnography of language and identity, Oxford University Press, Oxford. Kelly Holmes, H. and Lenihan, A. 2016, ‘Virtual ethnographic approaches to researching multilingualism online’, in Martin-Jones, M. and Martin, D. (eds) Researching multilingualism: critical and ethnographic perspectives, Routledge, Abingdon, Oxon. Marcus, G.A. 1995, ‘Ethnography in/of the world system: the emergence of multi-site ethnography’, Annual Review of Anthropology, 24: 95-117. Martin-Jones, M., Blackledge, A. and Creese, A. 2012, ‘Introduction: a sociolinguistics of multilingualism for our times’, in Martin-Jones, M., A. Blackledge and A. Creese (eds) Handbook of multilingualism, Routledge: Abdingdon, Oxon. Pahl, K. 2004 ‘Narratives, artefacts and cultural identities: an ethnographic study of communicative practices in homes’ Linguistics and Education, 15: 339-358. Pavlenko, A. and Blackledge, A. (eds.) 2004, Negotiation of identities in multilingual contexts, Multilingual Matters, Clevedon, Avon. Pratt, M-L. 1987, ‘Linguistic utopias’, in Fabb, N. etal. (eds) The linguistics of writing: arguments between language and literature, Manchester University Press, Manchester. Shuaib, F. 2008, East Timor Country Report. Canberra, Australia: Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. http://aid.dfat.gov.au/Publications/Documents/etimor_study.pdf – accessed 9/3/ 2014 Williams, Q. & Stroud, C. 2013, Multilingualism in transformative spaces: Contact and conviviality. Language Policy 12: 289-311.

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43 Towards an integrated and accessible mental health care system in Timor Leste Ritsuko Kakuma, Susana Barnes, Herculano Seixas dos Santos and Lisa Palmer Introduction This paper reports on preliminary research carried out by an inter-disciplinary Australian and East Timorese research team which aims to 1) assist the Timorese Ministry of Health (MoH), Timorese NGOs and local communities to develop, deliver and evaluate accessible, culturally sensitive and integrative mental health services; and 2) contribute to the development of more integrated and sustainable health sector policies globally. Three key findings from the preliminary study were 1) the importance of traditional healers and customary practices in the success of mainstream treatment for any health condition; 2) the need to fully understand customary practices, underlying principles and traditional healers’ perspectives about health and mainstream health services, to build effective partnerships with the traditional healer community and to carry out an ethnographic study of their practices; and 3) given the sensitivities and complexities about culture, belief systems and mental health, collaboration with East Timorese researchers is a critical component of advancing knowledge in this field. Mental Health in Timor Leste Health is a ‘state of complete physical, mental and social well-being, and not merely the absence of disease’ (World Health Organization). Mental health is not just the absence of mental disorder. It is defined as ‘a state of wellbeing in which every individual realizes his or her own potential, can cope with the normal stresses of life, can work productively and fruitfully, and is able to make a contribution to her or his community’ (World Health Organization 2014). Mental, neurological, and substance use disorders are common worldwide and contribute 10.3% of the global burden of disease (Murray et al. 2013). In Timor Leste, an epidemiological study undertaken in 2004 suggests that the percentage of persons with severe and disabling mental disorders needing urgent treatment varies between 2.0% and 2.8% of the adult population (Silove et al. 2008). Data from the Ministry of Health indicates a steady rise in mental illness caseload from 2,109 cases identified between 2004 – 2007 to 2,855 cases in 2008 and 3,743 in 2009. Of the 2009 caseload, 33% had a primary diagnosis of psychosis followed by 22% of cases of epilepsy (Ministry of Health Timor Leste 2010). Mental health services in Timor Leste Timor Leste has continued to strengthen its mental health care system every year. Prior to independence, no state-sponsored mental health services were available in the country. Since then, considerable effort has been made towards the provision of a community-based services that are integrated into the mainstream health sector (Ministry of Health Timor Leste 2010). All basic health services, including mental health services are provided through the Ministry of Health (Hawkins 2010). There is one national hospital located in Dili at which the only psychiatrist in the country is based, one large regional hospital in Baucau and four smaller hospitals in Suai, Maubisse, Bobonaro and Oecussi. None of these hospitals are able to provide inpatient mental health care. The only inpatient mental health care facility in the country is the Centro São João de Deus run by the order of Brothers Hospitallers (A Ordem Hospitaleira de S. João de Deus). At sub-national level, each of the 13 districts has a district health office that coordinates clinical services for the area. These services are provided to the population through a network of 65 community health centres (CHCs, one per sub-district) that provide primary health services, out-patient clinics, simple lab testing, health promotion and preventative healthcare (immunisations); only 8 CHCs have inpatient services. There are also 193 health posts located across the country that are generally staffed by midwives and nurses and can provide basic medications but not laboratory or in-patient services. In addition, a community-based service (Community Health Services, Saude na Familia) makes monthly 272

visits to each village to deliver health promotion, nutrition interventions, maternal and child healthcare, infectious disease control and environmental healthcare. It is within these community health services that basic mental health services are provided. Each district has an allocated mental health worker with basic training in mental health and a background in nursing or public health. Primary health care doctors and nurses are authorised to prescribe and/or renew prescriptions for some psychotherapeutic medicines. Primary health care nurses with mental health training are also authorised to diagnose or treat mental disorders. Referrals for initial assessment can be made to counsellors working with one of two non-governmental organisations providing specific mental health services (PRADET based in Dili and the Centro São João de Deus in Laclubar). Priests and nuns in the Catholic Church also provide informal care through a range of pastoral services. In terms of training, the majority of primary health care doctors have not received official in-service training on mental health within the last five years, whereas the majority of primary health care nurses have. Official referral procedures for referring persons from primary care to secondary/tertiary care exist, as outlined in the National Mental Health Strategy 2011-2015, as do referral procedures from tertiary/secondary care to primary care. How well this has been implemented, however, is currently unknown. The role of traditional healing in mental health Transcultural psychiatric studies have long shown that culture provides the context in which an illness is experienced, and shapes an individual’s illness explanatory model that affects his or her interpretation of symptoms (Kleinman 1980; Mitchelle 1982; Wong 2010). Studies in low- and middle-income countries have consistently shown that individuals with mental disorders typically seek traditional and religious healers before going to a doctor or mental health specialist (Mkize & Uys 2004; Bekele et al. 2009; Giasuddin et al. 2012; Adeosun et al. 2013). The consequent delays in seeking appropriate mental health care can have significant detrimental effects on the mentally ill individual. In Timor Leste, customary health and healing practices are deeply embedded in the interrelationships between people, the ancestors and the environment. While these ancestral traditions can also be characterised as nominally animist, since the time of Indonesian occupation the majority of Timorese have also converted to Catholicism (Durand 2004).1 In more urban contexts in particular, approaches to health and healing have been shaped by the influence of Christianity and in particular charismatic (and universalising) faith-healing practices common to both the Catholic and Protestant traditions. It is therefore understandable that customary practices can influence the outcomes of formal health interventions. Family and community bear the greatest responsibility for care of the mentally ill (Silove et al. 2008; Government of the Democratic Republic of Timor Leste 2010; Ministry of Health Timor Leste 2010) and at this level, customary health and healing practices often operate as complementary care to formal health services (McWilliam 2008). A 2004 epidemiological study found that 73% of those with clinical diagnosis of psychotic and non-psychotic disorders attributed their condition to ‘supernatural’ causes. Of those diagnosed with psychotic disorders, 81% consulted a traditional healer (Silove et al. 2008). The role of customary practices and strong customary social bonds in supporting mental health disorders requires further investigation (Loch 2007; McWilliam 2008). Towards an integrated and accessible mental health care system in Timor Leste

1

Prior to 1975, the Catholic population is estimated to have ranged from 15-30%, during the occupation (19751999) this rose to over 90% (Durand 2004). There are many reasons for this increase, not least the requirement in the Indonesian constitution (put in place under the anti-communist regime of President Suharto, 1966-1999) that citizens must ascribe to one of the world's five major religions: Islam, Hinduism, Christian Protestantism, Christian Catholicism and Buddhism. During the occupation, the choice of the vast majority of the population to become Catholic (rather than something else) was partly historical and partly due to the support the church gave to the Timorese resistance (pers. comm. Balthasar Kehi 2014). Nevertheless, there were also many personal reasons for conversion during this time and many people made the choice out of personal faith.

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The Timorese Government aims to “provide holistic, safe, effective, high quality mental health care for all Timorese to meet their health needs, following international standards of care” (Ministry of Health Timor Leste 2010). To do so, the National Mental Health Strategy 2011-2015 set out several ambitious objectives including 1) the implementation of community-based service that is integrated into the mainstream health program, and is accessible, responsive and at no cost to the population; 2) the implementation of a crisis response plan for those with no immediate accommodation or family support; 3) maintenance and annual review of psychotropic medication on the National Essential Drugs List; 4) distribution and delegation of service delivery across agencies; 5) availability of adequately trained and permanently employed mental health staff; 6) provision of ongoing training, supervision and peer support; 7) inter-sectoral collaboration and coordination; and 8) the adoption of a comprehensive approach to therapeutic interventions (i.e. not restricted to drug therapy), with a strong focus on counselling and family involvement that is consistent with indigenous models of care. In aiming for an approach that is consistent with indigenous models of care, Timor Leste is one of the few countries actively searching for strategies to integrate traditional/faith-based care into mainstream health care. Objectives This preliminary research aimed to strengthen current knowledge of customary health and healing practices and their roles in relation to mental health care with a view to assisting the East Timorese Ministry of Health, and in particular the Department of Mental Health, in its objective to provide integrated mental health services. Methods Focus group discussions (FGDs) were conducted in Dili and Baucau in Timor Leste in 2014- 2015. Adults (18 years or older) representing one of eight stakeholder groups were invited to participate in the study. These groups were: 1) Policy makers and senior management staff within MoH; 2) Service providers/case workers managed by the Ministry of Health; 3) Service providers/case workers managed by NGOs; 4) Traditional healers; 5) Church healers; 6) Day clinic staff; 7) Women’s support group members; and 8) Service users/families. Five to ten individuals were included in each focus group. Data collection and analysis The FGDs explored the following 6 key themes: 1) Understanding of mental health and mental illness; 2) Approaches/interventions to manage mental disorders; 3) Becoming a customary health practitioner; 4) Strengths and weaknesses of customary approaches to mental health; 5) Acceptability of integrating customary approaches to mental health care system; and 6) Engagement and linkages between traditional and modern health sector policies and practice. All FGDs were conducted in the local language (mostly Tetum), with the assistance of an interpreter, and each FGD lasted approximately two hours. All FGDs were audio recorded and a framework approach was used to analyse the data. Results Types of informal healer and healing practices The research identified a range of different types of informal healer and healing practices currently in use in Timor Leste. Customary approaches to healing are generally either associated with the uma lulik (sacred ancestral house) and/or nature spirits. Informal healers also operate within both the Catholic and Protestant traditions as well as within the Chinese-Timorese and Islamic communities. In Timor-Leste both male and female informal healers can be found. Different types of healing practice draw on different world-views and consequently employ different diagnostic techniques and treatment approaches. Some healers for example choose to observe their client before making a diagnosis, others listen to life histories, and others still may use a combination of divination and augury techniques. Customary and other informal healers use a complex 274

vocabulary for describing mental illness, including symptoms and causes. Different therapies or treatments are recommended based on diagnosis including: prayer, the laying on of hands, animal sacrifice, the preparation of herbal medicines or a call to repair social relations and repay debts to ancestors, family, and between wife-givers and wife-takers. The research also found that informal healers are the ‘first-line’ or first recourse in pathways to healing. Although no formal avenues for interaction between informal healers and the mainstream health service exist, they are nevertheless aware of each other and often communicate with each other in practice. In some cases, informal healers will refer patients to mainstream health care, while in other cases they receive those for whom mainstream care was not successful. Some, but not all, informal healers get paid for their services and all participants (including healers) acknowledged that there are charlatans who over-charge and in some cases abuse their clients. Participants reported that patients and families tend to seek all possible pathways to healing. Informal healers and healing practices were reported as playing a key role in ‘opening the path’ for healing before seeking treatment through the formal health sector. Positive and negative aspects of informal healers and healing practices The research found both positive and negative aspects associated with informal healers and healing practices. On the positive side, patients and families are more likely to believe and trust informal healers. In approaching informal healers, they demonstrate a desire to take responsibility for themselves and seek diagnosis/treatment. In doing so they are also more likely to address any problematic relations within the family and others which may influence long-term health outcomes. On the other hand, stakeholders from the formal sector felt that informal healers and healing practices could provide shortterm fixes but not provide long-term treatment or solutions. Informal care was reported to have a higher financial cost and its unregulated nature was perceived to be more vulnerable to harmful practices and abuse. It was also felt that dissatisfaction with the informal sector delayed engagement with the formal health service, resulting in their conditions being more severe when they arrive to the formal sector. Impressions from the formal sector Stakeholders from the formal sector in the public and NGO sector stressed the need to respect patient and family choices in relation to informal healers and healing practices. They suggested that they could not force or oblige people to operate within the formal sector but can only inform and educate. They expressed a need and desire for the formal sector to build trust with the informal sector and sharing knowledge about mental health and informal healing practices. Those operating the formal health system called for more training and resources for mental health in particular in relation to ways of combining therapy and medication. They also highlighted the need for a reliable supply of medication. The way forward Finally, stakeholders suggested that more detailed research to identify beneficial and harmful practices and build up knowledge and understanding of informal diagnostics, therapy and treatments is necessary and this cannot be achieved without dialogue and collaboration between the formal and informal ‘mental health’ sectors. In the meantime, there is an ongoing need to educate – raise awareness of mental illness and pathways to healing. Discussion The findings clearly indicate the need for both formal and informal health systems and this is reflected in Government’s policies, such as the National Mental Health Strategy 2011-2015 that calls for an integrated and comprehensive health system that embraces both modern and indigenous models of care (Ministry of Health Timor Leste 2010). The findings are also consistent with international experience in that in many countries people seek out traditional and religious healers before consulting a doctor or mental health specialist. Historically the formal and informal sectors have worked independently of each other. While each sector has its pros and cons, coordination and collaboration of care across these two sectors can be complimentary and could enable a more comprehensive, effective and efficient community-based set of services that better meet the needs of the population while respecting/protecting local customs. 275

For instance, the formal health care system may be able to improve and/or cure some health problems but they are poorly resourced and the service providers generally have inadequate training. The ‘formal’ system is also a relatively ‘new’ approach/paradigm to health for many people in Timor Leste and therefore not yet fully understood and trusted. Many services were introduced based on international best practices but have not been tailored adequately to the Timorese context and are often delivered in settings that are strange and uncomfortable to the patients. And hospitals, by definition, are places for people who are ill and should be avoided if possible. It is therefore understandable that they are scary for many people. Formal health care is not available or accessible for many people in the country and the services are primarily curative in focus rather than preventative or recovery-oriented. Alternative models of care, including customary practices have their own set of challenges in that most people providing alternative care in Timor Leste are not aware of or trained in mental health and often deliver ineffective ‘treatments’ which delay going to the clinic. With delays in treatment seeking and/or sometimes harmful customary practices, a person’s condition is often worse by the time they seek care at a clinic or hospital. However, if appropriately trained and supported, alternative care providers such as traditional healers and customary practices have many advantages that enables them to play a key role in mental health service delivery. For instance, customary practices tend to be holistic in its approach. They are also more accessible because 1) there are greater numbers of traditional healers compared to health providers in the country; 2) they are generally trusted by the community members; and 3) they are based in the community. Customary practices are also a more acceptable model of care by community members because of its close alignment with traditional beliefs and are in fact considered essential by most people to opening the pathway to healing. If the pathway to healing is blocked, then any kind of treatment will not be effective. While opening the pathway to healing is a critical part of health and healing, there are potentially other roles that traditional healers can play in mental health service delivery. An effective mental health care system requires appropriate and timely mental health promotion, prevention, early detection, diagnosis, treatment, rehabilitation and social support (World Health Organization 2010, World Health Organization 2013). Treatment must include both pharmacological and non-pharmacological interventions such as psychoeducation and psychotherapy (e.g., behavioural activation, cognitive behaviour therapy, interpersonal therapy, etc.) and recovery must include rehabilitation and social support to facilitate reintegration back home, at school, at work, and in the community (Patel et al. 2007). While the ability to provide such non-pharmacological services are desirable for many current mental health officers in Timor Leste, most do not have such training and there is currently insufficient human resource capacity to provide such support. The shortage of mental health specialists is not specific to Timor Leste. No nation has sufficient human resources to meet all of the mental health needs of its citizens and most low- and middle-income countries face significant shortages (Kakuma et al. 2011; Scheffler et al. 2011). Most countries will never have enough specialists and therefore strategies that effectively make the best use of specialists and mobilises other human resources, across sectors and systems (health and non-health, formal and informal, private sector, industry, community members) - known as task-shifting - are essential to develop adequate human resources to meet mental health care needs (Kakuma et al. 2011). While some tasks require specialists such as psychiatrists, neurologists and psychologists, other tasks can be delivered by non-specialists. For instance, general physicians, nurses and community volunteer workers can be trained to detect, diagnose and treat common and less complex disorders such as mood and behavioural disorders while the specialists focus on diagnosis and treatment of more severe and complex cases. Similarly, community members, traditional healers, faith-based healers, teachers etc can be trained to detect and refer someone with a potential mental disorder to a clinic or hospital, to use a screening tool, to provide basic counselling, to follow up to makes sure they are taking their medications properly and practicing other recovery-regimes such as self-monitoring, continuing their therapy etc. Given the significant financial and human resource constraints in the public system in Timor Leste, traditional healers can play a key role in contributing to mental health care. However, collaboration between formal health system and traditional healers can be quite challenging. International evidence has consistently shown poor relationships between traditional healers and mental health professionals due to a variety of reasons including deeply embedded conceptualisations about 276

mental disorders and its causes which conflict with biomedical models, and mutual lack of trust, respect, consideration and understanding of their respective models of care. (Sorsdahl et al. 2009; K. Sorsdahl et al. 2010; K. R. Sorsdahl et al. 2010; Sorsdahl et al. 2012; Sorsdahl et al. 2013). Despite such challenges, such collaboration is feasible. While there is currently no formal mechanism for collaboration for mental health care (Silove et al. 2008; Hawkins 2010), this has been done in maternal reproductive health, where traditional birth attendants were introduced to perform a range of tasks including outreach and case finding, health and patient education, referrals, home visits and care management (Ribeiro Sarmento 2014). Through this collaboration, traditional birth attendants significantly improved their knowledge, attitude, and behaviour and their capacity to provide appropriate advice for antenatal care. Furthermore, this new model of care has increased access to reproductive health services particular for women in rural communities and reduced maternal mortality rates. The emphasis on the need for mental health services to be aligned with customary models of care and the experiences of establishing partnerships with traditional birth attendants provides a unique and timely opportunity to establish an effective collaborative mechanism between traditional healers and the formal mental health care system. In fact, initiatives to foster respectful and considerate dialogue to better understand both perspectives have begun. The Ministry of Health organised a Forum in July 2015, in collaboration with the University of Melbourne, which brought together over 60 government, international, academic and community stakeholders, including traditional healers. This Forum aimed to stimulate dialogue on mental health policy and practice in Timor Leste and consider how inter-sectoral partnerships might be realized to build an integrated system of care. An enactment by the traditional healers of current customary practices and role play based on their interactions with local and district mental health nurses was a highlight of the Forum and produced lively discussion regarding the capacity building and research needs and policy changes required to develop an integrated approach to mental health care in Timor Leste. The demonstrated openness and desire to dialogue and engage between the formal and informal sector suggests that Timor Leste is in an ideal position to take lead in this area for both research and development. Bibliography Adeosun, II, Adegbohun, A. A., Adewumi, T. A. and Jeje, O. O. 2013, 'The Pathways to the First Contact with Mental Health Services among Patients with Schizophrenia in Lagos, Nigeria', Schizophr Res Treatment, 2013: 769161. Bekele, Y. Y., Flisher, A. J., Alem, A. and Baheretebeb, Y. 2009, 'Pathways to psychiatric care in Ethiopia', Psychological Medicine, 39(3): 475-83. Durand, F. (2004) Catholicisme et protestantisme dans l'île de Timor 1556-2003: construction d'une identité chrétienne et engagement politique contemporain, Editions Arkuiris ed., Toulouse: IRASEC. Giasuddin, N. A., Chowdhury, N. F., Hashimoto, N., Fujisawa, D. and Waheed, S. 2012, 'Pathways to psychiatric care in Bangladesh', Soc Psychiatry Psychiatr Epidemiol, 47(1): 129-36. Government of the Democratic Republic of Timor Leste (2010) Census 2010, Dili, Timor Leste. Hawkins, Z. 2010, 'A decade of mental health services in Timor-Leste', International Psychiatry, 7(1): 11-3. Kakuma, R. et al. 2011, 'Human resources for mental health care: current situation and strategies for action', Lancet, 378(9803): 1654-63. Kleinman, A. 1980, Patients and Healers in the Context of Culture, University of California Press, California. Loch, A. 2007, Haus, Handy & Halleluja: Psychosoziale Rekonstruktion in Osttimor: Eine Ethnopsychologische Studie zur Postkonfliktuosen Dynamik im Spannungsfeld von Identitat, Trauma, Kultur und Entwicklung., Frankfurt: IKO. McWilliam, A. 2008, 'Fataluku Healing and Cultural Resilience in East Timor', Ethnos, 73(2): 217-240. Ministry of Health Timor Leste 2010, National Mental Health Strategy 2011-2015 for a mentally healthy TimorLeste. Mitchelle, D. 1982, Indonesian Medical Traditions: Bringing Together the Old and the New, Centre for South East Asian Studies, Monash University, Melbourne.. Mkize, L. P. and Uys, L. R. 2004, 'Pathways to mental health care in KwaZulu--Natal', Curationis, 27(3): 62-71. Murray, C. J. et al. 2013, 'Disability-adjusted life years (DALYs) for 291 diseases and injuries in 21 regions, 1990-2010: a systematic analysis for the Global Burden of Disease Study 2010', Lancet 380(9859): 2197223. Patel, V. et al. 2007, 'Treatment and prevention of mental disorders in low-income and middle-income countries', Lancet, 370(9591), 991-1005.

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Ribeiro Sarmento, D. 2014, 'Traditional Birth Attendance (TBA) in a health system: what are the roles, benefits and challenges: A case study of incorporated TBA in Timor-Leste', Asia Pac Fam Med, 13(1): 12. Scheffler, R. M. et al. (2011) Human resources for mental health: workforce shortages in low- and middle-income countries, World Health Organization, Geneva. Silove, D. et al. 2008, 'Estimating clinically relevant mental disorders in a rural and an urban setting in postconflict Timor Leste', Arch Gen Psychiatry, 65(10): 1205-12. Sorsdahl, K., Stein, D. J. and Flisher, A. J. 2010, 'Traditional healer attitudes and beliefs regarding referral of the mentally ill to Western doctors in South Africa', Transcultural Psychiatry, 47(4): 591-609. Sorsdahl, K., Stein, D. J. and Flisher, A. J. 2013, 'Predicting referral practices of traditional healers of their patients with a mental illness: an application of the Theory of Planned Behaviour', Afr J Psychiatry (Johannesbg), 16(1): 35-40. Sorsdahl, K. et al. 2009, 'Traditional healers in the treatment of common mental disorders in South Africa', J Nerv Ment Dis, 197(6): 434-41. Sorsdahl, K. R., Flisher, A. J., Wilson, Z. and Stein, D. J. 2010, 'Explanatory models of mental disorders and treatment practices among traditional healers in Mpumulanga, South Africa', African Journal of Psychiatry, 13(4): 284-290. Sorsdahl, K. R., Kakuma, R., Wilson, Z. and Stein, D. J. 2012, 'The internalized stigma experienced by members of a mental health advocacy group in South Africa', International Journal of Social Psychiatry, 58(1): 55-61. Wong, C. 2010, 'Cultural influence on psychoeducation in Hong Kong', International Psychiatry, 7: 20-21. World Health Organization Mental Health [online], available: http://www.who.int/topics/mental_health/en/ World Health Organization 2010, mhGAP intervention guide for mental, neurological and substance use disorders in non-specialized health settings: mental health Gap Action Programme, World Health Organization, Geneva. --- 2013 Mental Health Action Plan 2013-2020, World Health Organization, Geneva. --- 2014 Mental health: a state of well-being, available: http://www.who.int/features/factfiles/mental_health/en/

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44 Considerations for marketing Timor-Leste as a tourist destination Sara Currie In a recent speech on tourism, Prime Minister Rui de Araújo (2015) argued that the government of Timor-Leste is ‘committed to breathing new life into this sector so as to improve the socio-economic standard of our people.’ However although sustainable and socially responsible tourism has been a priority in Timor-Leste since independence (Cabasset-Semedo 2009, 216), annual tourist figures remain low. While many factors contribute to this, one major impediment is the image of Timor-Leste as a ‘dangerous place’, as purported by the travel advisory warnings of many developed nations (Carlos and Carlos 2011). The current DFAT warning for Australians in Timor-Leste is to ‘exercise a high degree of caution... because of the uncertain security situation’ (smartraveller.gov.au 2015). Former President Ramos-Horta claims this is ‘blatantly and maliciously misleading’, given the country has been peaceful and stable since 2008 with a very low incidence of violent crime (Ramos-Horta 2015). For many post-conflict destinations, image can be impacted by negative stereotypes and prejudices (Amujo and Otubanjo 2012, 89) created over many years and reinforced in the public mind by sensationalised media coverage (Avraham and Ketter 2013, 146). The image of a nation as ‘politically unstable’ can become an institutionalised barrier to tourism development, regardless of whether perceptions are worse than reality (Novelli et al. 2012, 1461). To date it has proved very difficult for Timor-Leste to overcome its negative and outdated image. For negatively viewed nations, marketing is seen as vital in repairing post-conflict image, as it emphasises the three R’s: recovery, rebuilding, and re-imagining (Volcic et al. 2013, 729). For TimorLeste, marketing the country for tourism could not only promote the nation as a beautiful and peaceful destination, but in doing so, counterbalance the persistent negative stereotypes and replace the past media coverage with new and positive associations. This in turn can help grow a much-wanted tourism industry that can create jobs, build businesses, create income for national and local economics, improve regional economic imbalances (Timor-Leste-Government 2011, 141) and reduce poverty (Araújo 2015). To date marketing and promotional attempts in Timor-Leste have been fragmented. A ‘Turismo Timor-Leste’ logo was developed by a Portuguese agency in 2005, though lacked stakeholder consultation in its design and is now infrequently and inconsistently used. In 2011, the government invested in tourism marketing when a former Miss Australia controversially secured a lucrative tourism contract (Whyte 2011, 26), however this yielded minimal results. The Strategic Development Plan 2011-2030, the most recent planning document to date for tourism in Timor-Leste, insists that: “an international tourist marketing strategy will be developed to promote Timor-Leste as a preferred destination for travel” (Timor-Leste Government 2011, 149), however it fails to detail the specifics of the Timor-Leste product and the implications for marketing these attributes internationally. Given marketing is about promoting the ‘authenticity of a unique place’ (Morgan et al., 2003, 287), a cursory understanding of a destination’s strengths as ‘tropical waters rich in marine life, white sand beaches, spectacular mountain ranges’ (Timor-Leste Government 2011, 141) will not suffice. While these attributes are undoubtedly part of the Timor-Leste tourism product, they are not sufficiently nuanced to differentiate the destination from its competitors. Furthermore, tourism promotion is essentially the packaging of imagined people, places and experiences (Rogal 2012, 49) that propels tourists into illusion, fantasy, and seduction (Urry 2002). Tourism marketing, if not sensitively developed, risks reinforcing historically embedded colonial myths (Amoamo 2007, 456). Therefore, a consultative and complex understanding of the nation’s environmental, cultural and historic attributes is essential, to avoid commodifying the tourist product and stereotypically representing the nation of Timor-Leste. This article therefore presents research conducted from 2013 to 2015 with key tourism stakeholders within Timor-Leste. The purpose of the research was to better understand the nation’s attributes from which it could be then possible to develop a strategy for tourism marketing and assist the government in promoting Timor-Leste.

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Methodology A total of 56 tourism stakeholders in Timor-Leste were consulted as part of this research. Interviews were qualitative and semi-structured with most lasting between one and one and a half hours. Purposive sampling was used to ensure accurate representation of stakeholders from all tourism sectors and geographic representation across Timor-Leste. In total the study comprised stakeholders from government, NGOs, education and the private sector, which included tour operators, hotel owners and airlines. Seniority and a strong understanding of an organisation was a leading factor in selecting a research participant, the only exception being tourism students who are considered ‘emerging’ tourism leaders. 1. Natural assets It is not surprising that as a tropical island, boasting beaches, marine life, rainforests and rugged mountain ranges, the natural environment is a crucial selling point for Timor-Leste. Nearly 90% of all stakeholders interviewed named ‘nature’ as a core strength of the Timor-Leste tourism ‘product’. This supports recent research conducted by the Asia Foundation, which found that 90% of tourists to TimorLeste participate in activities relating to the country’s biodiversity and natural environment (Rajalingam 2014, 8). However, while nature-based tourism is important for emerging destinations (Zhao and Li 2006, 207), questions have been raised about its sustainability. As Jansen (2008, 136) argues, a significant increase in tourist numbers can eventually destroy the natural environments that were the tourist attraction in the first place. Thus care should be taken to determine the type and number of tourists Timor-Leste wishes to attract, particularly given that, at present, there is limited government policy surrounding the management of natural assets. One natural asset that presents an important marketing opportunity for Timor-Leste is its marine environment. The nation lies within the ‘Coral Triangle’, one of the world’s most bio-diverse areas of coral and reef fish (Teutsch 2008, 4). Not only are the reefs bio-diverse, they are also largely unspoiled, given that for decades tourism to Timor-Leste has been underexploited (Rohner 2006, 113). The sea here is unique; the channel here is unique, and there’s a current that’s keeping reefs at constant temperatures, so we’re not seeing sea-warming impact as much … They’re finding biodiversity here is very special; it’s one of the richest places in the coral triangle (Interview with author, Baucau, December 2013). A 2009 report into the marine ecotourism potential in Timor-Leste found there to be ‘globally significant marine wildlife’ and coral reefs that are ‘highly accessible, intact and characterised by high marine diversity’ (Edyvane et al. 2009, 18). Since Timor-Leste’s north coast sits on the edge of the Wetar Strait, a marine trench approximately 3km deep, it provides a corridor for migrating whales, dolphins, turtles, tuna, sailfish and stingrays. Similarly grazing dugongs, mantas and eagle rays can be found in waters just east of Dili (Edyvane et al. 2009, 34). It’s the only place in the world where the species of the northern hemisphere are co-habituating with the species of the southern hemisphere (Interview with author, Dili, November 2013). Unfortunately, the marine environment is also extremely fragile. Reefs can be easily damaged if tourism numbers, and therefore fishing and diving boats, begin to increase. As Zhao and Li (2006) argue, loose policy in third world nations around nature-based activities, such as scuba diving, poaching and touring ecologically sensitive zones, can allow multinationals to take advantage and over-promote such forms of tourism, despite their long-term environmental impact (Zhao and Li 2006, 207). Once the tourism product has been exploited, the destination's residents are left with little alternative but to suffer the consequences of bad environmental practices (Chok et al. 2007, 154). Therefore, tourism promotion must be accompanied by strong government policy to protect the marine environment and determine the type and amount of tourism that is permitted. For a small island state such as Timor-Leste, the beach is undoubtedly an important natural asset. The Asia Foundation survey revealed that ‘beach leisure’ is the most common activity undertaken by tourists whilst in-country (Rajalingam 2014, 10). However, although the government currently markets ‘white sand beaches’ in tourism brochures and the Strategic Development Plan 2011-2030 (Timor-Leste Government 2011, 141), the reality is that these beaches are the exception and difficult to reach. If you are looking for nice beaches, this is not perhaps the best country. Because most are not white sand 280

beaches, they’re not really black but brown. And especially Europeans they don’t like this – even with clear waters (Interview with author, Dili, October 2014). Furthermore, from a marketing perspective, promoting islands solely based on ‘sun, sea and sand’, (otherwise known as 3S marketing) is risky. Beaches are not unique to a particular nation (Harrison-Walker 2011, 137) and can render island nations as indistinguishable from one another (Morgan et al. 2003, 286) leading to easy substitution if natural disasters or political problems occur (Pratt 2013, 607). Fortunately, Timor-Leste has an opportunity to diverge from developing a stereotypical representation of a ‘tropical island paradise’ (D'Hauteserre 2011, 383) and distinguish itself from other island destinations. Indeed, many tourists now seek more than ‘passive sun-lust’, preferring education and experiencing the cultural and historical attributes of a destination (Poon 1993, 114; Lewis-Cameron and Roberts 2010, 13). Given many of Timor-Leste’s natural attractions are also rich in heritage, a depiction of the depth and story behind each asset can provide a more compelling basis for marketing as opposed to just images of white sand beaches. While the coastal and marine environments are often viewed as the core natural attributes of island destinations, Timor-Leste also boasts a stunning in-land environment with tall mountain peaks. Its tallest mountain, Mt. Ramelau, stands at 2,963m (CIA 2015), making it taller than Mt. Kosciusko in Australia and, at the time of Portuguese occupation, the highest peak in any Portuguese colony (RamosHorta 1987). These mountain ranges also hold important historical significance, having sheltered Australian soldiers during the Second World War and resistance fighters during the Indonesian occupation. Developing a ‘war-time’ hike presents an opportunity for tourism promotion in TimorLeste. In Papua New Guinea, for example, wartime history has ‘captured the Australian imagination’ and every year five thousand Australians walk the mentally and physically challenging Kokoda Track (Department of Veterans' Affairs 2015). While these natural attractions provide an important attribute in the Timor-Leste product, many of the natural sites are little known, hard to reach and inadequately developed for tourists. The Morobo Hot Springs, for example, could be ideally promoted for tourism, given its beauty and historic significance, however although the Strategic Development Plan 2011-2030 suggests tourists access the springs ‘by travelling along a spectacular mountain road’ (Timor-Leste-Government 2011, 149) in reality the terrain is treacherous and there is limited signage outside Dili. At the same time, from a marketing perspective, the ruggedness of the Timor-Leste landscape is also part of its attraction, as it will appeal to adventurous and intrepid tourists. Target market selection will be important to ensure the right demographic is approached and tourists are not disappointed on arrival if attractions are difficult to reach. Stakeholders agued that since Timor-Leste is a nation of only 14,874 km2 (CIA 2015) one of its strengths lies in the diversity that it offers within a relatively small area. Tourists can experience a national landscape including beaches, mountains and rainforests, without having to travel long distances. As one stakeholder put it: “The selling point is that it’s like a mosaic of experiences this country. It’s not just one thing” (interview with author, Atauro, November 2013). Another stakeholder commented: “It’s variety in a small package” (interview with author, Dili, September 2014). 2. Culture Culture is one of Timor-Leste’s most valuable attributes and presents an important opportunity for marketing the nation. The Asia Foundation survey revealed that more than half of departing tourists surveyed had experienced cultural activities whilst visiting Timor-Leste and 97% rated the experience as enjoyable (Rajalingam 2014, 11). It is not simply the culture of Timor-Leste that may be fascinating for tourists, but also the depth of spirituality and connection Timorese have to their cultural traditions. It’s that relationship with their earth, the lulik and with the spirit and the balance of society that I think is really interesting. There’s a mystery here, a depth, a spirituality, which not many tourists get to experience (Interview with author, Dili, December 2013). Timor-Leste is an ideal place for travellers looking to connect with indigenous culture and communities and to enjoy a more native experience – something which is becoming increasingly rare among today’s destinations, as so many are suffering from overdevelopment or ‘tourism overkill’ (Tourtellot 2007, 108). Developing cultural tourism could help also celebrate Timor-Leste’s cultural

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traditions and artifacts (Dutra et al. 2011, 271) and lead to greater awareness of, and pride in, the nation’s history and tradition (Engelhardt 2005, 177). At the same time, there are risks involved in promoting indigenous culture. MacCannell (1973) argues that the search for cultural ‘authenticity’ is a key motivation for many tourists visiting developing nations. However, this often creates a sense of ‘staged authenticity’ where cultural products are made to look authentic by focusing on pre-conceived stereotypes (MacCannell 1973, 596). We don’t want cultural shows where they put on a fake ceremony or dance in traditional dress on a stage in front of a group of tourists (Interview with author, Balibo, October 2013).Directing cultural traditions solely towards tourism can result in complex cultural heritage being simplified, homogenised, packaged and in some cases, trivialised (Engelhardt 2005, 177). Thus in promoting Timor-Leste’s culture, local knowledge will be vital. Place marketing commonly fails when developed by creative agencies that merely ‘sneak’ cultural content in the campaigns with limited understanding of its depth and meaning (Jansen 2008, 136). To avoid promoting a stereotypical and homogenised representation of Timorese culture, stakeholder and community consultation will be essential. 3. History Interlinked with the country’s cultural traditions is the long and varied history of Timor-Leste. Timorese history comprises a number of ‘stories’, which are important and unique attributes of the nation that could be promoted to potential tourists. We tell our guests stories as we go around the country – the big stories are the traditional stories of the kingdoms, the colonial story, the WW2 story, the Indonesian invasion and occupation story, the UN story, and now what people always contemplate is the present and future story (Interview with author, Dili, November 2013). The colonial ‘story’ began in the early 1500s when Dominican Friars established a settlement in Lifau, in what is now the enclave of Oecussi (Kingsbury 2009). Although Portugal contributed little in the way of development (Guterres 2007) Portuguese food, language, arts and architecture are very much infused throughout the cultural landscape of Timor-Leste. As one respondent explained: “Timor-Leste is a little bit of Europe in Asia” (interview with author, Dili, November 2013). Interestingly, during the early years of independence, more recent history was seen as undesirable for tourism promotion. One respondent explained that, when developing early marketing materials, “we never mentioned the struggle” (interview with author, Dili, November 2013). This was largely to avoid inflating Timor-Leste’s negative image, given the country was, and arguably still is, seen as dangerous and war-torn. However, the Ministry’s latest brochure features the Santa Cruz cemetery, as well as the two museums: the Chega! exhibition, as part of the CAVR archives, and the Resistance Museum. We felt it could be now considered history, rather than what happened last year. Not ancient history, living history, but history nevertheless and a tourism asset (Interview with author, Dili, November 2013). However, in promoting historical assets there is the risk of commodifying an understanding of the past or creating historical tourism as just a means to profit from tragedy and pain (Volcic et al., 2013, 730). Further, while historic sites may be appealing and interesting to tourists, it may be difficult for locals to ‘re-live’ the violence through promotion or to see traumatic events simplified into attractions for tourists. For others, historical tourism may instigate ‘animosity stemming from old wounds’ (Novelli et al. 2012, 1451). Thus stakeholder and government input will be vital, so that the people of Timor-Leste can determine how they wish to present ‘the struggle’ and the extent to which they are comfortable with painful histories being retold and promoted for tourism. Stakeholders also suggested it is not just the history of events that could be promoted for tourism, but the strength and resilience of the people who survived this history. Indeed, the spirited people of Timor-Leste, while not a tourism ‘asset’ themselves, are an important part of the Timor-Leste story. How can such a beautiful place become shelter for a group of guerrillas? How can such a small island resist 24 years with a big country like Indonesia? (Interview with author, Aileu, December 2013). Indeed, it is also the history of resilience that many stakeholders suggested makes Timor-Leste so special. 4. Unspoiled & Undiscovered Timor-Leste has the advantage of being a new destination, largely undiscovered by most tourists. For intrepid travellers, destinations such as Bali and Thailand may be becoming over-crowded and 282

commercialised, thus Timor-Leste provides an ideal alternative. It’s difference that attracts people. Some of the people have travelled the world, and its like they’ve run out of everywhere else and this is where they want to visit (Interview with author, Dili, November 2013). Promoting the angle of ‘unspoiled’ and selling the country as is, also has the advantage of attracting tourism right now, avoiding spending money on tourism infrastructure and development. In doing so, this avoids the negative consequences of infrastructure development for the purpose of tourism, such as the displacement of rural communities (Chok et al. 2007, 157). Promoting ‘unspoiled’ as an attribute will require the preservation of natural and cultural assets. As one stakeholder argued: “You must preserve what you have. The better you protect it, the more valuable it will become” (Interview with author, Dili, December 2013). This reinforces the need for government policy to guard against large-scale and potentially intrusive development. Furthermore, it must be remembered that if a marketing campaign is successful, and tourism grows, the idea of Timor-Leste being ‘unspoiled’ and ‘undiscovered’ cannot be promoted forever. Summary This paper has discussed the four core destination attributes of Timor-Leste and the implications for promoting these assets for tourism. While each attribute provides an important angle for tourism marketing, the risks and implications of each must be considered alongside the advantages. The paper has argued that Timor-Leste’s image is negatively impacted by past violence and that its true situation, as a beautiful and peaceful nation, is still little known. To overcome this negative image and begin to grow tourism, the promotion of the aforementioned assets will be vital. It is only through positive and proactive promotion that nations like Timor-Leste can hope to ‘overcome the conflict theme and replace it with more positive narratives’ (Harengel and Gbadamosi 2014, 50). This research is part of a larger project that will ultimately develop an understanding of the nation’s attributes, personality, competitive environment and target market to develop a tourism marketing strategy and destination brand for Timor-Leste. Bibliography Amoamo, Maria 2007, ‘Māori tourism: Image and identity — a postcolonial perspective’, Annals of Leisure Research, 10 (3-4), 454-474. Amujo, O. C. and Otubanjo, O. 2012, 'Leveraging Rebranding of 'Unattractive' Nation Brands to Stimulate PostDisaster Tourism', Tourist Studies, 12 (1): 87-105. Araujo, Rui 2015, 'Tourism and Globalization', Eighth Meeting of the CPLP Ministers of Tourism, Dili Convention Centre. Avraham, Eli and Ketter, Eran 2013, 'Marketing Destinations with Prolonged Negative Images: Towards a Theoretical Model', Tourism Geographies, 15 (1): 145-64. Cabasset-Semedo, Christine 2009, 'Thinking about tourism in Timor-Leste in the era of sustainable development. A tourism policy emerging from grass-roots levels', in Cabasset-Semedo, Christine and Durand, Frederic (eds), East Timor: How to build a new nation in Southeast Asia in the 21st Century, IRASEC, Thailand. Carlos, David and Carlos, Shirley 2011 DFAT Travel Advice, East Timor and tourism - you decide, , viewed 1 March 2013. Chok, Stephanie, Macbeth, Jim, and Warren, Carol 2007, 'Tourism as a Tool for Poverty Alleviation: A Critical Analysis of 'Pro-Poor Tourism' and Implications for Sustainability', Current Issues in Tourism, 10 (2): 144-65. CIA 'Timor-Leste’ 2015 CIA Factbook , viewed 4 March 2015. D'Hauteserre, Anne-Marie 2011, 'Politics of Imaging New Caledonia', Annals of Tourism Research, 38 (2): 380402. Department of Veterans Affairs 2015, Why is the Kokoda track significant?, , viewed 3 June 2015. Dutra, Leo X. C, Hamworth, Robert J, and Taboada, Manuela B 2011, 'An Integrated Approach to Tourism Planning in a Developing Nation: A Case Study from Beloi (Timor-Leste)', in Dredge, Dianne and Jenkins, John (eds), Stories of Practice: Tourism Policy and Planning, Ashgate, Farnham.

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Edyvane, K, et al. (2009), ‘Coastal & Marine Ecotourism Values, Issues & Opportunities on the North Coast of Timor Leste – Final Report’, in National Directorate of Tourism Ministry of Agriculture & Fisheries, Government of Timor-Leste (ed), Dili, Timor-Leste. Engelhardt, R 2005, ‘Culturally and ecologically sustainable tourism development through local community management’, in Hooper, A (ed), Culture and Sustainable Development in the Pacific, Asia Pacific Press, Canberra. Guterres, Aurelio, 2007, 'Migration and development', in Damien Kingsbury and Michael Leach (eds.), East Timor: Beyond Independence, Monash University Press, Clayton. Harengel, Peter and Gbadamosi, Ayantunji 2014, '‘Launching’ a new nation: The unfolding brand of South Sudan', Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, 10 (1): 35-54. Harrison-Walker, Jean 2011, 'Strategic Positioning of Nations as Brands', Journal of International Business Research, 10 (2): 135-47. Huang, Yu-Chin, Tseng, Yung-Ping, and Yiap, Ling-Chek 2013, 'Image Recovery of the Resurrected Seashore City—New Orleans, Louisiana', Journal of Coastal Research, 287: 430-37. Jansen, Sue Curry 2008, 'Designer nations: Neo-liberal nation branding – Brand Estonia', Social Identities, 14 (1): 121-42. Kingsbury, Damien, 2009, East Timor: the Price of Liberty, Palgrave Macmillan, New York. Lewis-Cameron, Acolla and Roberts, Sherma (2010), 'Strategic Destination Marketing: The Key to a Competitive Advantage', in Lewis-Cameron, Acolla and Roberts, Sherma (eds), Marketing Island Destinations, Taylor and Francis ,Hoboken. MacCannell, D 1973, 'Staged Authenticity: On Arrangements of Social Space in Tourist Settings', American Journal of Sociology, 79: 589-603. Morgan, N., Pritchard, A., and Piggott, R. 2003, 'Destination branding and the role of the stakeholders: The case of New Zealand', Journal of Vacation Marketing, 9 (3): 285-99. Novelli, Marina, Morgan, Nigel, and Nibigira, Carmen 2012, 'Tourism in a post-conflict situation of fragility', Annals of Tourism Research, 39 (3): 1446-69. Osei, Collins and Gbadamosi, Ayantunji 2011, 'Re-branding Africa', Marketing Intelligence & Planning, 29 (3): 284-304. Poon, A 1993, Tourism, technology and competitive strategies, CAB International, Oxon. Pratt, Stephen 2013, 'Same, Same but Different: Perceptions of South Pacific Destinations Among Australian Travelers', Journal of Travel & Tourism Marketing, 30 (6): 595-609. Rajalingam, Gobie 2014, 2014 Survey of Travelers to Timor-Leste, The Asia Foundation, Dili. Ramos-Horta, Jose 1987, Funu: the unfinished saga of East Timor, The Red Sea Press, NJ. --- 2015, Timor-Leste: Travel Advice by Australia and UK Govts, officialramoshorta, Facebook. Rogal, M 2012. ‘Identity and Representation: The (Yucatec) Maya in the Visual Culture of Tourism,’ Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies, 7 (1), 49-69. Rohner, Dominic 2006, 'Beach holiday in Bali or East Timor? Why conflict can lead to under- and overexploitation of natural resources', Economic Letters, 92 (2006): 113-17. Santos, Edson Redy Moreira Dos and Campo, María Lorena Rodríguez 2014, 'Destination branding: A reflective analysis of Brand Cape Verde', Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, 10 (1): 87-102. smartraveller.gov.au 'Timor-Leste' 2015, , viewed 26 March 2015. Teutsch, Danielle 2008, 'After a false start, East Timor could yet live up to its tourism potential', Sun Herald, 10 August. Timor-Leste-Government 2011, Strategic Development Plan 2011-2030 Timor-Leste Government, Timor-Leste. Tourtellot, Jonathan P. 2007, '111 Islands', National Geographic Traveler, November/December. Urry, John 2002, The Tourist Gaze, Sage Publications, London. Volcic, Zala, Erjavec, Karmen, and Peak, Mallory 2013, 'Branding Post-War Sarajevo', Journalism Studies, 15 (6): 726-42. Zhao, Weibing and Li, Xingqun 2006, 'Globalization of Tourism and Third World Tourism Development', Chinese Geographical Science, 16 (3): 203-10.

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45 Violence and spatiality in the context of hybridity Damian Grenfell Introduction Since independence, the extent and impact of violence against women in Timor-Leste has been a continuous theme in both policy debates and advocacy. According to the Timor-Leste Demographic and Health Survey published in 2010, 38 per cent of women in Timor-Leste aged 15 to 49 have experienced physical violence (National Statistics Directorate 2010, 229.) While these figures are now dated, and despite concerted efforts to change social behaviour, there is little clear sense yet that violence is abating. Further, given the destruction of institutions at the end of the Indonesian occupation, as well as the longer-term impacts of Portuguese colonialism and the focus of development since independence, the infrastructure to support women who experience violence remains extraordinarily sparse. This is reflected, at least to some degree, in the same survey that found that only four per cent of women who experienced violence sought help from the police, and only one per cent sought help from service providers (National Statistics Directorate 2010, 245). This article draws from recent fieldwork and policy analysis to make arguments relating to the experience of domestic violence by married women in Timor-Leste, with a particular focus on understanding the intersection between spatiality and violence in the context of a hybrid societal order.2 The first section provides a discussion of hybridity and how it intersects with different conceptions of spatiality. The second section then considers three different ways that spatiality informs both the conditions in which violence occurs as well as the ways in which preventative interventions are undertaken within the context of a hybrid order. While the ideas in this article are drawn from a range of research engagements, it is particularly influenced by the recent Economic Dimensions of Domestic Violence project, a study undertaken across three districts (two local communities/suku in each of Baucau, Cova Lima and Dili) across 2014-15. This project utilized a combination of semi-structured interviews, focus group discussions, and participatory rural appraisal techniques. Drawing from this, the purpose here is to extend on that initial work by considering why it is important to consider the different ways spatiality informs the exercise of violence by men against women on a large scale, and in turn, inform possibilities for change and intervention. Hybridity and spatiality Hybridity as an analytical device has become prominent in the social sciences and humanities as it has allowed for a greater identification of sources of power and identity that exist outside of modern political social structures and normative frameworks (see Boege et al 2009; Mac Ginty 2011; Mallet 2010; Richmond 2010). In this paper, hybridity is taken as a way of explaining contexts where multiple societal forms—or ‘life-worlds’ as I will refer to them in shorthand—are in evidence to the extent that it is difficult to claim that one has a clear dominance within a society. A life-world speaks to the embedded assumptions within subjective views of the world, and which reoccur through patterns of practice. Jean Cohen and Andrew Arato describe a ‘life-world’ as ‘the reservoir of implicitly known traditions, the background of assumptions that are embedded in language and culture and drawn upon by individuals in everyday life’ (Cohen and Arato 1992, 427). This article follows in a similar sense, though the emphasis is more on the relationships between people as manifest in patterns of everyday practice. In terms of embedded assumptions, these include conceptions of spatiality, temporality, and epistemology, with this article concentrating on the former. Used through this article are two heuristic devices, notably ‘customary’ and ‘modern’ life-worlds. As analytical categories they both cut across one another, are pronounced at different moments, with

2

Many thanks to the research team on the Beyond Fragility and Inequity, The Economic Dimensions of Domestic Violence in Timor-Leste project, and of course to all those in the various communities who participated in that study. I would also like to thank the reviewers, and my colleagues at the Centre for Global Research at RMIT University, particularly Stefani Vasil and Bronwyn Winch.

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each drawing one into the other in different ways. Both are of such significance in Timor-Leste that it is difficult to claim one as having a particular dominance, and hence there is a ‘hybrid order’—where different practices of governance, societal regulation, authority, ritual, labour and forms of exchange each give rise to a sense of a different life-world (often cast discursively as traditional, custom, indigenous, local, or even ‘culture’ on the one hand and modern on the other). As analytical categories, there is nothing essential about these life-worlds. As I have argued elsewhere (Damian Grenfell 2015a, 2015b), there may be other possible categories of life-worlds that could be spoken of, and each change and evolve in relation to the other. Various research has shown the importance of customary sociality in Timor-Leste. In turn, the need to find accommodation between customary and modern practices and norms surface in different ways, including with regards to violence against women. The following quote refers to the implementation of the Law Against Domestic Violence (LADV) passed by parliament in 2010, and the need for it to account for different life-worlds. The current law prohibits customary justice processes from supplanting state justice in resolving domestic violence cases; however, given its prominence in Timorese society, it is a necessary component of a strategy to combat domestic violence. Thus, it is crucial to establish and regulate links between state justice and customary justice systems. While customary justice has weaknesses in the area of domestic violence, it has a role to play if appropriate mechanisms are put into place. A clear and legally established link between the customary justice and formal justice systems would serve to reduce confusion and increase the legitimacy of formal decisions while respecting and reflecting important elements of the Timorese cultural identity (Kovar and Harrington 2013, viii)

Here the customary and the modern (as state justice) are being called on to intersect in a way that sustains a process larger than either, though not as equal parts. Each is essential to and yet differentiated from the overall whole, and it is noteworthy in this instance that there is a sense of precedence given to the modern as the customary practices are being regulated via a ‘legally established link’. Before I turn to a discussion of violence, it is important to briefly spell out the concept of spatiality in the context of a hybrid order. Following Doreen Massey (2005), spatiality is understood as constituted in the relationship between social relations (or integration) and space. First, that we recognise space as the product of interrelations; as constituted through interactions, from the immensity of the global to the intimately tiny. … Second, that we understand space as the sphere of the possibility of the existence of multiplicity in the sense of contemporaneous plurality; as the sphere in which distinct trajectories coexist; as the sphere therefore of coexisting heterogeneity. Without space, no multiplicity; without multiplicity, no space. If space is indeed the product of interrelations, then it must be predicated upon the existence of plurality. Multiplicity and space as co-constitutive. Third, that we recognise space as always under construction. Precisely because space on this reading is a product of relationsbetween, relations which are necessarily embedded material practices which have to be carried out, it is always in the process of being made. It is never finished; never closed (Massey 2005, 9).

Following Massey, any society has a multitude of spaces. One way of thinking on a hybrid order is of a multitude of spatialities and—following the above discussion—these could include what we could speak of (at a generalised level) as customary and modern forms of space. From this perspective, customary space in an East Timorese context could be characterised by inter-relationships in two ways; the genealogical and kinship connections between living people, and in turn their relationship with the ancestral domain. Space in this context may not be contiguous, will tend to incorporate sacred sites that are exclusive to a specific group, and is often bound into cosmological views of the world that are bound to origin. Modern space, in the alternative, is treated as secular, empty, transferrable, and homogenous. ‘Territory’ is a form of modern space, with rigidly articulated boundaries at its edges. These forms of space manifest in a range of ways, as for instance the debates and controversies surrounding different conceptions of land in Timor-Leste (Cryan 2015). If we apply this sense of heterogeneity of spatiality within the context of a hybrid order in Timor-Leste, we might speak of the dominance of the customary in certain areas (what may often be meant when people use 286

the term ‘rural’), but this does not mean that a modernity has no traction, and visa-versa for urban centres (typically aligned with a sense of the modern). Spatiality and violence By drawing on the concept of a hybrid order three arguments are made across this second half of this article. The first thinks through the effect of categorizing Timor-Leste as a patriarchal society. For the second, the concept of ‘double sovereignty,’ is introduced to show how patriarchy and customary sociality inform the control of space. The third point of discussion identifies how patriarchy continues—and in some senses becomes compounded—when women migrate internally within TimorLeste. Each point demonstrates the dynamics between spatiality and violence, and how these are affected in contexts of a hybrid order. Timor-Leste is frequently described as a ‘patriarchal society’, where a clear power imbalance between women and men mean, for instance, the latter dominate the allocation of social resources. While the participation of women is regulated on local governing councils (konsellu suku), and TimorLeste leads the way in terms of participation of women in Parliament, this has not translated into addressing power imbalances in society more generally (Marx 2012; Cummins 2011). These are just the most obvious manifestations of power, however situated within a system of governance, and do not speak to the ways in which patriarchy plays out on a daily basis to form a generalised condition where there is acute inequality between women and men. The issue here then is that while it is possible to classify Timor-Leste as patriarchal, it is incorrect to do so if it is done as a point to differentiate it from other societies.3 For instance, a recent article states in its opening sentence ‘Patriarchal traditions and a history of armed conflict in Timor-Leste provide a context that facilitates violence against women’ (Meiksin et al 2014, 1338). It sounds straightforward enough, but isn’t gender inequity, manifest through patriarchy, a key to understanding violence against women in any society? If it is considered that virtually all societies reflect significant patterns of patriarchy, perpetuated in different forms, then differentiating on these grounds appears to establish points of separation rather than opportunities for connection. To speak instead of ‘patriarchy in an East Timorese context’ may appear too subtle to be of significance, but it is argued otherwise here. In the first instance, assertions of Timor-Leste as patriarchal per se and as an all encompassing categorisation risks missing the agency of those who struggle against it (and the subsequent counter spaces), and opening pathways to build spaces for solidarities (including mutual learning) across societies. But more importantly here, rendering Timor-Leste as patriarchal is used as a legitimising device for a particular form of intervention into spaces that would otherwise be largely inaccessible; to enter communities, to speak about sex and sexuality, violence, crime, household finances, and to bring forth questions of spirituality, faith, the regulation of the intimate body, procreation and so forth. To come back to the hybrid order schematic above, such a form of intervention occurs on two levels. In one way, the modernity that underpins the intervention often correlates to the way that practice is matched to conceptions of space. That is, interventions are designed to occur within a modern space; so activities are geared to a public sphere, into a civil society, through the state, localised public spaces and so on. There are adverts on TV for ‘Feto Fantastiku’ for instance, and posters in the offices of local leaders (sede suku). And yet after more than a decade, there is little compelling evidence that these efforts have positive effects as they effect discourse within that modern spatiality. But in addition to this, such a rendering allows for interventions to cut into other forms of spatiality, including the customary. This is, in many respects, where the intervention is at its most powerful, and helps us understand why discussions of violence in Timor-Leste often orient towards ‘culture’. The customary in this sense is both a differentiator as well as being a site that the outsider is otherwise excluded from. Debates endlessly gravitate towards local culture as being the cause for violence (the exchange process at the time of marriage, commonly termed barlake in Tetun, being an excellent example). Yet the question is not asked of whether and how modernity has sought to genuinely mitigate patriarchal structures—let alone both direct and structural violence against women—in societies that are deemed as modern (the US, Portugal, UK, Australia and so on).

3

What I refer to as a ‘rendering’, a use of discursive power that distinguishes the intervened from the intervener.

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The argument in summary here is that by rendering a society patriarchal, and grounding that patriarchy significantly in culture (by which people actually mean customary practices), interventions into spaces where access may be otherwise prohibited become legitimised. Spatially, Timor-Leste becomes a site for treatment, but which demands a very low level of reflexivity from the intervener. Power flows one way, intersects with local populations at particular moments, and then has an effect of challenging the most ‘inside’ norms. In turn, resistance to ‘gender’ can be a response (as a foreign/malae idea) and can increase barriers to change rather than assist them. The second argument pertaining to spatiality and violence in a hybrid order relates to what I will refer to as a ‘double sovereignty’. By this term I mean the establishment of a patriarchal ‘domestic sphere’ in tandem with a customary spatiality that makes it very difficult for outside interventions by service providers, police, even family, to provide assistance to a woman who is experiencing violence. The first part of this ‘double sovereignty’ relates to how land and households, and control thereof, reflect patriarchal structures in different ways. The recently published Economic Dimensions of Domestic Violence (2015) report suggested that women were often bound to a ‘domestic sphere’ that made it difficult in cases of domestic violence for them to leave, or seek assistance, as economic structures constrained mobility and established sets of power relations. This can be seen in various ways, one being the very significant tendency for women to care for smaller animals that remain close to the household, with men typically caring for animals located further from the home (horses, cows and goats) (Grenfell et al 2015, 47). Such a division of labour might be defended in terms of not wanting to put women at risk, or the difference between physical strength required by different forms of labour. The suggestion here, however, is that the naturalisation of such a division is central to controlling the mobility of women, and that such assertions perpetuate structures of patriarchy. The second aspect of the ‘double sovereignty’ is the way in which immediate sovereignty—of land and household—is defended from external intervention. This does not just mean foreigners or external agencies, but from people external to a specific family or household. There is constant reference to matters being kept ‘within the household’, generally meaning either an immediate familial domain (familia rasik) or a more extended familial unit bound by genealogy and affinal relations, and ordered through association to sacred houses (uma luliks). This argument can be extended out to take account of an ancestral domain that is seen to exist in coterminous relation with the living, but the key aspect here is the way in which customary conventions (lisan or adat) are seen to regulate households in ways that separate one extended familial unit from another. ‘According to our adat’ is a common preface to sentences, with the ‘our’ denoting differentiation. Hence, familial units are bound into different forms of sovereignty that are exclusive from one another and resistant to outside intervention. The effect of this form of ‘double sovereignty’ in terms of violence against women is profound, in that it both limits the ability of women to engage in terms of seeking help, and that it is difficult for outsiders to intervene. In the reverse, other family members can be very hesitant to draw the outside world in. A range of other factors may contribute to this (for instance, views on violence), and it is this dynamic that the LADV seeks to counter by making domestic violence a public crime. In other words, the modern system of law is used in an attempt to change the relationship between the ‘internal’ and ‘external’ world, giving legal legitimacy to draw the former into the latter. The third example to discuss here in relation to spatiality and violence in the context of a hybrid political community relates to internal migration. In Timor-Leste, there are high levels of migration from rural areas to the capital, Dili. This may mean a woman shifts from one site of customary spatiality to one where modern forms are in dominance. Coming back again to the Economic Dimensions of Domestic Violence report, it is the shift to such spaces that can compound, rather than alleviate, the experience of violence. In terms of economic independence—an important consideration in leaving an abusive relationship—the report found that women in Dili had far fewer opportunities for economic activity, and moreover, frequently re-cast themselves as having responsibility for the domestic sphere. The significantly lower number of income-generating activities carried out by women in Dili, alongside the shift in perceptions that women’s role is solely that of ‘housewife’ rather than ‘farmer,’ could suggest an increase in women’s dependency as urbanisation increases. During participatory rural appraisals and focus group discussions in Dili, women tended to emphasise women’s role as primary caregiver and were more likely to state that the woman’s role was in the home whereas the man’s role was to generate income. This type of statement was rarely heard in the more rural settings (Grenfell et al. 2015, 54)

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Compounding this further is the possibility of migration to Dili through marriage, and the way this can distance women from familial networks and forms of spiritual support. Here then, the urban space offers a higher propensity for violence despite the fact that police services, courts, and support organisations (Alfela, Pradet, Fokupers) tend to be far more concentrated in the capital and have better reach into other urban centres. If we understand urban space as being modern in dominance, we return to where we finished with regards to the first point above; that modernity requires far more interrogation in terms of ensuring an alleviation of violence against women. Conclusion In summary, this article has sought to identify how a hybrid political order, and an analysis of different life-worlds within it, can work in different ways to exacerbate the experience of violence by women. The complexity of the hybrid order may allow for moments of navigation away from violence, though here the argument has been that—at least in terms of spatiality—that the intersection of different lifeworlds and shifts across them can also, and at times inadvertently, compound patriarchy and violence, not least in a society such as Timor-Leste that is undergoing acute social transformation. References Boege, Volker, Anne Brown and Kevin Clements 2009, ‘Hybrid Political Orders, Not Fragile States’, Peace Review 21(1): 13–21. Brown, Anne 2012, ‘Entangled Worlds: Villages and Political Community in Timor-Leste’, Local Global, 11: 54– 71. Cohen, Jean and Andrew Arato 1994, Civil Society and Political Theory, MIT Press, Cambridge. Cryan, Meabh 2015, The Long Haul: Citizen Participation in Timor-Leste Land Policy, SSGM Discussion Paper 2015/13. Cummins, Deborah, ‘The problem of gender quotas: women’s representatives on Timor-Leste’s suku councils’, Development in Practice, 21: 1, 85—95. Grenfell, Damian, Meabh Cryan, Kathryn Robertson and Alex McClean 2015, Beyond Fragility and Inequity, The Economic Dimensions of Domestic Violence in Timor-Leste, The Asia Foundation, Dili. Grenfell, Damian 2015a, ‘Of Time and History: The Dead of War, Memory and the National Imaginary in TimorLeste’, Communication, Politics and Culture, 48(3): 16-28. --- 2015b, ‘Rethinking Governance and Security in Timor-Leste’, in Ingram, Sue., Lia Kent and Andrew McWilliam (eds), A new era? Timor-Leste after the UN, Australian National University (ANU) Press, Canberra. Kovar, Annika and Andrew Harrington 2013, Breaking the Cycle of Domestic Violence in Timor-Leste: Access to Justice Options, Barriers, and Decision Making Processes in the Context of Legal Pluralism, United Nations Development Programme Justice System Programme (JSP), Dili. Mac Ginty, Roger 2011, International Peacebuilding and Local Resistance: Hybrid Forms of Peace, Palgrave Macmillan, Hampshire. Mac Ginty, Roger and Oliver Richmond 2015, ‘The fallacy of constructing Hybrid Political Orders: A reappraisal of the hybrid turn in Peacebuilding’, International Peacekeeping 23(2): 219.239. Mallet, Richard 2010, ‘Beyond Failed States and Ungoverned Spaces: Hybrid Political Orders in the Post-Conflict Landscape’, Uniting Nations: Risks and Opportunities 15: 65–91. Marx, Susan 2012, Can Timor-Leste’s Gender Quota System Ensure Women’s Participation in Politics?, accessed 1 August 2015, . The Asia Foundation. Massey, Doreen 2005, For Space, Sage Publications, London. Meiksin Rebecca, Dominique Meekers, Susan Thompson, Amy Hagopian and Mary Mercer 2015, ‘Domestic Violence, Marital Control, and Family Planning, Maternal, and Birth Outcomes in Timor-Leste’, Maternal and Child Health Journal, 19(6): 1338–1347. National Statistics Directorate [NSD] 2010, Timor-Leste Demographic and Health Survey 2009-10, Ministry of Finance, Dili. Richmond, Oliver 2010, ‘Post-Colonial Hybridity and the Return of Human Security’, in Chandler, David and Nik Hynek (eds), Critical Perspectives on Human Security: Rethinking Emancipation and Power in International Relations, Routledge, Abingdon.

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46 Managing persons, things and rituals: nation building as purification in Timor-Leste Kelly Silva This article explores some of the modes by which the Timor-Leste state has appropriated the tara bandu, since 2009. In Silva (2014), I argue that it has done so to promote pacification, integration, reconfiguration and monopolization of power. In this paper I go futher. Based on an analysis of the tara bandu carried out in Ermera in 2012, I suggest that the contemporary uses of tara bandu make it a a device for purification, as proposed by Latour. Through tara bandu, certain governance institutions engender a specific project of subjectivization – in which words, objects and rituals lose a space of agency over the world and in the making of the person, and the human being emerges as the sole source of agency on the world. I argue that the governance cluster involved in the tara bandu of Ermera is working to separate the making of individual and collective persons (such as the house) from how much they donate for purposes of alliance or sacrifice, proposing that work, schooling and retention of goods (as opposed to donation), in monetary form or not, are the privileged sources and modes of production of value and distinction. Based on these data, I also argue that tara bandu is a device of economic pedagogy, that is, a means to erradiate and inculcate certain dispositions about how organizing and managing resources for social reproduction. My starting point in this paper is the recognition of the multitude of institutions involved in dynamics of governance in post-colonial Timor-Leste. Boege et ali (2009), Cummins (2011) and Browm (2012), among others, have qualified this phenomenon as hybrid governance, which is characterized by the coexistence of institutions and mechanisms of power that originated from both secular and religious colonial and national state structures and from indigenous dynamics and institutions of social organization. These institutions simultaneously cooperate and dispute political space between each other, and are subject to the discourses and power apparatuses of transnational governance institutions. Another premise of my reflections is based on the recognition of the plurality of phenomena with power of agency over the world in different contexts of sociability in Timor-Leste. In addition to people – both living and dead – words and things are imbued with strong power of agency. Inspired by Elias (1993), Mandani (1998), Dumont (1977, 1983), and other references of political sociology, I recently proposed (Silva 2014) that state formation in Timor-Leste can be interpreted as the processes by which the state appropriates and subverts elements from local governance clusters – institutions that establish the arrangement of the local modes of social organization; ritual knowledge and its techniques; and positions of authority – to transform them into conduits for pacification, integration, reconfiguration and monopolization of power. These phenomena of appropriation and subversion also allow the state to mobilize elements of the local governance clusters to transpose and internalize modern practices and projects of social organization and subjectivization. My main source of inspiration for this analysis are the works of Webb Keane (2007) who, inspired by Latour (1994), demonstrates how people adehision to Christianity in Sumba implys a process of purification related to the monopolization of agency. In that context, it were considered Christian and civilized only those who atributed power of agency to men and the Christian god, exclusively. Such a fact was turned into a moral narrative, which distinguishes the civilized and noncivilized. The non-civilized came to be deemed those who improperly attribute agency to phenomena that do not have agency (from a certain perspective), such as words and things. Bruno Latour (1994), in turn, understands purification to involve processes of separation and imposition of exclusive ontological frontiers and limits of power among the various experiences, beings and domains that compose social life. By means of these processes of separation, these agencies are inscribed to certain typical-ideal places for their existence or configurations considered to be legitimate are projected onto them. In this context, one highlights that purification processes are political instruments that produce multiple power effects. Oppositions such as nature and culture, traditional and modern, politics and science, justice and power, human and non-human, civilized and non-civilized are examples of this separation process.

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From this analytical framework, the hybrid configuration of governance in Timor-Leste and elsewhere, in which ritual practices and the institutions and cosmologies that inform them have an important role, appears to be transitory (as a project and from the perspective of central government), configuring itself as a step or tactic by which the modern state and other governance agents gradually negotiate and expand their power and the moral configuration that sustains them. This fact is far from being unprecedented, having a long social history in the trajectory of expansion of colonial and national states. My argument is organized in three sections. In the first I present a brief description of the tara bandu and its uses since 1999. I then analyze the content of the tara bandu of Emera, carried out in 2012. In the third section, I discuss the impacts of such a tara bandu in order to identify the objectives of the institutions involved with it. In the final remarks , I propose that the purification project implied in the tara bandu of Ermera and in other Timor-Leste government practices promote an economic pedagogy that suggests two important movements: 1. The first is the subtraction or weakening of the agency of goods and valuables and of their exchange or sacrifice in ritual contexts. 2. The second is the affirmation that only people have agency in the world and that they should cultivate themselves exclusively through their relationship with modern institutions for the production of difference, such as schooling and retention/accumulation of goods (as opposed to the accumulation of valuables for exchange in order to foster relations with people – which Kyptoff called “wealth in people”). Contemporary uses of tara bandu In a synthetic manner, the tara bandu (– to place prohibition) can be described as a local governance mechanism that imposes rules, prohibitions and punishments through a ritual process. Local and national authorities as well as spiritual entities to whom are attributed agency in the processes of social reproduction may take part in the cerimonies that introduce the tara bandu. Upon these occasions, ritual sacrifices and statements are made. The objective of these procedures is to establish channels of communication between the authorities (living and dead) present, and to publicly validate the prohibitions prescribed, which are read out loud to the community (Yoder 2007, 47) and inscribed in symbols, which are then posted in the regions where the tara bandu apply. In addition to imposing prohibitions related to the relationships between human beings and the environment, human beings and public institutions and human beings and human beings, the tara bandu may also defines punishments for those who disobey the prescribed orders. Despite its colonial origin, as Roque (2012) demonstrates, the tara bandu has been considered as eminently local by various actors involved in its configuration and contemporary administration. The recognition and stimulus to the tara bandu practices in Timor-Leste after the Indonesian occupation at first derived from concerns related to environmental management (Yoder 2007, De Carvalho and Correia 2011). Nevertheless, the incentive to resume the tara bandu has gained momentum since 2006. The tara bandu has been considered by the state to be an effective local technology for governance that reestablishes order in issues that go beyond relationships with the environment. Since 2006, the Timor-Leste state and some international cooperation institutions have provided resources to undertake tara bandu in Díli and other districts of the country. In order to coordenate such efforts, the state even created a new administrative institution, The Secretariat of Social Cohesion in the Ministry of Social Solidarity (UNDP 2013, 34-35, 62). The tara bandu then came to be considered a device for pacification between conflicting groups (youth gangs and other political associations for instance) and, later, a technology for construction and maintenance of order, in the context of the institutional crisis within the state security forces. Thus, to overcome the crisis of governance produced in 2006, the state stimulated the passage of local “laws” (with jurisdiction in the domain of the sucos or a group of sucos) made and agreed to by the community representatives and other local authorities, based on popular consultations and in conjunction with state agencies (Belun & The Asia Foundation, 2013). The tara bandu of Ermera To promote economic development, food security and environmental protection (Akta, 2012), local authorities linked to different institutions in the district of Ermera – inlcuding the Catholic Church, non291

governmental organizations and the State – worked together to develop general principles for a district wide tara bandu, which it was hoped would be regulated in greater detail in each one of its sub districts. According to Pascoela Aida da Costa Exposto, the director of the organization Feto Kiik Servisu Hamutuk (FKSH, Young Women Working Together), this initiative was undertaken due to the high rates of poverty among the Ermera population, despite the great potential for the production of wealth in the region from coffee growing. According to Pascoela, the situation is caused by the high investments made by the population in ritual practices, for which reason some form of outside control is needed that would allow material accumulation so that people can improve their living conditions, have food security, provide school education to their children, care for their health etc. In this sense, in addition to the recurring themes found in the tara bandu carried out elsewhere aformentioned, one of the most important dimensions of the tara bandu of Ermera is its use to control ritual investments. Pascoela’s discourse is not isolated. Since at least 1999, the configuration and ritual agenda of the different Timor-Leste populations have been used by different state institutions and international cooperation agencies, as well as the church (for quite some time) as an explanation for what is perceived as poverty, the country’s deficient development, violence against women (due to the marriage exchanges), and other problems1. These discourses commonly affirm that excessive material spending for ritual purposes should be controlled by government measures. The tara bandu in Ermera broadly regulates three types of distinct relations: relations of people with nature; relations of people with animals and relations between people themselves. Thus it prohibits the picking of unripe fruits (Akta 2012, Parte 1 Ab), the destruction of public property (Akta 2012, Parte I Ae), hunting of wild animals on dry land or wetlands protected by the community (Akta 2012, Parte II Ac), sexual relations with children between 5 and 15 years old (Akta 2012, Parte III Aa) and human trafficking (Akta 2012, Parte III Ae). One dimension of the prohibitions aimed at relationships between people stands out, that is the prohibition of conducting rituals at the conclusion of mourning (kore metan) and other forms of istilo (rituals), for eight years following the enactment of the tara bandu (Akta 2012, Parte III Bd), or until 2020. The tara bandu also limits the number of animals that can be sacrificed or donated at ritual funerals, when the parties involved (usually wife-givers and wife-takers from different generations) negotiate the gifts to be offered for this purpose. It explicitly determines that the number of animals to be sacrificed or donated depends on the economic conditions of the direct descendants of the family of the deceased person (Akta 2012, Parte III Be). The enactment of the tara bandu of Ermera was marked by a large ceremony, attended by the Bishop of Díli, Dom Alberto Ricardo, as well as the president of the republic at the time, José Ramos Horta. Since then, this event appears to have been closely observed by authorities of Díli and the region of Ermera, and has been evaluated and commented upon in various parts of the country. At the sixmonth anniversary of the tara bandu a meeting was held in Ermera to evaluate its impacts. The meeting minutes are a good expression of the objectives sought by the different agencies (Church, state, non governmental organizations) involved in its conception, indicating the ways by which it supports the transposition of modern projects for social organization and subjectivization. I now turn to the analysis of the evaluations of this tara bandu conducted by the different parties involved in its conception and execution. Evaluating the tara bandu in Ermera In general, a celebratory tone is present in all the evaluations presented in the meeting minutes. From the perspective of ecclesiastic authorities, the indicators highlighted as positive effects of the tara bandu in Ermera were: 1. The general population’s increased time of work in drying coffee; 2. Reduction of bad spending made by the people on rituals during the coffee harvest period, which leads to so-called cultural corruption; 3. Increased discipline in relation to work among the population. In this context, the so-called bad spending refers to ritual investments considered excessive, manifest in the sacrifice or offering of a large number of animals or in the donation of lots of money (though the gift-giving regime) to construct or reproduce alliances between wife-givers and wife-takers, as well as other

1

That is the rationale supported by some government agents, which is not mine. As I have argued in other places (Silva 2016), for example, gender inequality and domestic violence in Timor-Leste are complex phenomena which cannot be reduced to exclusive causalities.

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purposes. The increased number of animals sacrificed or the increased circulation of money for dynamics of local social reproduction are considered to be what is called cultural corruption (Revisaum 2012, 1-2)2. In addition to mentioning, once again, the impacts of the tara bandu on the increased coffee production in the region, the administrator of the district of Ermera affirmed that the ritual is helping to consolidate the district frontiers. As indicated previously, the implementation of the tara bandu implies the public exhibition (the posting) of symbols that evoke the prohibitions it imposes in the territorial limits in which it operates. Thus, the distribution of the symbols of the tara bandu of Ermera at the territorial limits of the district would be contributing to an increased awareness of the territorial limits of the district. Nevertheless, the administrator also highlights the fact that some people see this tara bandu as a dictatorial measure that is illegitimate in times of democracy (ibidem, 2). This evaluation was also reported by the representative of the non governmental organization Hametim democracia no igualdade (Consolidate democracy and equality), present at the meeting. According to the administrator of the subdistrict of Hatualia, the more challenging dimension in the implementation of the tara bandu is that which concerns relations between people (ibidem, 3). For this reason he required that the authorities and community representatives present new regulations, aimed explicitly at marriage payments and the first phases of the funeral rituals. Finally, another representative of non-governmental organizations highlighted the pacification effects of the tara bandu. According to him, the number of cases of conflict sent to the chief of the suco for resolution decreased. He also suggested that the decreased number of conflicts is indirectly contributing to improving the population’s economic conditions, because by making ceremonies unnecessary for conflict resolution it was not necessary to provide animals or other types of resources for payments of fines or reconciliation cerimonies (ibidem, 3-4). Based on these evaluations, it can be concluded that the tara bandu in Ermera is aimed at and to some degree involves the domestication and control of individual and collective conduct to produce bodies and other types of resources aimed at production for and by work. This fact appears to be cultivated and stimulated by the control of ritual practices, above all by controlling the quantity of resources invested in them. In parallel, they celebrate the effects of pacification produced by the tara bandu, which facilitate local governance. These effects of pacification also work in favor of accumulation of other resources that allow people to escape conditions of vulnerability and to participate in other civilizing institutions, such as school, for example. It thus seems, that the implementation of the tara bandu involves some ambiguous practices. On one hand, investments in ritual practices of social reproduction are seen as impediments to the engagement of people in the development process. At the same time, however, the state and other agents of governance resort to tara bandu – which is established through ritual techniques – to promote development, whatever is meant by that. Given the evaluations and demands presented in the meeting held six months after implementation of the tara bandu in Ermera, the various government agents present decided to insert two new prohibitions in the measures. The prohibition of matrimonial payments above US$2,500; disrespect of this limit would require payment of a fine of double the amount spent. The undertaking of ritual practices at the conclusion of mourning and others would also be prohibited for 16 years. A limit was also imposed on animal sacrifices for funeral ceremonies from the wake until what in tétum, is called ai-funan midar. Thereby, a maximum of two buffalos, two pigs and two goats could be sacrificed. Disrespect for these limits would lead to fines, so that if three buffalos were sacrificed the fine would consist in two buffalos, plus US$1,000. If four buffalos were sacrificed, four buffalos must also be paid as a fine, plus US$ 2,000. In both cases, violators would also be prohibited from performing rituals for 16 years (Revisaum 2012, 4-5). At the first anniversary of this tara bandu, a special report was published on the semi-official website of the president of the republic in Timor-Leste, which registered the evaluations of authorities involved in its application. Among other things, the administrator in Ermera highlighted the positive effects of the ritual for decreasing violence and conflicts among people as well as the percentage of people in high-risk situations (such as hunger or homelessness). This is because a consequence of the

2

Once again, it should be noted that these are the point of views of some interlocutors. I do not see things in the same perspective.

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tara bandu was increased time invested by people in the production of food and coffee. He also emphasized the increased number of children in school and improved health conditions of the population in general. In Silva (2014), I sustain that the tara bandu has been mobilized by the Timor-Lesteese State to spread values and modern sociability precepts, such as gender equality and environmental preservation. In this article I argue that tara bandu, which is carried out in ceremonies involving ritual sacrifices have been mobilized to control other modalities of ritual sacrifices, considered to be harmful to engagement of people in modern forms of subjectivization and social reproduction.By means of the analysis of the tara bandu carried out in the district of Ermera, I propose that the governance cluster involved in their implementation worked to separate the making of individual and collective persons (such as the house ) from how much they are able to donate for purposes of alliance or sacrifice, proposing that work, schooling and retention of goods are the most appropriate modes of production of status and prestige. It appears, in this case, that the implementation of the tara bandu involves a purification process manifest in an economic pedagogy made up of the articulation of two inter-related projects with interdependent effects. 1. The first is the subtraction or weakening of the agency of things and of their exchange or sacrifice in ritual contexts for the production and reproduction of the world; 2. The second proposal is that only people have agency in the world and that their place in this word should be derived from their relations with modern institutions for difference making, such as schooling and the retention/accumulation of goods (as opposed to the accumulation of relations and goods from and for exchange, in order to attain wealth in people.). In this sense, some of the uses of the tara bandu appear to weaken the role of ceremonial exchanges and rituals, in general, in the making of the person. By weakening the rituals, certain contemporary uses of the tara bandu can be serving - at the limit and in a long term perspective - to decrease the agency of ancestors and the material construction of subjectivity. From a long term perspective, the domestication of ritual practices by the state and other agents of governance, by means of a particular economic pedagogy, can contribute to the monopolization of sources for difference and prestige making by the part of the state and other modern institutions. Bibliography Belun & The Asia Foundation, 2013, Tara Bandu: Its Role and Use in Community Conflict Prevention in TimorLeste. Dili. Available at: https://asiafoundation.org/resources/pdfs/TaraBanduPolicyBriefENG.pdf Boege et al. 2009, ‘Hybrid political orders, not fragile states’, Peace Review 21(1): 13-21. Brown, M. Anne 2012, ‘Entangled worlds: village and political community in Timor-Leste’, Local Global: Identity, Security, Community, 11: 54-71. Cummins, Deborah 2010, Local governance in Timor-Leste: the politics of mutual recognition, Ph.D. Thesis, School of Social Sciences and International Studies. University of New South Wales, Australia. De Carvalho, Demetrio Amaral and Correia, Jose 2011, ‘Tara bandu as traditional ecological knowledge’, in de Carvalho, D. (ed), Local knowledge of Timor, UNESCO, Jakarta. Dumont, Louis 1977, From Mandeville to Marx (Homo Aequalis I), University of Chicago Press, Chicago. ---1983, Essais sur l’individualisme. Une perspective anthropologique sur l’idéologie moderne, Seuil, Paris. Elias, Norbert 1993, O processo civilizador.Jorge Zahar Ed, Rio de Janeiro. Keane, Webb 2007, Christian moderns: freedom and fetish in the mission encounter, University of California Press, Berkley. Latour, Bruno 1994, Jamais fomos modernos, Ed. 34., Rio de Janeiro. Mamdani, Mahmood 1998, Ciudadano y súbdito. África contemporánea y el legado del colonialismo tardío,Siglo XXI Editores, Madri. Roque, Ricardo 2012, ‘A voz dos bandos: colectivos de justiça e ritos da palavra portuguesa em Timor-Leste Colonial’, Mana, 18(3): 563-594. Silva, Kelly 2014, O governo da e pela kultura. Complexos locais de governança na formação do Estado em Timor Leste, Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais 104: 2014. --- 2016 [forthcoming], ‘Women, gender and power among indigenous people from Portuguese Timor: a literature review’. Anuário Antropológico. Yoder, Laura S. Meitzner 2007, ‘Hybridising justice: state-customary interactions over forest crime and punishment in Oecusse, Timor-Leste’, The Asia Pacific Journal ofAnthropology 8(2): 43-57. UNDP 2013, Breaking the cycle of domestic violence in Timor-Leste. Access to justice options, barriers and decision making processes in the context of legal pluralism. UNDP, Díli. Primary Sources

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Akta no regulamentu Tara bandu Distrito Ermera2012, Mimeo. Revisaun Regulamentu Tara-Bandu (Rezultado Evaluasaum Fulan ne’en) 2012, Mimeo.

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47 Australia’s recognition of the Indonesian annexation of East Timor: The Timor Sea boundary negotiation nexus (1976-1978) Kim McGrath This paper uses declassified diplomatic records to examine the background to Australia’s decision to formally recognise Indonesia’s annexation of East Timor, announced in a media statement by Australia’s Foreign Minister, Andrew Peacock, on 20 January 1978. Peacock’s statement linked the decision to recognise Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor to Australia’s ability to deal directly with the Indonesian government in relation to reuniting Timorese families and ‘the rehabilitation of Timor’. However, a review of the diplomatic records and, most significantly, cabinet records concerning the decision, reveals that Peacock’s announcement that Australia would no longer sustain ‘public objection to the integration of East Timor into Indonesia,’ was directly linked to Australia’s intention to enter negotiations with Indonesia to complete the demarcation of the seabed boundary between Australia and East Timor. Logically, and according to international law, entering into seabed negotiations with Indonesia concerning waters south of East Timor, necessarily involved Australia recognising Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor. Prior to Indonesia’s invasion of East Timor in December 1975, Australia had issued exploration permits to Australian and international oil companies in contested areas of the Timor Sea south of East Timor. Following the invasion, the oil companies, armed with reports showing the area was highly prospective, sought to defer their drilling obligations arguing it was too risky to invest in further exploration or exploitation until Australia negotiated the demarcation of the sea-bed boundary between Australia and East Timor. However dramatic reports in the Australian media of on-going atrocities, and rising death tolls in East Timor, fuelled opposition in the Australian community to suggestions Australia recognise Indonesia’s sovereignty, which in turn meant Australia could not negotiate a seabed boundary between Australia and East Timor. This paper examines how the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs (Foreign Affairs) managed these competing interests in the lead up to Australia’s decision to formally recognise Indonesia’s annexation of East Timor on 20 January 1978. Australia’s interest in the Timor Sea In the early 1960s, Australia unilaterally issued petroleum exploration permits in the Timor Sea beyond the half way mark between Australia and Timor. Seismic tests throughout the decade indicated the seabed north of the median line was highly prospective for oil and gas (Jones 1967, Smith 1969, Konecki 1970). At that time the eastern half of the island of Timor, Atauro and Jaco islands, and the enclave of Oecussi in West Timor, were known as Portuguese Timor and were part of the Portuguese colonial empire. Portugal questioned Australia’s right to issue permits north of the median line in the Timor Sea and sought to negotiate a boundary, however Australia ignored Portugal’s approaches and chose instead to negotiate bilaterally with Indonesia (NAA:558529; Antunes 2003, 358). In treaties signed in 1971 and 19721 Australia and Indonesia agreed on a seabed boundary in the Timor Sea either side of Portuguese Timor, leaving a disputed area that became known as the Timor gap, see Figure 1. In early 1974, Portugal issued an exploration permit to a United States company, Oceanic Exploration (Oceanic) in the Timor gap area. The Oceanic permit extended to the median line which meant it overlapped eight permits issued by Australia.2 Australian Prime Minister, Gough Whitlam

1

Despite commencing the negotiations seeking a median line boundary (which was also Portugal’s position) Indonesia eventually agreed to a boundary that put 70 per cent of the seabed between Australia and Indonesia in Australia’s jurisdiction (NAA: 1763271, 222). 2 The affected Australian permit holders were the ‘Woodside consortium’, consisting of the operator, Burmah Oil Company (Australia), partnered by Woodside Oil (No Liability) and Shell Development (Australia) and the ‘Arco consortium’, consisting of the operator Arco Australia Ltd, partnered by Australian Aquitaine Ltd and

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publically rebuked Portugal, which led to media speculation the conflict was headed to the International Court of Justice. The authoritarian regime in Portugal was overthrown in a peaceful coup on 25 April 1974, and the new government announced it would establish a decolonisation process. Australia and Portugal were still disputing the right to issue permits in the Timor Sea when Indonesia invaded East Timor on 7 December 1975. Figure 1 – Map showing the seabed boundary agreed by Australia and Indonesia in 1972, leaving the ‘Timor gap’ (NAA:11089375, 242)

At the time of the invasion Australia was in the midst of a constitutional crisis. Whitlam’s Labor government had been dismissed in controversial circumstances on 11 November 1975, leaving Liberal leader, Malcolm Fraser, caretaker Prime Minister and Andrew Peacock caretaker Foreign Minister. The day before Fraser won the federal election on 13 December, Australia voted in support of a United Nations resolution deploring Indonesia’s intervention in East Timor and calling for the immediate withdrawal of Indonesia troops. Peacock’s decision to support the United Nations’ vote risked estrangement in relations with Indonesia but avoided further strong domestic criticism on the eve of the election (Viviani 1978, 243). Two weeks later, Australian media reported the oil companies with permits had ‘gone quiet’ on their oil prospects in East Timor because ‘Indonesia did not want anything to show that an independent East Timor would be economically viable’ (McDonald 1975).

Esso Exploration and Production. The Woodside consortium had interests in four concessions in the disputed area, three granted by the Government of Australia (NT/P8, NT/P11 and NT/P12) and one by Western Australia (WA-36-P). The Arco consortium had interests in four concessions in the disputed area, one granted by the Government of Australia (NT/P4) and three granted by Western Australia (WA-15-P, WA-16-P and WA-17-P).

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Australia’s Ambassador to Indonesia, Richard Woolcott,3 had been a confidante of former Prime Minister Whitlam, and supported Whitlam’s view that an Indonesian take over of East Timor was in Australia’s national interest. Woolcott was a leading proponent of what has been described by many commentators as Australia’s policy of ‘appeasement’ towards Indonesia (Birmingham 2001; Woolcott 2003). In early January 1976, he sent a cable to Canberra arguing that: the emphasis should now be on accepting the inevitability of Timor's incorporation into Indonesia, letting the dust settle and looking ahead, while taking what steps we can in Australia to limit the further growth of hostility towards Indonesia within the Australian community (NAA:4151608, 329).4

While Woolcott argued the inevitability of Timor’s incorporation, Indonesia attempted to draw the Australian government into maritime boundary negotiations which would inevitably result in Australia’s recognition of the Indonesian occupation of East Timor. In March 1976, Indonesia’s Minister for Justice, Mochtar Kusumaatmadja, (hereafter referred to as Mochtar), who had been Indonesia’s lead negotiator of the 1971 and 1972 5 seabed treaties with Australia, approached Australian officials about entering into negotiations on a fisheries boundary. Mochtar’s suggestion, that the seabed line agreed to in the earlier treaties should also be the fisheries boundary, was met with suspicion by Australian officials in Canberra who were concerned about the implications for the seabed boundary. A cable to Woolcott advised ‘the appearance of actual disadvantage to Indonesia in negotiating such a fisheries boundary could import risks for us’ as it could lead to ‘attack on the grounds that it grossly favoured Australia’ and therefore ‘place the seabed boundary at risk’ (NAA:1872067, 20). In July 1976, Indonesia unilaterally declared East Timor its 27th province. Despite Woolcott’s urgings to accept the reality of the situation, Peacock, in response to domestic opposition, criticised the declaration (Viviani 1978, 253; Fernandes 2015, 98). Following the declaration, Fraser was advised that Indonesia could become ‘increasingly self-confident and less accommodating’ and could ‘threaten’ the ‘negotiation of the seabed boundary with Timor’ which is an ‘issue in which we have an important interest’ (Way 2000, 826). Fraser’s visit to Jakarta and failed recognition attempt (October 1976) As Fernandes (2015, 98) observes, ‘Fraser’s visit to Jakarta in October 1976 presented him with a challenge as his Indonesian hosts were keen to have him state publicly that Australia supported their takeover of East Timor.’6 Ahead of the visit, Foreign Affairs briefed Peacock on ‘formulas for recognition’, proposing ‘overt’ and ‘covert’ options. The covert option, which was strongly opposed by Peacock, involved the Prime Minister giving a private assurance to President Suharto that Australia recognised integration and explaining that he ‘could not say so publicly for the present’ (NAA:4151646, 3). Woolcott later told the United States Ambassador to Indonesia, David Newsom, that Fraser had arrived in Jakarta prepared to publicly acknowledge Indonesia’s sovereignty, but at the

3

Woolcott was Ambassador from March 1975 to end of March 1978. He was appointed the Department of Foreign Affairs’ first Public Information Officer in 1964 (Hughes 2015, 148) and went on to become Secretary of the Department of Foreign Affairs from 1982 to 1988. 4 This was Woolcott’s notorious ‘Kissingerian’ realism cabled of 5 January 1976, published in the Canberra Times on 16 January (Juddery 1976a) in which Woolcott argued the Australian government was ‘confronted by a choice between a moral stance, based on condemnation of Indonesia for the invasion of East Timor and on the assertion of the inalienable right of the people of East Timor to self-determination, on the one hand, and a pragmatic and realistic acceptance of the longer term inevitabilities of the situation, on the other hand.’ (See Viviani 1978, 246). 5 Fernandes (2015, 98) notes that Indonesia brought forward by a month the date of integration, from Indonesian independence day 17 August 1976 to 17 July 1976, at the request of Australia in order to avoid the Australian Parliament being in session. 6 The timing of the visit was also problematic as October 1976 coincided with the first anniversary of the death of five Australian based journalists at Balibo, on the East Timor/Indonesia border, whose exact fate was still unknown to the Australian public

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last minute Peacock convinced him it was too soon after Australia’s criticism of Indonesia’s act of integration (Newsom 1976). During their private meeting, Fraser told President Suharto Australia would give de facto recognition, but delay de jure recognition ‘a little while longer’ (Parsons 1998, 139).7 The covert option played out, with the added complication that while Fraser and Suharto met, Australian and Indonesian officials were discussing a maritime boundary in the Timor Sea south of East Timor. The boundary talks were reported on the front page of The Australian the following day, 9 October 1976. Opponents of the Indonesian invasion were quick to point out that negotiations on a seabed boundary between Australia and East Timor, ‘could not expect to find any legitimacy in international law since sovereignty over the territory was still disputed’ (Nichterlein 1982, 156). The Canberra Times ran a story on 18 October 1976 headlined ‘PM accused of “illegal” talks on sea border.’ Two days later the Attorney-General’s department confidentially advised the government the talks ‘would of course, involve recognition of Indonesia’s sovereignty over East Timor’ (NAA:11089376). In early November, a spokesperson for East Timor, Mari Alkatiri argued at the United Nations that the seabed negotiations were a ‘flagrant denial of the rights of the East Timorese people to decide about their national resources’ and amounted to ‘recognition of Indonesian control of East Timor’ (NAA:1872067, 32). On his return to Canberra, Fraser faced a no confidence motion in the Parliament in the course of which the Labor Opposition lambasted him about whether he had recognised Indonesia’s control of East Timor, and pointed to ‘the pressure being brought to bear on the Australian Government to negotiate with Indonesia concerning the petroleum exploration permits in the portions of the seabed closer to East Timor than to Australia’ (Whitlam, 1976). A week later, on 19 October, Mochtar raised the stakes, telling the media that if Australia acknowledged Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor by negotiating with Jakarta to demarcate the sea boundary between Australia and East Timor, Indonesia was prepared to give Australia the same favourable deal it had conceded in the 1972 seabed negotiations (Richardson 1976). This implied Indonesia would agree to close the seabed gap with a straight line leaving the Australian permits and highly prospective areas, on Australia’s side of the boundary. While this was the outcome sought by the oil companies and Foreign Affairs, political opposition in Australia to recognition of Indonesian sovereignty forced the government, as the Canberra Times reported on 19 October, to ‘quietly shelve plans to draw a seabed border between Australia and East Timor’, and Peacock to restate in Parliament that Australia did not recognise Indonesia’s incorporation of East Timor (Steketee 1976; Peacock 1976). Allegations of atrocities in East Timor set back Australia’s recognition agenda (November 1976 – August 1977) In a cabinet submission in January 1978 recommending Australia recognise Indonesia’s occupation of East Timor and prepare for maritime boundary negotiations, Peacock attributed a halt in the ‘natural and steady progression to some form of de facto recognition’ following Fraser’s October visit to Indonesia, to the ‘activities and reports of observers such as Mr Jim Dunn, Mr John Dowd and, to a slightly lesser extent, Mr Richard Carleton, stimulating, as they did, continuing criticisms of Indonesian policies in the press’ (NAA: 8911897, 17). The reports referred to by Peacock were not ‘criticisms of Indonesian policies’, but graphic accounts of the violence of the Indonesian invasion and its aftermath. The declassified files reveal the Australian Embassy in Jakarta was quick to disparage reports of atrocities and uncritically pass on Indonesian denials to Canberra. They also reveal a total lack of empathy and concern for the alleged victims. James Dunn, was the Director of the Foreign Affairs Group of the Australian Parliament’s Legislative Research Service and former Australian Consul in Portuguese Timor.8 In November 1976, a report from Catholic Church sources

7

International law draws a distinction between de jure and de facto recognition of states. De jure means, ‘based on, or according to the law’, so de jure recognition, means a government accepts the validity of another governments title. Given Indonesia had invaded East Timor, and therefore claimed the territory by illegal means, it did not have de jure sovereignty according to international law. De facto means, ‘in reality’, and in this context according to international law, it means having effective control of a territory even though that control is not formally or legally recognised. 8 Dunn was Australia’s Consul in Portuguese Timor from 1962 to 1964.

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alleging between 60,000 and 100,000 Timorese had been killed since Indonesian forces invaded East Timor to Foreign Affairs was published in the Australian media (Skelton 1976b; Juddery 1976b; Dunn 2003, 268).9 Woolcott put the 60,000 death toll figure to the head of Indonesia intelligence agency, Major General, Benny Murdani, ‘over lunch’, and reported back to Canberra that Murdani claimed that ‘much worse things’ were happening in Cambodia, Laos and the Philippines, and that the figure of 100,000 was ‘ridiculous’ (NAA:4185639, 167.)10 Dunn had provided Foreign Affairs a copy of the Church report, with a covering note that included the observation that ‘Indonesia may have committed one of the worst atrocities, relatively speaking, in modern history in East Timor.’ Next to this text, someone in the Embassy has written ‘everything is relative my dear chap!’ (NAA:4185639, 212). A FRETILIN11 media statement circulating in the Embassy around the same time containing serious allegations of human rights and other abuses, was annotated with a suite of bad jokes themed around rape allegations (NAA:4185639; Allard 2016). In January 1977 Dunn travelled to Portugal and interviewed about 200 of the 1500 Timorese refugees in Lisbon. Extracts of his report, containing graphic accounts of mass civilian killings and other atrocities and new information about the death of six Australian based journalists missing in East Timor were reported in the Australian media in February (‘Dossier on Dili’ 1977; Dunn 1977).. The Embassy copy of Dunn’s report is annotated by numerous authors, nearly all questioning the veracity of his claims. The nadir is the annotation, ‘how do you loot a girl? (misspelling?)’, next to a reference in the text to a ‘great deal of looting and raping of girls in Baucau’ (NAA:4227149, 77). The Embassy in Jakarta was not alone in criticising the messenger. Bob Santamaria, President of the National Civic Council, falsely claimed Dunn was a committed supporter of FRETILIN leading a ‘Campaign against Indonesia’, and conservative academic Heinz Arndt publicly attacked Dunn and ‘blamed “the left” as “part of the explanation” for the press and public turning against Indonesia’ (Kiernan 2002, 171-172). Dunn’s report led to calls for a Federal Parliamentary Select Committee inquiry into the deaths of the missing international journalists, and nearly one hundred federal parliamentarians from both major political parties, signed a petition to United States President Carter about alleged Indonesian atrocities in East Timor. An opinion piece by government member, Michael Hodgman, equated Australia’s response to Dunn’s allegations to those ‘who turned a blind eye to Auschwitz’ (Hodgman 1977). In March 1977, Dunn testified in favour of East Timor’s self-determination before a committee of the United States Congress, where his testimony was met with the same scepticism and hostility he had received from the Australian government (Chomsky & Herman 1979, 174).12 Clearly, this domestic political environment, put a ‘halt’ to the ‘natural and steady progression to some form of de facto recognition’ that Peacock referred to in his January 1977 cabinet submission.13

9

A covering note to the church report See Chomsky & Herman (1979) for a detailed examination of how the United States media portrayed the Indonesian line in response to credible allegations of Indonesian atrocities in East Timor between 1975 and 1979. 10 Murdani was the architect of Indonesia’s pre-invasion, incursion and subversion campaign. In 2007 New South Wales Coroner Dorelle Pinch found that there was ‘strong circumstantial evidence’ that the orders to kill the Balibo five journalists ‘emanated from the Head of Indonesian Special Forces, Major-General Benny Murdani’ (Pinch 2007, 128). See also the Embassy’s response to Indonesian Foreign Minister, Malik’s, public estimation that 50,000 people may have been killed ‘in the recent civil war in East Timor’ (Canberra Times 1 April 1977). Woolcott advised Canberra he had a ‘frank’ conversation with Murdani, who said ‘even the total figure of 10,000 for total causalities was excessive’ and said that ‘apart from grossly exaggerated figures there also seemed to be a tendency in the western press to attribute all of the casualties to Indonesia’ (NAA:4185638 103-104). 11 Portuguese acronym for Frente Revolucionária de Timor-Leste Independente, the political arm of the Timorese resistance and self proclaimed legitimate government of East Timor. 12 Dunn’s presence at the committee prompted the Indonesian Foreign Ministry to summon Woolcott for an official reprimand (Walker 1977). In a cable to head office in Canberra in early May, Woolcott argued Indonesia saw the petition to President Carter and the ‘Dunn affair’ as ‘very close to the last straw’ and relayed that the government had to recognise, ‘in the reasonably near future, de facto the reality of East Timor’s incorporation and to stop stirring up trouble for Indonesia’ (NAA:4185638, 125). 13 The other individuals named in Peacock’s submission, were John Dowd and Richard Carleton. Dowd was a NSW State Liberal parliamentarian and President of the Australian section of the International Commission of Jurists. His report, based on interviews he conducted with refugees in Portugal, corroborated Dunn’s report, but as a lawyer, and member of the governing political party, his allegations were more difficult to dismiss

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Holders of Australian exploration permits call for maritime boundary negotiations (November 1976 – August 1977) While the Australian Embassy in Jakarta responded to allegations of atrocities and managed the front line relationship with Indonesia, the oil companies with petroleum exploration permits issued by Australia in the Timor Sea, lobbied in Canberra for a resolution of the seabed boundary issue.14 In January 1977, a representative from Shell sought a meeting with Peacock to discuss Australia’s willingness to negotiate with Indonesia, about ‘closure of the gap’ (NAA: 1872067, 41). Foreign Affairs advised Peacock that: because of the political sensitivity of the issue, a decision to negotiate and the timing of negotiations will have to be handled carefully, as such negotiations would of course constitute de jure recognition of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor. If in due course negotiations are commenced, the best solution for Australia would be a relatively straight line closing the present gap (NAA:1763283, 45).

The oil companies increased the pressure on the government throughout 1977. For example, in February, 1977 the Arco consortium sought approval to defer its drilling commitment in permit (NT/P4) ‘until such time as the international boundary dispute is solved’ (NAA:1763283, 85). In a cable in May, 1977 Woolcott included the need to close the Timor gap in his arguments in favour of early recognition, arguing that Australia could not negotiate the closure of the gap in the seabed boundary with Portugal as it ‘must be negotiated with Indonesia’ which can ‘only be done on the basis of our recognition of Indonesian control of East Timor’ (NAA:4227149, 23). Indonesia’s interest in commencing maritime boundary negotiations, was now shared by the oil companies, and the Australian Embassy in Jakarta. On 25 May, Richardson (1977) reported in the Australian Financial Review (AFR) that Oceanic was seeking Indonesian endorsement of the permit granted by Portugal and noted that some: close observers of the Indonesian scene believe Jakarta is deliberately reserving judgement on the matter as part of a campaign to try to accelerate a formal acknowledgement from the Fraser Government that East Timor is now Indonesia’s 27th Province.

This report prompted Australian Aquitaine Petroleum, which had taken over a section of Arco’s permit NT/P4, to write to the Australian government seeking to defer the company’s drilling obligations because a ‘large discovery of hydrocarbons resulting from a well drilled on a structure before resolution of the boundary question could exacerbate the present boundary problems and considerably delay their final settlement’ (NAA:1763283, 84). The Minister for Natural Resources, Doug Anthony, sought advice from Foreign Affairs concerning the ‘prompt settlement of the boundary question’ between Australia and East Timor (NAA:1763283, 60). Anthony sought advice on the status of Oceanic’s Portuguese permit, asked about the implications of approving the drilling deferral requests, and advised ‘that there are good prospects of a discovery on the large Kelp structure which is in the area affected’. Woodside wrote to the government again in June 1977 seeking another exemption, despite the consortium’s ‘keen interest in an attractive prospect in the permit’ (NAA:1872067, 208). On 22 June, Ian Sinclair, Acting Foreign Minister responded to Anthony, advising him that:

(NAA:1871698, 219, 225). The Embassy file has the following handwritten annotation on the covering letter accompanying Dowd’s report; ‘There’s not much substance in this,’ (NAA:4227149, 125). Richard Carleton was a respected journalist, who published two explosive articles based on a visit to East Timor facilitated by Woolcott, who had accepted Carleton’s claims he wanted to balance up the ‘bad press’ Indonesia was getting over Timor (FCO 15/2252). Carleton instead detailed how he ‘managed to give the slip to the dozen escorts, guards, interpreters and hangers-on that the Indonesian Government had provided’ and then set out horrific eye witness accounts of the deaths at the Dili wharf and other atrocities (Carleton 1977a, 1977b). 14 In late 1976, Foreign Affairs had to assure officials from their concessions were valid under international and Australian law (NAA:1763283, 38).

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I well understand why you favour the establishment of a reliable seabed boundary as soon as possible, and your particular concern to respond in some definite sense to the companies which hold the relevant offshore exploration permits…the fact remains however that the Australian Government has not yet felt itself able to take action, such as negotiating a seabed boundary south of east Timor, which Indonesia would be able to characterize as recognition of Indonesian sovereignty over east Timor (NAA:1763283, 63).

Australia moves to recognise Indonesian sovereignty in East Timor (June 1977 to January 1978) In mid-June 1977, the Age published a front page article under the headline ‘Jakarta’s rule a fact’ based on a report of a visit to East Timor in April by senior diplomats from the Embassy in Jakarta, Woolcott’s deputy, Cavan Hogue, and First Secretary, Peter Rodgers. The article quoted ‘observers’ saying the report was ‘another step in a slow but inevitable progression towards official Australian recognition of Indonesia’s Timor takeover despite the Government’s reservations, the use of force and the absence of a proper act of self-determination’ (Richardson 1977).15 Indonesia’s Sinar Harapan newspaper reported that ‘diplomatic circles in Jakarta’ interpreted the release of the Hogue and Rodgers report as a ‘step forward in the…efforts of the Australian Government to recognise East Timor’s integration into Indonesia’ (NAA:4227149, 52).16 On 8 August, Prime Minister Fraser met with President Suharto at a post-ASEAN summit in Malaysia and told the President that, ‘he would like to see Timor buried as an issue between the two countries as soon as this could be done in Australia’ (NAA:4185638, 152). On 12 August, Foreign Affairs advised the Minister that: the exploration permit problem and, indeed the likely need in the near future to negotiate with Indonesia on de-limitation of our respective 200 miles zones of maritime jurisdiction, will require the Government to give fairly early consideration to the East Timor ‘recognition’ 17 question (NAA:1763283, 90).

Declassified files reveal that on 5 September 1977, a colleague from the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet, phoned Woolcott to let him know ‘privately’, that the ‘political will at the highest level is quite decided’ on the need for the ‘helpful shift in our Timor policy’ the Indonesian’s were expecting, and that it was ‘just a question of the moment …’ (NAA:4185638, 463). In another call from Canberra in late October, Woolcott was advised that while the Minister wanted ‘to move this year’, the announcement of the Federal election on 10 December 1977 had ‘intervened’ (NAA:4185638, 618). The Fraser government won the election, and soon after moved to resolve the recognition and seabed boundary issues, despite continuing domestic opposition to the invasion, and FRETILIN’s ongoing resistance. On 20 January 1978, Peacock announced Australia would no longer sustain ‘public objection to the integration of East Timor into Indonesia’ (NAA: 1871698, 6).18 His statement linked the

15

The files concerning Hogue and Rodgers’ visit state they were to report ‘on humanitarian aid’ and to ‘be on the lookout for evidence that would support or refute Dunn’s major contentions’ (NAA:4227150). 16 When the visit was being planned Woolcott had assured his colleagues in Canberra that any suggestions that the visit ‘be construed as de facto or de jure recognition of East Timor’s incorporation would be flatly denied and rejected’ (NAA:4227150). Dunn’s allegations had been aired in East Timor as photographs taken by Hogue and Rodgers during their visit show banners on buildings, or strung between trees, stating ‘James Dunn go to hell’ and other slogans attacking Dunn and calling for integration (NAA:4185994). 17 On 28 September 1977 Indonesia advised it was considering declaring a 200 nautical mile ‘economic or fishing zone’ and that would mean Australia and Indonesia ‘would have “to address themselves soon” to settling the seabed boundary south of Timor’ (NAA:1872067, 226). 18 The cabinet minute recording cabinet’s decision, endorsed Peacock’s recommendations concerning the commencement of maritime boundary negotiations, however it varied the language around recognition used in Peacock’s submission to read: ‘Subject to the Minister for Foreign Affairs being satisfied that there were no overriding legal reasons for not doing so, that the Government recognises, de facto, that East Timor is part of Indonesia…’ (NAA:8911897, 3).

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decision to Australia’s need to deal directly with the Indonesian government in relation to family reunions and ‘the rehabilitation of Timor’. However, declassified cabinet records reveal that the commencement of maritime boundary negotiations with Indonesia south of East Timor, was central to the recognition decision, as was an assessment that the political conditions would permit recognition (Fernandes 2015a, 100). On 17 January 1978, Peacock had presented a submission titled ‘East Timor - Australian Policy’ to cabinet’s Foreign Affairs and Defence Committee. According to Parson’s (1998, 141) the submission had ‘short-circuited’ the usual cabinet processes in an attempt avoid leaks and the revival of the ‘anti-Indonesia’ campaign. 19 The submission clearly sought cabinet endorsement of a form of recognition that would enable maritime boundary negotiations, as it recommended ‘appropriate Departments prepare for Ministerial consideration Australia’s position for negotiations to complete the demarcation of the sea-bed boundary between Australia and Indonesia’ and that in response to ‘any Indonesian query about the sea-bed boundary in the Timor Sea the Government indicate that it is prepared to begin negotiations to complete the demarcation of the seabed boundary between Australia and Indonesia as soon as is mutually convenient.’20 The submission included a draft media statement that, like the statement delivered by Peacock, was silent on the maritime boundary issue. It argued that a drop off in the number of letters on Timor and falling television and newspaper interest, indicated a decline in domestic interest and then echoed the conservative media line that a small but vocal ‘anti-Indonesian group’ would be critical of Indonesia in any case for any reason. The submission also included a background paper that discussed various approaches to recognition in which six paragraphs remain classified in part or in full (NAA: 8911897, 17). There is no explanation for the decision to keep the nexus with maritime boundary negotiations secret in the submission, or in the sections of the background paper that have not been redacted.21 A Foreign Affairs’ brief, on responses to possible media questions, did however address the issue as follows; ‘The sea-bed boundary between Australia and East Timor has not been settled. It is a question that will need to be discussed with the Indonesian Government in due course’ (NAA:4185704, 203). The Australian government’s decision was welcomed in Indonesia. According to Woolcott, Mochtar said it was a ‘positive development,’ that opened the way for the ‘completion of the seabed boundary’ (NAA:4185704, 196). Australia’s decision to formally recognise Indonesia’s annexation of East Timor was made nearly forty years ago. Much has changed since then. Over seventeen years ago the Timorese people finally got to participate in a United Nations supervised vote of self determination, which led to the establishment of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste on 20 May 2002. The reports of Dunn, Dowd, and Carleton have been corroborated by numerous academic studies (Chomsky & Herman 1979; Kiernan 2002; Dunn 2004; Niner 2009; Fernandes 2011, 2014, 2015b) and by Chega!: Report of the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in East Timor (2005). But two things have not changed; the right of Australia to issue exploration permits north of the median line in the Timor gap is still contested,22 and the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs has continued to invest

19

According to Fernandes (2015, 100) only a small, select number of Foreign Affairs officials were aware in advance of the submission. 20 Less than 12 months later, in December 1978 the Fraser cabinet agreed to start negotiations with Indonesia ‘to finalize delimitation of the Australia/Indonesia sea and seabed boundaries, and indicated that, on commencing such negotiations in relation to East Timor, the Government was prepared to acknowledge, under questioning, that this amounted to de jure recognition of the incorporation of East Timor into Indonesia’ (Cabinet Decision 7157 15/11/1978 quoted on NAA:1763271, 164). This time the direct link between recognition and maritime boundary negotiations was made public by Peacock at a media conference on 15 December 1978 (NAA:1872070, 179). 21 On 1 December 2008 the National Archives of Australia (NAA) determined that it ‘is possible that information in this file, if disclosed, could cause damage to the security, defence or international relations of the Commonwealth of Australia. If disclosure of information were to lessen the confidence of another country in the Australian Government, that is sufficient ground for a finding that disclosure could reasonably be expected to damage international relations.’ On 16 April 2016 the author applied for a review of the NAA’s decision. 22 On 11 April 2016 Timor-Leste initiated compulsory conciliation proceedings against Australia under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, with the aim of concluding an agreement with Australia on permanent maritime boundaries.

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significant legal, diplomatic and other resources23 in efforts to secure Australian rights to petroleum rich areas of the Timor Sea north of the median line, regardless of the legal, diplomatic and human cost of that position.

Bibliography Books, journals and reports Antunes, Nuno Sergio Marques 2003, Towards the Conceptualisation of Maritime Delimitation: Legal and Technical Aspects of a Political Process, Brill. Birmingham, John 2001, ‘Appeasing Jakarta: Australia's complicity in the East Timor tragedy’, Australian Quarterly Essay 2. Chomsky, Noam and Herman, Edward 1979, The Washington Connection and Third World Fascism, South End Press, Boston. Dunn, James 1977, ‘The Dunn report on East Timor’, Journal of Contemporary Asia 7(3): 409-417. --- 2003, East Timor: a rough passage to independence, Longueville Books, Double Bay, NSW. --- 2004, ‘Chapter 8 Genocide in East Timor,’ in Samuel Totten, William Parsons and Israel Charny, (eds) Century of Genocide, Taylor and Francis e-Library, 2005. Fernandes, Clinton 2014, 'Denial of the East Timor Genocide' in Paul Bartrop and Steven Jacobs (eds) Modern Genocide: The Definitive Resource and Document Collection [4 volumes], ABC-CLIO, LCC. --- 2015a, ‘Recognition as a political act: political considerations in recognising Indonesia's annexation of East Timor’, in D. Kingsbury and C. Laoutides (eds) Territorial separatism in global politics: causes, outcomes and resolution, Routledge, London. --- 2015b, ‘Accomplice to mass atrocities: the international community and Indonesia’s invasion of East Timor', Politics and Governance 3: 1-11. Henry, Adam Hughes, 2015, The Gatekeepers of Australian Foreign Policy, Australian Scholarly Publishing, North Melbourne. Jones, BF 1967, ‘Timor Sea Gravity, Magnetic, and Seismic Survey 1967,’ Geoscience Australia Record No. 1969/40. Kiernan, Ben 2002, 'Cover-up and denial of genocide: Australia, the USA, East Timor, and the Aborigines', Critical Asian Studies, 34: 163-92. Konecki, MC and Blair, K 1970, ‘Preliminary Analyses of Natural Gases Encountered in Exploration and Development Drilling in Australia and Papua and New Guinea’ Geoscience Australia Record No. 1970/76. Newsom, David 1976, United States Ambassador to Indonesia, United States, Department of State, Visit of Australian Prime Minister to Indonesia https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1976JAKART05450_b.html Nichterlein, Sue 1982, ‘Australia: Courtier or courtesan? The Timor issue revisited,’ Australian Outlook 36(1): 46-50. Niner, Sarah 2009, Xanana: leader of the struggle for independent Timor-Leste Australian Scholarly Publishing, North Melbourne. Pinch, Magistrate Dorelle 2007 Inquest into the Death of Brian Raymond Peters, NSW Coroner's Court, http://www.coroners.justice.nsw.gov.au/Documents/brian%20peters%201975%20(balibo)%20%20finding%20and%20recommendations.pdf Smith, KG, Nicholas, Evelyn and Raine, Marlene 1969, ‘Summary of oil search activities in Australia and Papua New Guinea during 1969’ Geoscience Australia Record No 1970/37. Viviani, Nancy 1978 ‘Australians and the Timor issue: the policy of the Fraser Government,’ Australian Outlook 32(3): 241-261. Way, Wendy, Damien Browne, and the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade 2000, (eds) Australia and the Indonesian incorporation of Portuguese Timor, 1974-1976, Melbourne University Press, Carlton. Woolcott, Richard 2003 The hot seat: reflections on diplomacy from Stalin's death to the Bali bombings, Harper Collins Publishers, Pymble, NSW.

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Allegations Australia bugged the room used by Timorese negotiators during maritime boundary treaty negotiations with Australia in 2004 have neither been confirmed nor denied by the Australian government since they became public in 2013.

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Timor-Leste: lokal, regional, dan global Diedit oleh Alarico da Costa Ximenes

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48 Kesepakatan mengenai referendum di Timor-Leste Celestino Boavida Pereira Latar Belakang Berdirinya negara baru yang bernama Timor-Leste di awal abad XXI ini karena adanya kebijakan pemerintah Indonesia menempati kesepakatan 5 Mei 1999 di New York yang berisi 7 butir kesepakatan yang di tanda tangan antar Indonesia dan Portugal di saksikan oleh Sekjen Perserikatan Banga-Bangsa Kofi A. Annan, antara lain: 1. Meminta Sekretaris Jenderal Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa untuk mengajukan rangsangan kerangka konstitusional yang mengatur tentang suatu otonomi khusus bagi Timor-Leste dalan negara kesatuan Republik Indonsia yang bertimbangannya melalui jajak pendata; 2.Meminta Sekretaris Jenderal untuk menempatkan kesepakatan,segera setelah penanda tanganan penentuan pendapat tersebut secara efektif; 3. Bagi pemerintah Indonesia bertanggung jawan menjaga perdamaian dan keamanan di Timor-Leste selama proses jajak pendapat, agara penentuan pendapat dilaksanakan secara adil dan damai dari suasana yang bebas dari intimidasi serta tanpa campur tangan dari pihak ketiga; 4.Diharapkan agar Sekretaris Jenderal PBB menyampaikan hasil penentuan pendapat kepada Dewan Kemanan dan Majelis Umum PBB serta diinformasikan kepada Indonesia,Portugal dan rakyat Timor-Leste; 5. Pemerintah Indonesia mengambil langka-langka konstitusional bagi otonomi khusus daerah Timor-Leste, dan bagi Portugal harus menempuh prosedur di PBB untuk mengeluarkan masalah TimorLeste dari daftar agenda majelis umum PBB, bila rakyat Timor-Leste memilih otonomi khusus; 6. Jika kerangka otonomi khusus yang diusulkan tidak di terima rakyat Timor-Leste maka pemerintah Indonesia berjanji,akan mengambil langkah-langkah konstitusional yang diperlukan, untuk memindahkan kekuasaan Timor-Leste kepada PBB secara tertib dan damai, berdasarkan hukum Indonesia,serta statusnya kembali seperti sebelum 17 juli 1976, untuk menuju proses kemerdekaan sendiri; 7, Selama jajak pendapat berjalan di minta kepada PBB untuk menghindari misi keamanan di Timor-Leste untuk menjaga ketertiban antara kedua kelompok rakyat di Timor-Leste (http://www.un.org).

Kebijakan pemerintah Indonesia memberi dua opsi kepada rakyat Timor-Leste sebagai jalan keluar untuk menentukan pilihannya sendiri (Kesaksian,2002). Pada tahun 1999, penyelesaian masalah TimorLeste tidak lagi berstandar pada proposisi bahwa integrasi sudah final dan tidak dapat lagi diganggu gugat. Berarti mempertahankan integrasi Timor-Leste bukan lagi merupakan kepentingan nasional Indonesia. Pada awal integrasi Timor-Leste ke dalam negara kesatuan Republik Indonesia, diplomasi Indonesia banyak sekali dilakukan oleh para elit yang mendukung integrasi. Sejak 1976-1980-an Dalam sidang Majelis Umum Dewan Keamanan PBB selalu mempersoalkan masalah Timor-Leste mulai dari tahun 1975 hingga 1982, PBB berulang kali mempersoalkan karena integrasi Timor-Leste ke dalam negara kesatuan Republik Indonesia dianggap menyalahi kaidah hukum internasional. Periode antara 1975-1982 merupakan masa paling berat bagi diplomasi Indonesia atas masalah Timor-Leste namun berdasarkan fakta bahwa ada dukungan internasional terhadap resolusi PBB mengenai kasus Timor-Leste di agenda PBB makin lama makin berkurang dari 72 suara di tahun 1975 menjadi 50 suara di tahun 1982 dan dukungan terhadap Indonesia semakin besar yaitu 10 suara di tahun 1975 menjadi 48 suara di tahun 1982. Setelah itu pada tahun 1982 terdapat 50 negara seharus ikut memberikan suara medukungan atau menentang masalah Timor-Leste di hapus dari agenda PBB tetapi dari 50 negara tersebut 43 negara abstain terhadap resolusi PBB 1975 sehingga masalah Timor-Leste periode tersebut tidak dibicarakan lagi forum resmi baik regional maupun internasional. Indonesia selalu mengatakan bahwa rakyat Timor-Leste telah memilih begabung dengan Indonesia yang ditegaskan oleh deklarasi Balibo, namun para diplomat Timor-Leste yang ada di luat negeri tetap melobi masyarakat internasional, Portugal agar tetap mendesak PBB untuk meminta Indonesia keluar dari Timor-Timur. Tercatat antara 1975 hingga 1876, PBB telah mengeluarkan resolusi tentang masalah Timor-Timur, sebanyak 5 resolusi (Singh, 1998). Pada tahun 1983 pemerintah Indonesia mendesak Sekjen PBB untuk menghapus masalah Timor-Timur dari agenda Dewan Kemanan PBB tetapi PBB tidak menanggapi permintaan tersebut hingga masalah Timor-Timur tidak terhapus dari agenda PBB.Maka kelompok pejuang kemerdekaan dari sayap 307

diplomasi, sayap gerakan bawah tanah dan sayap angkatan bersenjata FALINTIL semakin melakukan berbagai siasat perjuangannya sampai masalah Timor-Timur nampak hingga pada proses terjadinya peristiwa berdarah Santa Cruz 12 November 1991 (Gusmão 2000), yang menjadikan perjuangan diplomasi Indonesia gagal total, dan rasa simpati dunia internacional kepada Timor-Timur semakin meningkat setelah tragedi Santar Cruz. Pada tahun 1997 di saat negara Indonesia menghapi krisi moneter, Amerika sebagai patner utama Indonesiaa ini tidak mau membantu mencairkan dana dari Bank Dunia dan Dana Moneter Internasional untuk memulihkan nilai rupiah yang merosot dalam waktu yang singkat, sehingga timbul krisis politik, ekonomi dan sosial budaya dalam negeri Indonesia dan Soeharto pun lengser dari jabatannya. Setelah pergantian pemimpin dari Soeharto kepada Habibie, stabilitas tetap tidak menentu sehingga Habibie memberi dua opsi (Otonoi atau Kemerdekaan) sebagai respon atas tuntutan linglungan dalam dan luar negeri.Masalah Timor-Timur yang selama itu di agenda PBB yang hanya diperdebatkan antara Indonesia dan Portugal serta PBB itu harus diserahkan kepada rakyat TimorTimur untuk menentukan pilihannya. Rumusan masalah Berdasarkan pemaparan di atas maka rumusan masalah dalam penelitian ini adalah: ‘Mengapa pemerintah Indonesia mengajukan dua opsi pada kesepakatan 5 Mei 1999 di New York?’ Metode penelitian Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif deskriptif dimana berusaha untuk menggambarkan fenomena sosial yang diteliti. Artinya untuk menggambarkan dan mengeksplorasi mengenai dua opsi yang diajukan Indonesia sebagai dasar kesepakatan 5 Mei 1999 antara pemerintah Indonesia, dan pemerintah portugal serta PBB di New York. Selanjutnya teknik pengumpulan data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah: a. Observasi Observasi lapangan merupakan pengamatan yang dilakukan oleh peneliti secara langsung di lokasi penelitian untuk mengetahui secara lebih dekat fenomena sosial yang diteliti agar peneliti mempunyai pengalaman secara langsung dengan fenomena yang diteliti. Pengamatan langsung ini memungkinkan peneliti untuk bisa melihat dan mengamati sendiri, kemudian mencatat perilaku dan kejadian sebagaimana yang terjadi pada keadaan sebenarnya (Lexi J. Moleong, 2002). Dalam penelitian ini penulis mengamati hal-hal yang berhubungan dengan penyebab terjadinya kesepakatan dan dampak dari kedua opsi tersebut. b. Wawancara Wawancara merupakan teknik pengumpulan data dengan cara tanya jawab secara mendalam antara peneliti dengan informan kunci dan informan-informan lainnya tentang fenomena yang sedang diteliti untuk memperoleh data yang benar dan terperinci. Hal-hal yang ditanyakan key informant lebih pada alasan muncunlnya kesepakatan dan dampaknya. c. Penyalinan data sekunder Dalam penelitian ini penulis menyalin data sekunder dari kepustakaan yang tersedia berkaitan dengan fenomena sosial yang diteliti. d. Studi dokumentasi Studi dokumentasi merupakan pengumpulan data dengan cara melihat, mengamati dan mengkaji dokumen-dokumen yang ada sebagai faktor pendukung terhadap data yang sudah dikumpulkan dengan metode lainnya. Sedangkan teknik analisis data yang dipakai dalam penelitian ini adalah teknik analisis data model interaktif yang dikemukakan oleh Milles dan Huberman 1992, 20). Kedua ahli ini mengemukakan empat hal utama dalam proses penelitian kualitatif, yaitu pengumpulan data, reduksi data, penyajian data, dan penarikan kesimpulan atau verifikasi. Untuk lebih jelas dapat di lihat gambar

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di bawah ini. Pembahasan Perang dinggi dan perebutan pengaruh kekuasaan antara Amerika dan Uni Soviet di berbagai belahan dunia nampaknya menjalar sampai di Timor-Timur sehingga menimbulkan perang saudara yang mengundang Indonesia hadir di Timor-Timur.Intervensi militer Indonesia atas Timor-Leste karena Amerika merasa kepentingannya di kawasan Asia Tenggara terganggu sehingga Amerika memberikan lampu hijau kepada Indonesia untuk menduduki Timor-Timur pada tanggal 7 desember 1975. Setelah Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI) invasi Timor-Timur maka pada 7 Juli 1978 melalui sidang istimewa MPR RI/MPR/N.6/1976, mengesahkan integrasi Timor-Timur ke dalam negara kesatuan Republik Indonesia dan merupakan provinsi ke-27 yang sudah merupakan negara kedaulatan Republik Indonesia sehingga pemerintah Indonesia mulai menjalankan roda pembangunan di berbagai bidang di Timor-Timur dengan menggunakan pendekatan militer dari tingkat nasional sampai tingkat dessa bahkan kampung. Pembangunan melalui pendekatan militer maka sering terjadi tindakan yang dianggap kriminal seperti adanya korban pembunuhan,pemerkosaan dan penyiksaan fisik ketika orang Timor-Timur dicurgai melakukan kontak dengan FALINTIL termasuk pembunuhan massal salah satunya seperti insiden Cararas di kapubaten Viqueque (Aditjondro,1999) Militer Indonesia melakukan berbagai usaha untuk melumpuhkan semua jalur bergerakan perjuangan kemerdekaan Timor-Timur tetapi dengan perjuangan yang gigih serta inspirasi makna semboyan merdeka atau mati dan watak nasionalisme yang tangguh yang membuat para pejuang kemerdekaan Timor-Timur selalu mencari alternatif untuk menyusun siasat perlawanan demi mencapai kemerdekaan. Perubahan demi perubahan siasat politik dilakukan oleh pejuang kemerdekaan Timor-Timur antara lain: Conselho Nacional Revolucionaria da Resistência Maubere (CNRR) (Gusmão 2001,68) telah tersudut tidak lagi sesuai dengan tuntutan dan kebutuhan jaman akhirnya berubah lagi menjadi Conselho Nacional Resistência Timorense (CNRT) yang mengantarkan Timor-Timur pada kemerdekaan total melalui jajak pendapat. Masalah pelanggaran hak azasi manusia di seluruh wilayah Indonesia selama pemerintahan orde baru selalu saja terjadi setiap detik tetapi karena kuatnya sistem sehingga hal tersebut di anggap biasa-biasa saja dan hal yang sama juga terjadi di Timor-Timur selama 24 tahun pendudukan rezim rezim militer Soeharto tetapi karena sistem kerja sama Indonesia dengan organisasi baik regional maupun internacional adalah kuat maka apapun yang terjadi di Timor-Timur menyangkut bentuk pelanggaran hak asasi manusia tetap di anggap masalah dalam negeri Indonesia bahkan insiden Santa Cruz pemerintah Indonesia mengatakan demikian. Timor-Timur selama itu meruapakan satu di antara sumber kelemahan nasional Indonesia sebab secara politik dunia internasional tidak mengakui integrasi Timor-Timur ke dalam wilayah negara kesatuan Republik Indonesia maka Portugal dan dunia barat selalu mengkampanyekan pelanggaran hak azasi di Timor-Timur yang di tuduh kepada tentana nasional Indonesia dan polisi Republik Indonesia, akibatnya kredibelitas Indonesia di mata dunia internacional jatuh. Setelah melakukan berbagai pertimbangan,pemerintah Indonesia akhirnya mengambil keputusan untuk menyelesaikan masalah Timor-Timur maka dikeluarkanlah opsi II sebagai usaha mengangkat citra pemerintah Indonesia di mata dunia internasional. Oleh sebab itu presiden Habibie mengadakan pertemuan kabinet dan merumuskan daerah otonomi khusus atau memilih merdeka (STL 21 Januari 1999). Pengumuman kedua opsi tersebut sekaligus sebagai tanda penyerahan Timor-Timur kepada PBB. PBB dan Portugal sebagai pihak yang berkepentingan di Timor-Timur untuk turut memperlancara proses penyelesaian masalah Timor-Timur melalui jajak pendapat. Maka Dewan Kemanan PBB telah mengeluarkan resolusi 1246 yang memberikan mandat kepada United Nations Administrations Mission in East Timur selaku organ PBB yang berhak menyelenggarakan jajak pendapat di Timor-Leste yang hasilnya dimenangkan oleh pihak pro-kemerdekaan sebanyak 79% dan pihak pro-integrasi hanya 21%. Daftar Pustaka Aditjondro, G, 1999, Politik Minyak di Balik Tragedy Timor Lorosa`e, SOLIDAMOR, Indonesia Gusmão, S da G, 2001, Menyongsong Tahun Pembebasan, Sahem Intitut for Liberation,Dili Singh Bilveer, 1998, Timor-Timur Indonesia dan Dunia,Mitos dan Kenyataan,Jakarta

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Harian Suara Timor Lorosa`e,21 Januari 1999, http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/missions/past/etimor/docs/a53951.pdfhttps://infokito.

49 Strategi komunikasi dalam pengembangan pariwisata kota Dili Timor Leste Constancia de Jesus Latar belakang Timor-Leste merupakan sebuah negara baru di era millennium ini. Sebelum Timor-Leste menjadi sebuah negara, Timor-Leste pernah dijajah oleh Bangsa Portugis dan pernah bergabung dengan indonesia. Timor-Leste memisahkan diri dari negara indonesia pada tahun 1999 melalui referendum yang di akui oleh dunia internasioal pada tanggal 20 Mei 2002 sebagai sebuah negara berdaulat. Pada waktu masih bergabung dengan negara indonesia kota Dili merupakan ibu kota propinsi. Setelah TimorLeste menjadi sebuah negara, kota Dili menjadi ibu kota negara Timor-Leste. Melihat kota Dili sebagai ibu kota Negara dan disamping itu memiliki objek wisata yang begitu indah maka pemerintah sekarang dengan semangat membangung dunia keparawisataan. Potensi dan daya tarik wisata yang dimiliki oleh kota Dili antara lain, keindahan laut, budaya tradisional yang keseluruhan potensi tersebut merupakan sumber ekonomi yang bernilai tinggi. Pengembangan sektor pariwisata menjadi pilihan terbaik bagi daerah-daerah yang memiliki potensi besar sebagaimana yang dimiliki kota Dili. Terdapat dampak yang sangat besar dan nyata dalam proses pengembangan sektor kepariwisataan di sebuah daerah adalah untuk menyabarkan pembangunan, menciptakan kesempatan kerja, serta adanya informasi lokal dari intereaksi dengan orang asing. Pembangunan di bidang pariwisata yang selama ini menjadi perhatian bagi kota Dili dan mengingat Dili sebagai ibu kota negara perlu untuk di kembangkan kedepan agar dapat memberi kontribusi pada pemerintah. Dili sebagai ibu kota negara Timor Leste memang layak untuk di sebut sebagai kota wisata karena memiliki pantai yang begitu bersih dan indah apabila dikembangkan dengan strategi yang tepat, manajemen yang professional dan terencana dengan baik akan membawakan hasil yang baik bagi negara. Sektor pariwisata bisa dikatakan sebagai salah satu sektor kunci pembangunan di kota Dili. Namun masih dihadapkan pada kendala dalam memaksimalkan potensi yang ada pada obyek-obyek parawisata di kota Dili. Pemerintah kota Dili dalam hal ini diwakili oleh Dinas Parawisata Kota Dili perlu memikirkan langkah-langkah dalam pengembangan keparawisataan mengingat Dili sebagai ibu kota Negara. Strategi komunikasi dalam pengembangan dan pengelolaan kepariwisataan di kota Dili akan menghasilkan pendapatan yang maksimal bagi masyarakat dan pemerintah kota Dili. Dengan melakukan pengolahan secara terencana dan terpadu dengan strategi komunikasi yang tepat, diharapkan kota Dili menjadi salah satu tujuan utama parawisata di Timor-Leste, baik oleh wisatawan domestik maupun wisatawan mancanegara. Kerjasama antara masyarakat dan pemeritah sangat diharapkan dalam rangka membangun kota Dili sebagai ibu kota negara sekaligus sebagai kota pariwisata, didasari bahwa di era globalisasi ini sektor parawisata tidak mengenal lagi batas negara. Di sisi lain kegiatan pengembangan kepariwisataan adalah sebuah kegiatan yang cenderung kompetetif, dan merupakan sebuah kegiatan yang akan menciptakan sebuah citra positif bagi suatu daerah. Wisatawan akan menceritakan pengalaman menarik maupun sebaliknya kepada orang lain di daerahnya tentang pelayanan, keindahan maupun keunikan sebuah kawasan wisata. Salah satu kendala yang dihadapi dalam pengembangan kawasan wisata kota Dili adalah lemahnya promosi wisata yang berlansung saat ini masih cenderung bersifat seremonial dan hanya merupakan rutinitas kerja saja. Dalam hal ini belum ada langkah-langkah strategi yang bisa dilakukan oleh dinas parawisata untuk melakukan promosi asset secara terencana dengan baik. Strategi komunikasi perlu dalam pengembangan pariwisata di Kota Dili, demi membangun strategi komunikasi yang baik kepada masyarakat atau khayalak merupakan tanggung jawab penuh dari pemerintah kota Dili guna mengoptimalkan semua potensi daerah demi kesejahteraan masyarakat kota Dili sendiri.

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Untuk mencapai suatu tujuan tersebut strategi komunikasi harus dapat menunjukan bagaimana operasionalnya secara taktis harus dilakukan, dalam arti kata bahwa pendekatan bisa berbeda sewaktuwaktu tergantung situasi dan kondisi. Strategi pengembangan obyek dan daya tarik wisata sangat erat kaitannya dengan peningkatan dan pembangunan ekonomi regional maupun nasional, sehingga selalu dihadapkan pada kondisi intereaksi bebagai kepentingan yang melibatkan pemerintah, masyarakat dan pihak swasta dalam suatu sistem yang saling berhubungan. Perumusan Masalah Dari uraian diatas maka rumusan masalah dalam penelitian ini adalah: 1. Bagaimana strategi komunikasi yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah kota Dili dalam pengembangan potensi pariwisata yang ada? 2. Apa saja faktor yang mendukung dan menghambat dalam pengembangan potensi pariwisata kota Dili? Metode Penelitian Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif deskriptif dimana berusaha untuk menggambarkan fenomena sosial yang diteliti. Artinya untuk menggambarkan dan mengeksplorasi komunikasi yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah untuk mengembangkan pariwisata di kota Dili. Selanjutnya teknik pengumpulan data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah: a. Observasi Observasi lapangan merupakan pengamatan yang dilakukan oleh peneliti secara langsung di lokasi penelitian untuk mengetahui secara lebih dekat fenomena sosial yang diteliti agar peneliti mempunyai pengalaman secara langsung dengan fenomena yang diteliti. Pengamatan langsung ini memungkinkan peneliti untuk bisa melihat dan mengamati sendiri, kemudian mencatat perilaku dan kejadian sebagaimana yang terjadi pada keadaan sebenarnya (Lexi J. Moleong, 2002). Dalam penelitian ini penulis mengamati hal-hal yang berhubungan dengan strategi komunikasi yang dilakukan pemerintah dalam pengembangan pariwisata di kota Dili dan melakukan pengamatan terhadap hal-hal yang berkaitan dengan pengembangan potensi pariwisata di Dili. b. Wawancara Wawancara merupakan teknik pengumpulan data dengan cara tanya jawab secara mendalam antara peneliti dengan informan kunci dan informan-informan lainnya tentang fenomena yang sedang diteliti untuk memperoleh data yang benar dan terperinci. Hal-hal yang ditanyakan lebih pada estrategis komunikasi dilakukan pemerintah dalam pengembangan pariwisata di kota Dili. a. Penyalinan data sekunder Dalam penelitian ini penulis menyalin data sekunder dari kepustakaan yang tersedia berkaitan dengan fenomena sosial yang diteliti. b. Studi dokumentasi Studi dokumentasi merupakan pengumpulan data dengan cara melihat, mengamati dan mengkaji dokumen-dokumen yang ada sebagai faktor pendukung terhadap data yang sudah dikumpulkan dengan metode lainnya. Sedangkan teknik analisis data yang dipakai dalam penelitian ini adalah teknik analisis data model interaktif yang dikemukakan oleh Milles dan Huberman 1992, 20). Kedua ahli ini mengemukakan empat hal utama dalam proses penelitian kualitatif, yaitu pengumpulan data, reduksi data, penyajian data, dan penarikan kesimpulan atau verifikasi. Untuk lebih jelas dapat di lihat gambar di bawah ini.

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Gambar 1 – Analisis Data Model Interaktif

Penyajian Data Pengumpulan Data

Reduksi Data

Pembahasan

Kesimpulan & Verifikasi

Dili didirikan pada tanggal 10 oktober 1769 oleh gubernur portugis, Antonio José Teles de Menezes (1769-1775), setelah pusat kekuasaan portugis di Lifau, Oecussi Kabupaten Ambe-no,350km arah barat Dili, dihancurkan pasukan Malaka bersama raja Oecussi Fransisco de Ornay yang dibantu raja Larantuka (Flores) António da Costa mengepung Lifau tahun 1766. Kata Dili berasal dari bahasa portugis Dali, artinya dari sana. Dili ditetapkan sebagai kota menengah dan berfungsi sebagai pusat pelayanan daerah, termasuk pusat kegiatan industri dan jasa, pusat komunikasi antar wilayah. Kabupaten Dili terletak di sepanjang pantai utara pulau Timor-Leste, sekitar 60 kilometer ke arah timur dari perbatasan dengan Timor Barat. Secara geografis kapubaten Dili beraneka ragam potensi wisata. Seperti di samping jalan pesisir dan pantai yang idah, kapubaten ini menjangkau sampai daerah bergunung-gunung yang tidak datar. Kapubaten Dili seluas sekitar 70 persegi. Dili mengcakup pulau Atauro, yang sekitar 30 kilometer ke arah utara pantai kota Dili. Pada arah selatan Dili perbatasan dengan kapubaten Aileu, arah barat berbatasan dengan kapubaten Liquica dan ke arah timur berbatasan dengan kapubaten Manantuto. Sebagai kota parawisata, kota Dili cukup banyak memiliki obyek parawisata, fasilitas tempat rekreasi dan obyek wisata yang ada di kota Dili baik yang sudah, sedang dan belum berkembang. Obyek wisata yang sudah berkembang antara lain: Wisata Cristo Rei; Wisata Pasir Putih;Wisata Monument Paus Yohanes II; Wisata Pemakaman Cimiterio Santa Crux; Wisata Pantai Lecidere: Wisata Pulau Atauro; Largo Lecidere; Monumen Sebastião. Adapun obyek wisata yang sedang dikembangkan antara lain: Wisata Tasi Tolu; Wisata Lahane; Wisata Dare; Wisata Behau. Dalam program pengembangan sektor kepariwisatan di kota Dili dapat di lihat dari arah program yang telah di tetapkan oleh dinas pariwisata kota Dili. Adapun program yang telah ditetapkan untuk pengembangan pariwisata antara tahun 2009-2010, pertama di mulai dengan rapat kerja teknis pengembangan pariwisata serta rapat koordinasi dalam rangka untuk menyatukan visi dan misi untuk pengembangan pariwisata yang terpadu. Kegiatan yang kedua adalah pembinaan sadar wisata melalui kelompok sadar wisata dengan tujuan untuk memberikan pemahaman kepada masyarakat dan pelaku usaha pariwisata serta kelompok sadar wisata untuk menjadi mitra kerja dalam pembangunan pariwisata. Kegiatan yang ketiga adalah karnaval. Tujuan dari kegiatan ini adalah untuk menunjukkan penampilan khas dari masing-masinhg wilayah dan ini diselenggarakan pada setiap setahun sekali. Kegiatan selanjutnya adalah lomba festival makanan khas dalam rangka menggali dan melestarikan serta mengangkat jenis-jenis makanan khas dari masing-masih wilayah yang dilakukan selama setahun sekali di kota Dili. Kegiatan yang kelima adalah perbaikan sarana dan prasarana pariwisata yang meliputi pembuatan jaringan, jalan raya, lampu lalu lintas dengan tujuan untuk menunjang proses kerja dinas pariwisata dalam rangka memberikan pelayanan kepada pariwisata yang berkaitan dengan kepariwisataan. Dalam pengembangan sektor pariwisata di kota Dili, dinas pariwisata telah melakukan programa kerja yang secara garis besar mengarah pada peningkatan kualitas dan kuantitas seperti pengembangan sektor pariwisata sesuai dengan rencana strategi dinas pariwisata dan mengikuti pola kerja industri pariwisata serta mengembangkan pariwisata sesuai dengan rencana strategi kota Dili.

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Fokus peningkatan yang dilakukan seperti peningkatan jumlah kunjungan wisatawan baik wisatawan dalam negeri maupun luar negeri sebab lama tinggalnya wisatawan akan mempengaruhi ekonomi serta pola belanja dan akses untuk menikmati wilayah pariwisata di kota Dili. Motivasi kunjungan wisatawan, pemeriantah bisa memetakan dan membuat renccana strategi yang tepat dalam pengembangan obyek tujuan wisata yang ada. Secara internal yang menjadi pendorong bagi dinas pariwisata kota Dili dalam tugasnya adalah peraturan daerah dan ketentuan lainnya menjadi faktor pendukung karena dari peraturan yang dikeluarkan oleh pemeritah kota Dili berusaha menggali potensi pariwisata di kota Dili termasuk merupakan landasan kinerja dan kreatifitas dalam pengembangan pariwisata di kawasan Dili. Pendidikan dan pelatihan aparatur secara terancana dan terpadu juga merupakan sumbangan demi peningkatan individu yang menjadi pengelola industri pariwisata. Maka perlu adanya identifikasi potensi wisata untuk menentukan kawasan wisata yang benar-benar alami maupun kawasan wisata buatan untuk mendukung kawasan wisata alami. Citra sebagai kota wisata sudah relatif melekat sebagai kota Dili dijuluki sebagai `` Kota Pasir Putih`` hal ini tidak luput dari pencitraan mengenai kawasan wisata di daerah yang terkenal, salah satunya adalah di daerah patung Yesus Kristus. Kota Dili yang dikelilingi oleh perbukitan dan lautan memiliki kawasan alami yang siap untuk di olah demi kemajuan pembamgunan. Kondisi keamanan dan ketertiban yang cukup menjamin di kota Dili adalah pendukung utama pengembangan kawasan wisata dan partisipasi masyarakat pun penting dalam mensukseskan kota Dili sebagai kota wisata dan masyarakat harus bersikap simpatik terhadap orang lain terutama para wisatawan. Yang menjadi faktor penghambat dalam pengembangan pariwisata di kota Dili, adalah kualitas sumber daya aparatur di dinas pariwisata masih belum sepenuhnya memahami dan menjalanjan tugas pokok dan sungsinya sebagai aparatur. Anggaran yang digunakan untuk pengembangan dan penambahan sarana dan prasara kepariwisataan di kota Dili masih terbatas. Dan kemitraan kerja belum maksimal dimana nampak bahwa kemitraan antara pemerintah, swasta, masyarakat pada umumnya masih belum terjalin secara maksimal termasuk koordinasi kerja antar isntansi belum maksimal dan masih minimnya sarana dan prasarana, informasi penunjang pariwisata serta lemahnya promosi wisata. Dalam kerangka meningkatkan obyek dan daya tarik wisata ini sebagai produk andalan parawisata kota Dili agar berdampak pada peningkatan perekonomian dan pengembangan lapangan perkejaan masyarakat. Maka dinas parawisata berusaha untuk meningkatkan kesadaran dan peran aktif masyarakat dalam kegiatan keparawisataan, meningkatkan sumber daya manusia apartur parawisata di bidang parawisata, dan meningkatkan sistem penyajian informasi dan komunikasi yang tepat dan akurat bagi masyarakat. Langkah lain yang di pandang pentig adalah peningkatan kegiatan promosi dan pemasaran guna mempercepat hubungan antara daerah dan bangsa. Hal ini didukung oleh tujuan kota Dili sebagai daerah andalan wisata di Timor-Leste dan tujuan untuk menjadikan keparawisataan sebagai sektor andalan perekonomian masyarakat kota Dili. Kesimpulan Dalam meningkatkan obyek dan daya tarik wisata perlu kerja sama yang baik antara masyarakat dan pemerintah sangat penting sekali guna menjaga ketertiban dan kebersihan di tempat wisata masing masing. Peningkatan sumber daya apartur parawisata di bidang parawisata juga mampu meningkatkan sistem penyajian informasi dan komunikasi yang tepat dan akurat di masyarakat. Rekomendasi. Peran pemerintah Dinas parawisata pemerintah kota Dili selama ini dalam melakukan pengembangan parawisata di kawasan Dili belum sepenuhnya berjalan secara maksimal, sehingga banyak tempat wisata di kota Dili yang belum menarik bagi para wisatawan. Kualitas sumber daya apartur di dinas parawisata kota Dili masih belum sepenuhnya memahami dan menjalankan tugas pokok dan fungsinya sebagai apartur. Kemampuan aparatur untuk menangani dan mengidentifikasikan serta melakukan koordinasi untuk pengembangan wisata secara umum belum maksimal. Lemahnya kreativitas untuk memotret potensi-potensi wisata yang belum tergali secara maksimal. Dinas parawisata kota juga belum sepenuhnya berusaha untuk meningkatkan kesadaran dan peran aktif masyarakat dalam kegiatan keparawisataan. Daftar Pustaka

313

Moleong Lexy J, 2000, Metode Penelitian Kualitatif. Cet 17. Bandung. Rosda Miles dan Huberman, 1992. Analisa Data Kualitatif, Jakarta, Universitas Indonesia Press Jornal da República Diração Nacinal do Turismo, 2008, Dili, https://www.ministerioturismotl.wordpress.com

314

50 Kebijakan pengelolaan hasil migas oleh pemerintah untuk meningkatkan kesejahteraan rakyat Timor Leste Felisberto de Carvalho Latar belakang Industri ekstraktif merupakan salah satu sektor penggerak pertumbuhan ekonomi di Timor-Leste. Setiap tahun sektor ini menyumbang sekitar 95% terhadap Anggaran Pendapatan dan Belanja Negara (APBN). Tabel – 1 Kontribusi Migas terhadap Penerimaan Negara Tahun Fiskal 2008-2010 (Dalam Jutaan Dollar dan %) Penerimaan

2008

%

2009

%

2010

%

A. Penerimaan Migas

2,400,00

97,20

1,598,00

94,65

1,393,00

94,00

B. Penerimaan Dalam

69,46

2,80

90,29

5,35

91,19

6,00

37,35

1,50

52,37

3,10

60,48

4,10

6,18

0,26

7,79

0,46

9,21

0,62

18,38

0,74

21,50

1,27

7,00

0,40

7,55

0,30

8,63

0,52

14,50

0,88

2,469,46

100

1,688,29

1,484,19

100

Negeri: B1. Pajak Pendapatan B2. Pajak pembelian/bea dan cukai B3. Pajak Impor B4. Keuntungan dari BUMN Total Penerimaan (A+B)

100

Sumber: Direcções do Tesouro e do Fundo Petrolífero, Ministério das Finanças, 2010, diolah

Meningkatnya pendapatan minyak, tetapi belum memberikan dampak kesejahteraan pada masyarakat. Hal itu dilihat proporsi penduduk miskin tahun 2001 sebesar 40% dan meningkat menjadi 50% pada tahun 2007. Laporan dari United Nations Development Program (UNDP) tahun 2008, menyatakan bahwa Indeks Pembangunan Manusia (IPM) Timor-Leste sebesar 0,489. Sebuah angka sangat rendah dibandingkan dengan negara lain. Ada fenomena menarik yang oleh ilmuwan sosial disebut sebagai “kutukan sumberdaya alam162.” Negara-negara yang berkelimpahan dengan sumberdaya alam seperti minyak dan gas, performa pembangunan ekonomi dan tata kelola pemerintahannya (good governance) kerap lebih buruk dibandingkan negara-negara yang sumberdaya alamnya lebih kecil. Perumusan Masalah Bagaimana kebijakan pengelolaan hasil migas oleh pemerintah untuk meningkatkan kesejahteraan rakyat Timor-Leste?

162

Istilah “Kutukan sumber daya alam” pertama kali di sampaikan oleh Richard Auty pada tahun 1993. Hal ini di sampaikan untuk menggambarkan Negara-negara yang kaya akan sumber daya alamnya khususnya sumber daya terbarukan seperti mineral dan minyaknya, tapi tidak bisa menggunakan kekayaan tersebut untuk meningkatkan kesejahteraan ekonomi rakyatnya.

315

Metode Penelitian Tipe penelitian ini adalah deskriptif kualitatif. (Singarimbun dan Effendi 1989,4) mengatakan penelitian deskriptif kualitatif adalah jenis penelitian yang dimaksudkan untuk pengukuran yang cermat terhadap fenomena sosial tertentu, dimana peneliti mengembangkan konsep dan menghimpun fakta dan menyusunnya tetapi tidak melakukan pengujian hipotesis. Pelaksanaan metode penelitian deskriptif tidak terbatas hanya sampai pada pengumpulan dan penyusunan data, tetapi meliputi analisis dan interpretaasi tentang arti data tersebut (Moleong 2009,4) Sesuai dengan sumber data yang dipilih, maka jenis data dalam penelitian kualitatif dibagi kedalam kata-kata dan tindakan, tulisan, foto dan statistik. Keterangan berupa kata-kata dari informasi penelitian dijadikan sebagai data utama sedangkan tulisan dan statistik dari berbagai dokumen yang relevan, dijadikan sebagai data pelengkap. Informan awal dipilih secara Created Base Selection yang didasarkan atas subyek yang menguasai permasalahan, memiliki data dan bersedia memberikan data. Tteknik pengumpulan data yang dipakai dalam penelitian ini adalah: Dokumentasi. Dokumentasi merupakan suatu teknik pengumpulan data dengan menghimpun dan menganalisis yang berupa dokumen-dokumen tertulis. Wawancara digunakan untuk mendapatkan informasi secara akurat langsung dari informan kunci yang terdiri dari: Menteri Muda Urusan Sumberdaya Alam dan Mineral, Direktur Petroleum Fund, Kementerian Keuangan, Dewan Penasihat Dana Perminyakan TL, Anggota Parlemen Komisi Ekonomi dan Bank Sentral TL. Aktivitas dalam analisis meliputi reduksi data, penyajian data, serta penarikan kesimpulan dan verifikasi. Reduksi data adalah proses analisis untuk memilih, memusatkan perhatian, meyederhanakan, mengabstraksikan serta mentransformasikan data yang muncul dari catatan-catatan lapangan (Patilima, 2005). Penyajian data diarahkan agar data hasil reduksi terorganisasikan, tersusun dalam pola hubungan, sehingga makin mudah dipahami. Penyajian data dapat dilakukan dalam bentuk uraian naratif, bagan, hubungan antar kategori, diagram alur dan lain sejenisnya. Penarikan kesimpulan dan verifikasi (Miles dan Huberman 2009,252). Kesimpulan awal yang dikemukan masih bersifat sementara, dan akan berubah bila tidak ditemukan bukti yang kuat yang mendukung pada tahap pengumpulan data berikutnya. Tetapi apabila kesimpulan yang dikemukakan pada tahap awal, didukung oleh bukti yang valid dan konsisten saat peneliti kembali ke lapangan mengumpulkan data, maka kesimpulan yang dikemukakan adalah kridibel. Hasil Pembahasan Berdasarkan Undang-Undang No. 9/2005 menetapkan bahwa dana perminyakan dapat digunakan secara adil dan setara sesuai dengan kepentingan nasional, dan pemasukan yang diperoleh dari dana minyak harus mengarah pada pembentukan cadangan keuangan wajib. Kesinambungan ketersediaan migas diartikan upaya yang dilakukan untuk menemukan cadangan baru,sektor ini mesti terus dijaga sebab merupakan salah satu sumber pendapatan nasional. Kebutuhan energi terus meningkat untuk itu pemerintah perlu mendorong berbagai upaya investasi untuk eksplorasi dan eksploitasi migas. Minyak merupakan sumber penerimaan terbesar dalam APBN, maka kebijakan diarahkan untuk memperoleh pendapatan minyak yang besar. Grafik 1- Pendapatan Minyak Periode 2005-2010 (dalam ratusan juta US$)

8000 6000 4000 2000 0

4197 1394

650 Tahun 2005

Tahun 2006

5377

6603

2087

Tahun 2007

Tahun 2008

Tahun 2009

Tahun 2010

Sumber: Petroleum Fund, 2010, diolah

316

Pemerintah harus memikirkan untuk menerima pendapatan dari sumber lainnya karena industri ekstraktif ini adalah non-renewable resources. Maka langkah berikutnya bagaimana mendistribusikan hasil migas tersebut untuk meningkatkan kesejahteraan rakyat. Selain mendistribusikan, pemerintah harus mentransformasikan kekayaan sumber daya alam ke dalam bentuk kekayaan yang lain Grafik 2 - Kontribusi Minyak Terhadap Penerimaan Negara tahun Fiskal 2005-2011 Berdasarkan ESI (dalam jutaan US$)

1000 500

103

283

133

396

408

734

502

Column1 Column3

0 Tahun Tahun Tahun Tahun Tahun Tahun Tahun 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 (6bulan)

Sumber: Petroleum Fund, 2010, diolah Sselanjutnya pemerintah perlu memfasilitasi penyediaan bahan bakar minyak bagi masyarakat. Pengelolaan migas nasional masih terlalu berfokus pada pengutamaan ekspor dalam bentuk bahan mentah untuk mencapai target penerimaan negara. Sedangkan untuk memenuhi kebutuhan bahan bakar minyak di dalam negeri pemerintah mengalokasikan dana yang cukup besar untuk mengimpor minyak dari luar. Grafik 3 - Impor Bahan Bakar Minyak tahun 2005-2009 (dalam jutaan US$)

80 60 71.123

40 20

35.136

38.04

29.07

0 Tahun 2005

Tahun 2006

Tahun 2008

Tahun 2009

Sumber: Direcção Nacional De Estatistica, 2010, diolah

Norwegia adalah contoh bagi praktek terbaik, berhasil menghindari diri dari munculnya kutukan sumberdaya alam. Tetapi hal itu terjadi karena titik berangkatnya berada pada tingkat pembangunan yang sudah maju, dengan sebuah basis merit yang cukup mapan, berkompeten secara teknis, dan birokrasi yang jujur, serta adanya demokrasi yang kuat. Dana Perminyakan ditransfer ke anggaran pemerintah setiap tahun untuk menutup defisit rencana pengeluaran dan pendapatan nonmigas. Tidak semua penerimaan dari pendapatan minyak langsung dialokasikan menjadi anggaran negara, berdasarkan UU. No.9/2005 hanya ditransfer 3% untuk setiap tahunnya. Mekanisme transfer ini tidak memerlukan resolusi khusus dari Parlemen untuk mengambil dana perminyakan. Pengambilan disetujui secara otomatis ketika anggaran pemerintah disetujui oleh Parlamen. Tabel 2 - Perhitungan ESI untuk Tahun Anggara 2008-2009

US$ Million

2008 Budget

2009 Budget

317

Petroleum Fund Balance + Net Present Value of Future Revenues Total Petroleum Wealth Estimate Sustainable Income (PW x 3%)

2,086 11,1183

4,216 9,379

13,204.3 369.1

13,593 408

Sumber: Petroleum Fund, Kementerian Keuangan RDTL, 2010

Dalam mendukung terwujudnya good governance dalam penyelenggaraan negara, pengelolaan keuangan negara yang diperoleh dari pendapatan minyak perlu dikelola secara profesional, terbuka, dan bertanggung jawab sesuai dengan aturan pokok yang telah ditetapkan. Sebagai bentuk komitmen terhadap prinsip EITI dalam meningkatkan transparansi dan akuntabilitas pada pengelolaan fiskal sektor migas dan pertambangan, tahun 2006 pemerintah TL mengundang masyarakat Sipil dan Industri untuk membentuk EITI. Tabel -3 Jumlah yang dilaporkan seperti dibayar oleh perusahaan kepada pemerintah Untuk akhir tahun 31 Desember 2008

Total untuk semua perusahaan Petroleum taxes FTP/Royalties/Profil & gas JPDA fee: 1. Application fee 2. Seismic data fee 3. Development fee 4. Contrac servis fee Timor Leste Exclusive Area: 1. Application fee 2. Seismic data fee License fee/Surface fee

Jumlah yang dilaporkan seperti dibayar oleh perusahaan US$ 880,709,827 1,624,803,871

Jumlah yang diterima oleh pemerintah US$

Perbedaan US$

880,709,827 1,624,803,871

-

2,995,000 1,040,000

2,995,000 1,040,000

-

23,840 2,509,572,538

23,840 2,509,572,538

-

Sumber: Timor Leste Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative, 2008

Laporan diatas menunjukkan tidak adanya perbedaan yang signifikan antara jumlah yang dibayar oleh perusahaan dan yang diterima oleh negara, dengan adanya kesamaan antara jumlah yang dibayar oleh perusahaan industri ekstraktif dengan yang diterima olah pemerintah. Berdasarkan pasal 25 UU pendapatan minyak komisi ini memiliki tugas untuk (1) menasihati parlemen mengenai masalah-masalah yang berkaitan dengan situasi dan operasional dana minyak, (2) menasihati parlamen mengenai apakah dana minyak digunakan secara efektif untuk keuntungan generasi-generasi sekarang dan masa depan. Undang-undang dana perminyakan memberikan mekanisme untuk menjamin transparansi dan pertanggungjawaban sebagai jalan bagi masyarakat di luar pemerintah untuk mengambil bagian melalui, Dewan Konsultasi Dana Perminyakan. Berdasarkan UU perminyakan pasal 34, dana minyak di audit oleh auditor eksternal independen, yang reputasinya diakui secara internasional untuk mendukung kepercayaan penggunaan uang. Auditor eksternal juga menandai perhitungan pendapatan berkelanjutan yang diperkirakan, dan menyiapkan sebuah laporan mengenai pembayaran yang dibuat oleh perusahaan sebagai penerimaan dana minyak. Dalam hal ini pemerintah telah menunjuk Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu, Australia sebagai auditor eksternal yang bertugas untuk menyiapkan sebuah laporan semua pembayaran yang dibuat sebagai penerimaan dana minyak setiap tahun fiskal. Berdasarkan UU migas setiap tiga bulan Bank Sentral melaporkan hasil migas ke publik melaui media, dan publik bisa mengakses di website Bank Sentral. Undang-undang pengelolaan pendapatan minyak TL dengan tegas melarang investasi pendapatan minyak untuk disimpan dalam investasi yang berdomisili di TL atau dalam investasi yang 318

dikontrol secara langsung atau tidak langsung sebagian atau secara keseluruhan oleh sebuah kelompok dalam negeri. Dana peminyakan diinvestasi dalam saham dan surat obligasi di kas pemerintah AS dan badan pemerintah berdaulat lainnya yang berkualifikasi. Penempatan dana sebanyak 90% di “qualifying investment” dan 10% sisanya di tempatkan di “other instrument”. Qualifying instrument adalah instrument investasi memiliki resiko rendah oleh karenanya memberikan hasil yang rendah juga. Berdasarkan perjanjian laut Timor, TL mendapatkan 90% dan 10% ke Australia. Menurut Petroleum Sharing Contracts (PSCs) ANP berhak mendapat bagian dari pendapatan dari laba oil dan gas. Royalti dan pendapatan minyak bumi yang dihasilkan dari operasi sebelum terjadi pemulihan biaya dan dibagi antara ANP dan pihak operator. Industri ekstraktif minyak, gas dan pertambangan memegang peranan penting dalam pembiayaan negara melalui pajak, royalti, bonus serta bentuk pembayaran yang lain yang dapat menjadi pendorong pertumbuhan ekonomi dan pembangunan sosial yang berdampak pada kesejahteraan rakyat. Tabel 4- Beberapa Indikator Kesejahteraan 2005-2010

Year 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010

Petroleum Revenue (Billion US$) 650 1,394 2,087 4,197 5,377 6,603

Economic Growth (%) 5 4 9,1 12,1 13,0 9,5

Inflation (%)

Unemployment Rate (%)

0,9 5,7 9,0 7,4 1,4 4,0

47,0 48,0 49,0 50,0 46,0 45,0

Population Below Poverty Line (%) 40,0 48,0 49,0 50,0 42,0 42,0

HDI 0,443 0,445 0,445 0,467 0,477 0,502

Sumber: Diolah dari berbagai sumber

Iindikator tersebut menunjukkan kondisi kesejahteraan belum mengalami perbaikan yang berarti. Jika menggunakan teori trickle down effect maka rakyat belum merasakan manfaat dari meningkatnya pendapatan minyak. Meskipun meningkatannya pendapatan minyak dan pertumbuhan ekonomi tidak berpengaruh pada menurunnya angka kemiskinan, inflasi, kesempatan kerja dan perbaikan pada indeks pembangunan manusia. Angka kemiskinan dari tahun ke tahun mengalami peningkatan yang drastis, proporsi penduduk miskin tahun 2001 sebesar 40% dan meningkat menjadi 50% pada tahun 2007. Undang-Undang No.9/2005 membatasi diskresi pemerintah menyangkut besarnya kekayaan sumberdaya alam yang dapat dibelanjakan. Undang-Undang ini memperbolehkan pemerintah untuk menggunakan dana pendapatan minyak sebesar 3% untuk pembiayaan pembangunan nasional, sedangkan sisanya diperoleh dari penerimaan domestik seperti pajak, keuntungan BUMN dan bantuan negara donor. Menurut laporan Transparansi Internasional tahun 2009 TL merupakan salah satu negara terkorup di Asia dan berada pada urutan 148 dari 181 negara dengan indeks persepsi korupsi sebesar 2,8,angka ini menunjukkan bahwa korupsi di TL sangat tinggi. Sehingga meskipun sumbangan hasil dari migas terhadap anggaran negara setiap tahunnya bertamaba tetapi tidak menghasilkan keseimbangan di dalam pembangunan karena dana telah dikorupsi. Besarnya kontribusi migas terhadap penerimaan negara tidak berdampak pada perbaikan kondisi sosial ekonomi masyarakat, tetapi berbanding lurus dengan peningkatan tingkat korupsi. Perhatikan peringkat Indeks Persepsi Korupsi163 negara-negara ASEAN tahun 2009.

163

Index Persepsi Korupsi (CPI=Corruption Perception Index) adalah survey berkala yang dilakukan oleh Tranparency International (TI). TI adalah sebuah asosiasi sosial non pemerintahan yang bermarkas besar di Berlin dan bergerak dalam kampanye global untuk pemberantasan korupsi. Semakin tinggi angka index korupsi dalam Index Persepsi Korupsi menyatakan rendahnya tingkat korupsi di negara tersebut, sebaliknya semakin rendah angka index menyatakan semakin korupnya satu negara.

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Grafik 5 - Indeks Persepsi Korupsi Negara-negara Asia

Timor Leste Merupakan Sala Satu Negara Terkorup di Asia 10 5

1.4

2

2.3

2.5

2.8

3.3

6.1

9.1

0

Sumber: Transparansi Internasional, 2009, diolah

Penyerapan anggaran negara merupakan salah satu indikator berjalannya roda pemerintahan, karena di dalam anggaran negara tersebut terkandung semua kewajiban pemerintah yang perlu dilaksanakan. Penyerapan anggaran yang rendah dapat memberi kesan rendah jalannya roda pemerintahan. Menurut data yang ada, trend penyerapan anggaran dari tahun ke tahun tidak mengalami perubahan yang signifikan. Misalnya APBN tahun 2010 sudah pada bulan november realisasinya baru mencapai 52% atau US$436,630 miliar dari total anggaran sebesar US$837,981 miliar, sedangkan tahun anggaran tinggal satu bulan lagi akan segera berakhir, (KKFP, 2010). Sala satu isi perjanjian di dalam PSC adalah menggunakan tenaga kerja lokal. Realitas menunjukkan ketidakkonsistenan perusahaan untuk menggunakan tenaga kerja lokal dalam kegiatan produksi. Adanya migrasi tenaga kerja asing, Sekitar 95% tenaga kerja asing yang dikontrak oleh perusahaan bekerja di Laut Timor. Ini akan berhubungan dengan distribusi rente minyak yang akan memberikan kesejahteraan kepada tenaga kerja asing, sedangkan tenaga kerja yang ada di daerah atau wilayah eksplorasi tidak mendapatakan sedikitpun dari distribusi rente minyak, kondisi ini akan berdampak pada terciptanya kesenjangan. Kekuatan suprnasional baru yang mendominasi perekonomian dunia, seperti IMF dan Bank Dunia yang disebut sebagai pemilik modal dan perusahaan transnasional sebagai pelaku ekonomi. Aristokrasi baru ini telah mendominasi dunia, melakukan tekanan terhadap seluruh aspek kekuasaan nasional dengan produk-produk perdagangan, pelayanan, modal, teknologi, telekomunikasi, kartu kredit, dan pola konsumsinya. Saat ini nasib perekonomian dunia dan kebudayaan banyak negara tidak lagi diputuskan di kantor-kantor pemerintah maupun ruang sidang parlemen, namun dibursa-bursa keuangan internasional. Bentuk intervensi yang berhubungan dengan perumusan UU no. 9/2005 meliputi (i) Pembatasan transfer dana minyak sebesar 3% ke anggaran negara, (ii) Pola investasi, dimana undang-undang dana perminyakan hanya memperbolehkan dana minyak untuk diinvestasikan di luar negeri terutama di pasar saham AS. Kesimpulan a. Berdasarkan Undang-Undang No. 9/2005 menetapkan bahwa sumberdaya minyak akan dikuasai oleh negara, dan akan digunakan secara adil dan setara sesuai dengan kepentingankepentingan nasional, dan pemasukan yang diperoleh dari dana minyak harus mengarah pada pembentukan cadangan keuangan wajib. b. Kesinambungan sektor ini mesti terus dijaga mengingat perannya sebagai salah satu sumber pendapatan nasional. Walaupun migas adalah non-renewable resources tapi jumlahnya cukup banyak yang dapat dimanfaatkan bagi peningkatan kesejahteraan rakyat. c. Minyak merupakan sumber penerimaan terbesar dalam APBN, maka kebijakan diarahkan untuk memperoleh pendapatan minyak yang besar.

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d. Dana hasil migas dialokasikan untuk memenuhi kebutuhan dasar seperti kesehatan, pendidikan, pertanian, pembangunan pedesaan, pembangkit listrik yang selama ini belum terpenuhi dengan baik. e. Tugas Pemerintah selanjutnya adalah memfasilitasi penyediaan bahan bakar minyak bagi masyarakat luas. Disini pemerintah menjalankan fungsi distribusi yang mana menciptakan pemerataan hasil pembangunan ekonomi. f. Dana minyak memberikan sumbangan pada pengelolaan yang bijak atas sumberdaya minyak demi kepentingan generasi berikutnya. Dana minyak menjadi alat yang dapat memberikan sumbangan pada kebijakan fiskal yang baik, di mana pertimbangan-pertimbangan dan bobot yang pantas diberikan kepada kepentingan jangka panjang. g. Dana Perminyakan ditransfer ke anggaran pemerintah setiap tahun untuk menutup defisit rencana pengeluaran dan pendapatan nonmigas yang besarnya 3%. Mekanismenya tidak memerlukan resolusi khusus dari Parlemen untuk mengambil uang dari Dana Perminyakan. Pengambilan disetujui secara otomatis ketika anggaran pemerintah disahkan oleh Parlamen. h. Mekanisme pengelolaan pendapatan minyak telah dilakukan sesuai dengan prisnsip tata kelola yang baik seperti transparansi dan akuntabel, pengawasan dan kontrol, audit dan pelaporan, selain itu mekanisme pengawasan juga dilakukan secara kolektif antara pemerintah, parlemen dan masyarakat sipil sehingga prosesnya berjalan dengan baik. Yang menjadi persoalan ketika pendapatan minyak ditransfer menjadi anggaran negara, pada tahap ini adanya praktek yang tidak sesuai dengan prinsip tata kelola keuangan yang baik, memungkinkan adanya korupsi, kolusi dan nepotisme yang menyebabkan kerugian negara. Penyalagunaan wewenang menggunakan keuangan negara untuk kepentingan tertenttu, pemanfaatan anggaran yang tidak efisien dan efektif, masih rendahnya realisasi anggaran pada akhir tahun, adanya ego sektoral diantara kementerian, terjadinya aktivitas ganda yang dilakukan oleh masing-masing kementerian menandakan tidak adanya koordinasi yang baik. i. Undang-undang pengelolaan pendapatan minyak dengan tegas melarang investasi pendapaatan minyak untuk disimpan dalam dana minyak dalam investasi yang berdomisili di Timor-Leste. Aset-aset dana peminyakan hanya diinvestasi dalam saham dan surat obligasi di kas pemerintah AS dan badan pemerintah berdaulat lainnya yang berkualifikasi. Penempatan dana sebanyak 90% di “qualifying investment” dan 10% sisanya di tempatkan di “other instrument”. Qualifying instrument adalah instrument investasi yang memiliki resiko rendah oleh karenanya memberikan hasil yang rendah juga. j. Pendapatan minyak belum memberikan dampak yang signifikan terhadap kesejahteraan rakyat. Di mana meningkatnya angka kemiskinan, tahun 2001 proporsi penduduk miskin mencapai 40% dan meningkat 50%, pada tahun 2009, indeks pembangunan manusia 0,48, tingkat pengangguran sebesar 46%, dua puluh persen penduduk hanya berpenghasilan US$.1 per hari dan lebih dari enam puluh persen kurang dari US$.2. Rekomendasi 1. Operasionalisasinya dikongkritkan dengan kebijakan dan diterjemahkan ke dalam program sehingga terciptanya kesejahteraan rakyat. 2. Pemerintah terus mendorong berbagai upaya investasi untuk eksplorasi dan eksploitasi migas. Perlu dicari terobosan baru agar pelaku ekonomi baik dalam maupun luar negeri diberikan iklim yang baik agar mereka berkeinginan untuk menggeluti bisnis migas mengingat bisnis ini beresiko tinggi serta membutuhkan modal yang besar. 3. Pemerintah harus memikirkan untuk menerima pendapatan dari sumber lainnya karena industri ekstraktif adalah non-renewable resources. Artinya, sekali dimanfaatkan dan persediaan migas langsung berkurang. Untuk menghindari wabah penyakit Belanda (Dutch Disiase) maka salah satu kebijakan pemerintah adalah melakukan diversifikasi ekonomi. 4. Pendistribusian pendapatan minyak dilakukan dengan cara yang adil dalam rangka meningkatkan kesejahteraan rakyat. 5. Masyarakat harus mendapatkan akses terhadap bahan bakar minyak dengan harga yang murah dan terjangkau dengan menerapkan kebijakan subsidi.

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6. Perlu di tinjau kembali UU no. 9/2005 khususnya pasal 9 yang mengatur tentang besarnya alokasi dana minyak ke APBN. 7. Permasalahan muncul ketika dana migas dialokasikan ke anggaran negara, pemerintah perlu menerapkan tata kelola anggaran berdasarkan prinsip transparansi, akuntabilitas, audit dan pelaporan. Perlunya penguatan institusi-institusi hukum sebagai bagian dari strategi pemberantasan korupsi. Peningkatan Kapasitas SDM Aparatur Negara dalam pengelolaan anggaran negara untuk menghindari rendahnya realisasi anggaran, perlu dilakukan komunikasi yang intens antra tiap-tiap kementerian untuk menghindari aktivitas ganda, melibatkan masyarakat dalam proses penyusunan anggaran untuk menghindari distrosi anggaran setiap tahunnya. 8. Perlu ditinjau kembali pasal 14 UU no. 9/2005 tentang aturan investasi. Investasi tidak hanya dalam mata uang dollar Amerika Serikat, tetapi juga mata uang negara lain yang memiliki stabilitas ekonomi makro yang bagus.Investasi dalam negeri diprioritaskan pada sektor pertanian, peternakan, perkebunan,dll untuk menjaga kesinambungan perekonomian, termasuk Investasi dalam negari akan dapat menciptakan lapangan kerja dan mengurangi jumlah pengangguran. 9. Pendapatan minyak harus memberikan dampak yang signifikan terhadap kesejahteraan rakyat, maka perlu kebijakan publik yang unggul serta komitmen pemerintah dalam mengelola pendapatan migas agar didistribusikan dengan adil untuk memperbaiki taraf hidup masyarakat. Dafter Pustaka Moleon, Lexy 2009, Metodologi penelitian Kualitatif, PT Remaja Rosdakarya, Bandung. Miles Mathee and Huberman Michael, 1984, Qualitative Data Analysis, Sage Publication, London. Patilima, Hamid 2005, Metode Penelitian Kualitatif. Alfabeta, Bandung Ministerio das Financas, RDTL,2000a, Relatorio Annual do Fundo Petrolifero ---2010b, Relatorio Annual do Fundo Petrolifero Undang-undang Dana Perminyakan No. 9/2005 http://world-economic-outlook.findthebest.com/directory/d/Democratic-Republic-of-Timor-.-Leste http://www.tradingeconomics.com/timor-leste/gdp-based-on-purchasing-power-parity-ppp-per-capita-gdp-imfdata.html http://www.indexmundi.com/timor-leste/gdp_real_growth_rate.html http://www.mof.gov.tl/en/par/DME/Economic_Update_2009.

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51 Fungsi tara bandu sebagai bentuk kearifan lokal dalam pembangunan pertanian berkelanjutan António Gusmão Latar Belakang Berbicara tentang pembangunan tentu sangat problematis bagi República Democratica de Timor-Leste. Program pembangunan di Timor-Leste belum tertata dengan baik. Pembangunan nampak terbatas pada pembenahan struktur kelembagaan negara, rancangan peraturan perundang-undangan negara tentang berbagai hal, termasuk peletakan landasan strategis untuk membangun negara ini pada masa mendatang. Pada sektor pertanian tahun fiskal 2008, pemerintah Timor-Leste telah melakukan renovasi terhadap beberapa infrastruktur pertanian seperti irigasi permanen dan rencana pendistribusian sebanyak 2.000 unit Hand Tractors kepada para petani. Di sisi lain, negara Timor-Leste belum memiliki konsep pembangunan pertanian yang memihak pada kelestarian lingkungan alam. Pembangunan pertanian yang dilakukan cenderung pada penggunaan teknologi pertanian modern seperti penggunaan mesin-mesin, pupuk kimia, pestisida dan berbagai varietas unggul, dengan asumsi bahwa penggunaan bahan-bahan kimia dan mesin-mesin akan mampu meningkatkan produktivitas pertanian secara signifikan tanpa mempertimbangkan dampak negatif yang akan ditimbulkannya, terutama dampak buruk bagi lingkungan yang dapat membahayakan dan mengancam keselamatan manusia. Pembangunan pertanian adalah pendayagunaan seluruh potensi sumber daya yang ada untuk meningkatkan kesejahteraan masyarakat. Oleh karena itu kebijakan yang perlu ditempuh pemerintah dan pelaku pembangunan di bidang pertanian adalah menggali dan mengoptimalkan seluruh potensi sumber daya yang tersedia sebagai langkah strategis untuk memacu percepatan pelaksanaan pembangunan di sektor pertanian. Salah satu potensi yang memiliki peran kunci bagi pembangunan pertanian yang ramah lingkungan adalah nilai-nilai yang terkandung dalam tradisi kultural lokal yang telah melembaga, yaitu berupa kearifan lokal sebagai bentuk alternatif yang tepat serta dapat bermanfaat bagi masyarakat dalam memacu pelaksanaan pembangunan pertanian di suatu wilayah. Tara Bandu merupakan wujud konkrit dari salah satu kearifan lokal sudah sejak lama dimanfaatkan oleh masyarakat pada hampir semua sub komunitas sosial yang tersebar di seluruh wilayah Timor-Leste dalam menata keharmonisan dan keserasian hubungan antara manusia dengan alam, manusia dengan manusia dalam suatu keseimbangan yang ideal. Adanya sanksi pada Tara Bandu senantiasa ditaati dan dipatuhi oleh masyarakat luas. Hal ini karena Tara Bandu sudah mengakar dan melembaga dalam setiap unit komunitas sosial di Timor-Leste. Makna pembangunan pertanian berkelanjutan adalah back to nature, yaitu menerapkan sistem pertanian yang tidak merusak, tidak mengubah, serasi, selaras dan seimbang dengan lingkungan atau sistem pertanian yang tunduk pada kaidah-kaidah alamiah (Salikin, 2003). Back to Tara Bandu sebagai wujud kearifan lokal yang seharusnya dapat mewujudkan pembangunan pertanian berkelanjutan yang bertema back to nature. Untuk mewujudkan pembangunan pertanian yang back to nature di suatu unit komunitas sosial, alangkah bijaksana jika kearifan lokal yang mengakar dan menjiwai kehidupan komunitas sosial dimanfaatkan secara optimal. Tara Bandu mengindikasikan nilai-nilai yang turut mewujudkan harapan untuk merealisasikan pembangunan pertanian yang ramah lingkungan (pembangunan pertanian berkelanjutan). Penelitian ini memfokuskan pemanfaatan Tara Bandu sebagai kearifan lokal dalam pembangunan pertanian berkelanjutan di sub Distrito Fatumean, mengingat komunitas sosial Fatumean masih konsisten menjalankan tradisi ini dan tercatat bahwa unit komunitas masih sangat menghormati nilai-nilai tradisional. Yang ditandai dengan attitude (sikap) masyarakat dalam merespons gejala alam, seperti kemarau panjang, hujan lebat disertai angin ribut yang dapat menyebabkan tanah longsor dan kerusakan tanaman pertanian, wabah penyakit yang menyerang ternak, tanaman bahkan manusia selalu dihubungkan dengan tindakan dari oknum tertentu yang mengusik alam di sekitar alas (gunung) yang keramat. Attitude (sikap) dan perilaku masyarakat dalam merespons gejala alam tersebut merupakan bentuk kearifan lokal yang jika dieksplorasi secara positif akan bermanfaat bagi terealisasinya pembangunan pertanian yang ramah lingkungan. 323

Perumusan Masalah Berdasarkan uraian di atas, maka penulis merumuskan permasalahan penelitian sebagai berikut: ‘Bagaimana fungsi Tara Bandu sebagai bentuk kearifan lokal dalam pembangunan pertanian berkelanjutan?’ Metode Penelitian Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif deskriptif dimana berusaha untuk menggambarkan fenomena sosial yang diteliti. Artinya untuk menggambarkan dan mengeksplorasi proses nilai-nilai yang terkandung dalam ritual Tara Bandu sebagai bentuk kearifan lokal jika dimanfaatkan secara tepat akan mendukung program pembangunan pertanian berkelanjutan. Selanjutnya teknik pengumpulan data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah: a. Observasi. Observasi lapangan merupakan pengamatan yang dilakukan oleh peneliti secara langsung di lokasi penelitian untuk mengetahui secara lebih dekat fenomena sosial yang diteliti agar peneliti mempunyai pengalaman secara langsung dengan fenomena yang diteliti. Pengamatan langsung ini memungkinkan peneliti untuk bisa melihat dan mengamati sendiri, kemudian mencatat perilaku dan kejadian sebagaimana yang terjadi pada keadaan sebenarnya (Lexi J. Moleong, 2002). Dalam penelitian ini penulis mengamati hal-hal sebagai berikut : 1. Praktik ritual adat. 2. Sikap masyarakat terhadap segala keputusan adat. 3. Sikap masyarakat dalam hubungan dengan alam. 4. Sikap masyarakat dalam hubungan sosial (hubungan dengan anggota 5. Aktivitas masyarakat sebagai petani

masyarakat yang lain).

b. Wawancara Wawancara merupakan teknik pengumpulan data dengan cara tanya jawab secara mendalam antara peneliti dengan informan kunci dan informan-informan lainnya tentang fenomena yang sedang diteliti untuk memperoleh data yang benar dan terperinci. Hal-hal yang ditanyakan kepada informan adalah: 1) Pengertian (makna) dari ritual Tara Bandu 2) Mengapa diadakan ritual ini 3) Tujuan diadakan ritual. 4) Makna dari media yang digunakan dalam ritual 5) Pemaknaan masyarakat tentang lingkungan alam 6) Hubungan ritual Tara Bandu dengan kelestarian lingkungan alam. 7) Hubungan ritual Tara Bandu dengan kenyamanan dalam hubungan sosial 8) Hubungan ritual Tara Bandu dengan aktivitas petani 9) Tahapan-tahapan ritual petani ladang 10) Makna dari media yang digunakan Tahapan-tahapan aktivitas petani ladang: a. Penyalinan data sekunder b. Dalam penelitian ini penulis menyalin data sekunder dari kepustakaan yang tersedia berkaitan dengan fenomena sosial yang diteliti. a. Studi dokumentasi c. Studi dokumentasi merupakan pengumpulan data dengan cara melihat, mengamati dan mengkaji dokumen-dokumen yang ada sebagai faktor pendukung terhadap data yang sudah dikumpulkan dengan metode lainnya.

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Teknik Analisis Data Teknik analisis data yang dipakai dalam penelitian ini adalah teknik analisis data model interaktif yang dikemukakan oleh Mathew B. Milles dan A. Michael Huberman (2002). Kedua ahli ini mengemukakan empat hal utama dalam proses penelitian kualitatif, yaitu pengumpulan data, reduksi data, penyajian data, dan penarikan kesimpulan atau verifikasi. Untuk lebih jelas dapat di lihat gambar di bawah ini. Gambar 1 - Analisis Data Model Interaktif Pengumpulan Data

Penyajian Data Reduksi Data

Kesimpulan & Verifikasi

Sumber: Matthew B. Miles dan A. Michael Huberman (1992: 20)

Hasil Pembahasan Knetek no ktaek merupakan falsafah hidup masyarakat Fatumean, yang beranggapan bahwa alam yang mencakup tanah, sumber air, gunung, batu besar dan pohon besar memiliki na’in (tuan atau pemilik). Falsafah tersebut menjadi alasan diadakan ritual adat badu yang bertujuan menjaga hubungan yang harmonis dan bersifat timbal balik antara manusia dan alam, serta hubungan yang sinergis antara manusia dengan sesamanya. Tara Bandu merupakan cerminan budaya lokal yang berfungsi untuk menjaga keseimbangan dan kelestarian lingkungan alam serta lingkungan sosial. Berkaitan dengan hal tersebut, pemerintah Timor-Leste cenderung melahirkan dan menerapkan peraturan baru, pemerintah tidak sempat berpikir bahwa petani di pelosok turut memiliki andil terhadap rusaknya lingkungan alam. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian Dove (1988) dapat diungkapkan bahwa usaha pemerintah untuk menggunakan peraturan-peraturan baru justru sering tidak berhasil. Budaya tradisonal ternyata memiliki peran positif di dalam menjaga lingkungan hidup. Hal ini dapat dilihat dari pelaksanaan pertanian perladangan di daerah-daerah konsensi hutan komersial di Kalimantan. Hal yang senada juga dikemukakan oleh Admiharja (1989) mengenai upacara ngaseuk jeun mipit (menanam dan memanen) yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat Kesepuhan di Kaki Gunung Halimun, Sukabumi, Jawa Barat. Upacara tersebut merupakan upaya menguasai alam dengan menampilkan hubungan yang seimbang dan selaras antara manusia dengan lingkungan alam tempat mereka hidup. Hubungan yang seimbang dan selaras tersebut ditunjukkan dari hasil yang melimpah. Berangkat dari Falasafah knetek no ktaek, maka lahirlah badu untuk memelihara hubungan yang serasi dan seimbang antara manusia dengan alam dan sebaliknya antara manusia dengan manusia dalam tatanan kehidupan bermasyarakat yang harmonis. Berkaitan dengan falsafah tersebut, komunitas Fatumean menyelenggarakan ritual badu sebagai wujud lou no sudur dan husu no seti pada tradisi berladang yang dilakukan secara bertahap, yang diawali dengan menyeleksi lokasi untuk dijadikan tempat berladang, lere rai (tebang pangkas), sunu ra (membakar hasil lere), kuda rai (menanam), hingga pasca panen. Ketika terjadi gagal panen diadakan ritual lou no sudur dan husu no seti sebagai wujud permintaan maaf atas kesalahan yang dilakukan dan memohon berkah dan rezeki yang melimpah untuk musim ladang berikutnya. Ritual badu yang dilakukan masyarakat merupakan wujud kearifan lokal, yaitu pengetahuan masyarakat untuk menjaga keutuhan, keserasian, keseimbangan dan keselarasan ekosistem lingkungan alam yang dapat menciptakan kenyamanan, keharmonisan hubungan antara masyarakat dalam suatu komunitas dan selanjutnya dapat menciptakan kemakmuran bagi seluruh masyarakat. Tradisi badu ini

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berpotensi untuk dijadikan landasan berpijak dalam rangka merencanakan dan mengimplementasikan politik pembangunan pertanian yang ramah lingkungan (pertanian berkelanjutan) di Fatumean. Adapun tradisi prosesi ritual badu bersumber pada falsafah knetek no ktaek yang dilakukan oleh komunitas adat Fatumean secara turun temurun, seperti yang digambarkan pada skema di bawah ini: Gambar 2 - Skema Badu pada Masyarakat Adat Fatumean

Lou no sudur, husu no seti

KESEIMBANGAN LINGKUNGAN ALAM

KNETEK NO KTAEK RITUAL

PEMBANGUNAN PERTANIAN BERKELANJUTAN

BADU KEARIFAN LOKAL SISTEM BERLADANG

KESEIMBANGAN LINGKUNGAN SOSIAL

Knetek no ktaek adalah falsafah masyarakat Fatumean yang beranggapan bahwa alam dan segala isinya memiliki na’in, sehingga manusia yang ingin memanfaatkannya harus melakukan lou no sudur dan husu no seti melalui ritual badu. Ritual badu merupakan bentuk kearifan lokal yang dapat menjamin kelestarian lingkungan alam. Ritual adat ini lazim dipraktikkan oleh petani ladang untuk memohon kemurahan alam agar alam dapat mencurahkan hujan yang cukup, menghindarkan tanaman dari ancaman hama, penyakit dan lain-lain. Lebih dari itu, komunitas menganggap alam sebagai ibu yang memberi mereka makan, ibu yang memelihara mereka, sehingga mereka harus menjaga ibu. Oleh karena itu mereka hanya boleh mengeksplorasi alam bila sangat dibutuhkan. Namun hal ini bertentangan dengan sistem berladang tidak menetap yang dilakukan komunitas Fatumean, sehingga ada kecenderungan untuk merusak dan mengurangi nilai ekonomi hutan. Adanya intervensi para developer pertanian sangat diperlukan untuk mengarahkan masyarakat pada pembangunan pertanian yang ramah lingkungan. Berangkat dari hakikat bahwa Tara Bandu lahir untuk melindungi keharmonisan dan keseimbangan hubungan antara tiga pilar, yaitu manusia, alam dan lingkungan sosial, maka prosesi ritual tradisional ini juga bertujuan untuk menghindarkan manusia dan semua habitat alam disekitarnya dari ancaman bencana alam dan ketidak beruntungan (malisan). Tara Bandu lebih diposisikan sebagai hukum (Undang-Undang) untuk mengimbangi ketidakteraturan sosial yang berwujud tindakan-tindakan yang mengancam keharmonisan relasi antara manusia dengan alam dan manusia dengan manusia. Tara Bandu memiliki kontribusi yang besar jika dikaitkan dengan sistem pertanian berkelanjutan, sebab terdapat perspektif masyarakat tentang lingkungan yang diibaratkan seperti seorang ibu. Oleh karena itu, sudah selayaknya semua komponen masyarakat harus menghormati ibu. Hal ini sesuai dengan rumusan Dinisio S. Babo (2001), bahwa tanah adalah tubuh ibu dan kita sebagai anak-anaknya seharusnya memelihara tubuh ibu. Praktik menebang pohon tanpa mengetahui pemanfaatannya merupakan pelanggaran terhadap aturan-aturan budaya dan tradisi. Menurut Traube dalam Dionisio S. Babo (2001), ‘Ibu’ mengorbankan badannya agar dapat menghasilkan makanan bagi anak-anaknya. Dengan demikian, sejak zaman dahulu Bangsa Timor-Leste menaruh rasa hormat dan kasih kepada tanah airnya (lingkungan) melalui ritual-ritual adat, termasuk ritual Tara Bandu dengan maksud untuk mengurangi perusakan lingkungan alam yang diakibatkan oleh tangan-tangan manusia yang tidak bertanggung jawab. Seperti diketahui bahwa pertanian berkelanjutan (sustainable agriculture) mengintegrasikan 3 (tiga) tujuan utama, yaitu kesehatan lingkungan, keuntungan ekonomis, dan keadilan sosial dan ekonomi. Artinya pelaksanaan pembangunan pertanian di suatu wilayah harus mempertimbangkan

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ketiga tujuan utama dari sustainable agriculture tersebut. Hal ini membutuhkan tindakan yang konkrit dan tegas dari semua pihak yang meliputi petani, pemegang kebijakan (pemerintah), pedagang dan konsumen. Pembangunan pertanian berkelanjutan (ramah lingkungan) yang dimaksud disini adalah pembangunan pertanian yang tidak mengabaikan faktor ekologis, dengan pengertian bahwa untuk meningkatkan produksi pertanian selalu mengedepankan keseimbangan dan kelestarian lingkungan alam, sehingga habitat alam di sekitar lahan pertanian tidak rusak yang pada gilirannya akan menjadi bencana yang mematikan bagi generasi yang akan datang. Hal ini ditandai dengan inisiatif petani untuk mengadakan penghijauan pada wilayah-wilayah yang yang dianggap gersang, perencanaan pembangunan pertanian yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah tanpa mengesampingkan faktor keseimbangan lingkungan, advokasi masyarakat sipil terhadap tindakan perusakan lingkungan alam dan habitatnya, serta ekonomi yang bernuansa ekologis. Gibson (2005) menawarkan kriteria-kriteria penilaian berkelanjutan sebagai berikut: 1. Kesatuan sistem sosio-ekologi 2. Membangun hubungan manusia-ekologi untuk menjaga integritas sosiobiofisik jangka panjang dan melindungi fungsi dukungan hidup yang tidak tergantikan karena adanya ketergantungan manusia terhadap ekologi. 3. Pemenuhan dan kesempatan kehidupan 4. Menjamin semua orang dan semua komunitas memiliki kesempatan untuk melakukan perbaikan dengan tidak mengambil kecukupan dan kesempatan generasi sekarang 5. Keadilan intragenerasi 6. Menjamin kecukupan dan pilihan yang efektif untuk mengurangi gap dalam bidang kesehatan, keamanan, pengenalan sosial, pengaruh politik dan lain-lain antara orang miskin dan kaya. 7. Keadilan intergenerasi 8. Melakukan tndakan untuk menjaga atau meningkatkan kesempatan dan kemampuan untuk hidup berkelanjutan bagi generasi mendatang. 9. Pemeliharaan dan efesiensi sumber daya 10. Menumbuhkan dasar yang kuat untuk menjamin keberlanjutan kehidupan dan mengurangi ancaman integritas jangka panjang sistem sosio-ekologi dengan mengurangi kerusakan akibat tindakan ekstra aktif, menghindari limbah dan mengurangi penggunaan materi dan energy per unit keuntungan. Berkaitan dengan rumusan Gibson di atas, maka yang dimaksud dengan pembangunan pertanian berkelanjutan adalah meningkatkan produksi dari hasil usaha tani yang tidak mengabaikan faktor ekologis. Kenyataan menunjukkan bahwa produksi yang dicapai dalam pertanian tradisional sering hanya mencapai taraf subsisten. Keadaan ini terjadi karena teknologi pertanian tradisional yang biasa digunakan sudah tidak efektif lagi dalam menghadapi kendala fisik seperti penurunan kesuburan tanah, dan lain-lain. Kesimpulan Berdasarkan hasil pembahasan dan analisis atas data yang di peroleh maka dapat diambil kesimpulan sebagai berikut: 1. Tara Bandu yang diselenggarakan di Fatumean didasarkan pada falsafah knetek no ktaek yang merupakan culture base yang sudah dipraktikkan secara turun temurun dan telah melembaga. 2. Tara Bandu dapat menciptakan keteraturan dalam komunitas Fatumean yang berwujud hubungan yang harmonis, serasi dan seimbang antara manusia dengan lingkungan sosialnya dan manusia dengan lingkungan alam di sekitarnya. 3. Tara Bandu diyakini dapat mendatangkan kesejahteraan dan kemakmuran bagi masyarakat luas dalam jangka panjang. 4. Tara Bandu telah menciptakan kultur masyarakat yang taat, setia, hormat dan cinta kepada kaidahkaidah alam melalui ritual lou no sudur dan husu no seti pada na’in (tuan atau pemilik) alam semesta. 327

5. Tara Bandu telah menciptakan komunitas sosial yang memiliki pemahaman yang baik tentang hakikat alam melalui perspektif (pandangan) bahwa alam dalam hal ini tanah di mana mereka tinggal adalah “ibu” yang memberi mereka makan, ibu yang memberikan perlindungan kepada mereka dari berbagai ancaman. Oleh karena itu mereka harus menghormati, harus mengasihinya dan mereka tidak boleh merusak tubuh ibu (alam). 6. Tara Bandu telah meletakkan dan menetapkan dengan tepat wilayah-wilayah yang diperbolehkan dan tidak diperbolehkan untuk dijadikan lahan perladangan. 7. Tara Bandu telah menciptakan ruang yang kosong bagi para developer di bidang pertanian dan para perumus kebijakan di bidang ini, untuk mengimplementasikan sistem pertanian berkelanjutan (model pembangunan pertanian ramah lingkungan). 8. Tara Bandu telah menciptakan masyarakat yang menjunjung tinggi media fuik no bua, sebagai salah satu bentuk kearifan dalam mempertahankan prinsip-prinsip tri-relasi yang diyakininya, yaitu Maromak (Tuhan), Rai klaran (alam) dan Ema (manusia), dalam rangka menciptakan keharmonisan dan kemakmuran bagi semua orang. Daftar Pustaka Assa, P.J, 2002, Lembaga Adat, Yayasan Budaya Tetum, MS, Atambua, Nusa Tenggara Timur, Indonesia. Dove, Mechaell R., 1988, Sistem Perladangan di Indonesia, Suatu Studi kasus dari Kalimantan Barat, Gadjah Mada University Press, Yogyakarta. Gibson, R. B. dkk, 2005, Sustainability Assessment Critrria Processes and Application. Earthscan. USA Hale, B, 1996, Upacara Pendirian Rumah Adat Suku Bangsa Tetum di Desa Litamali Kecamatan Kobalima, Kabupaten Belu, “Skripsi”, PSPS, FKIP, Undana Kupang-Indonesia. Maleong, Lexi J. 2002, Metodologi Penelitian Kualitatif, Bandung Remaja Rosda Karya Offset. Mitchel, B, Setiawan B, Dan Rahmi H.D, 2003, Pengelolaan Sumber Daya dan Lingkungan, Gadjah Mada University Press, Yogyakarta. Salikin, A. Karawan, 2003, Sistem Pertanian Berkelanjutan, Kanisius, Yogyakarta. Soares. B. Dionisio, 2001, Persepsi orang Timor Lorosa’e tentang Kebudayaan dan Lingkungan Hidup, dalam Laporan Koferensi Pembangunan Berkelanjutan di Timor Leste (25-31 Januari 2001).

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52 Implementasi kebijakan pendidikan gratis terhadap anak sekolah di Timor-Leste Victor Soares Latar Belakang Perjuangan rakyat Timor-Leste yaitu “Luta Liberta Rai e Povo” untuk pembebasan tanah air dan pembebasan masyarakat, pemerintah telah menetapkan program pembangunan untuk membebaskan masyarakat dari buta aksara. maka pemerintah memprioritaskan sektor pendidikan sebagai sektor yang sangat penting untuk membangun dan mengembangkan sumber daya manusia guna mengisi nilai-nilai kemerdekaan yang ada melalui pembangunan. Hal ini persis tertulis dalam konstitusi Republik DemokratikTimor-Leste. pasal 59 tentang pendidikan dan kebudayaan yang berbunyi: Negara akan mengakui dan menjamin hak setiap warga Negara atas pendidikan dan kebudayaan, dan Negara wajib memajukan pembentukan suatu system umum pendidikan dasar yang universal dan wajib dan bisa memungkinkan bebas biaya berdasarkan undang-undang. Setiap orang berhak atas persamaan kesempatan pendidikan dan pelatihan kejuruan. Negara akan mengakui dan mengawasi pendidikan swasta dan pendidikan bersama. Negara harus menjamin semua warga Negara, sesuai dengan kemampuan, kesempatan dalam tingkat pendidikan tertinggi, penelitian ilmiah dan daya cipta seni. Setiap orang berhak atas nikmat dan daya cipta budaya serta berkewajiban untuk melestarikan, melindungi dan menghargai warisan budaya.

Dan konstitusi DRTL pasal 18 tentang (perlindungan anak) yang berbunyi: 1. Setiap anak berhak atas perlindungan istemewa dari keluarga, masyarakat dan Negara, khususnya terhadap segala bentuk keterlantaran, diskriminasi, kekerasan, penindasan, pelecehan seksual dan eksploitasi. 2. Setiap anak memiliki hak yang diakui secara universal, serta hak-hak yang termuat dalam perjanjian internasional yang diratifikasi atau disetujui oleh Negara. 3. Semua anak yang dilahirkan, baik di dalam perkawinan maupun di luar perkawinan, akan memiliki hak dan perlindungan sosial yang sama. 4. Berdasarkan kedua pasal pasal 59 dan 18 tersebut pemerintah memiliki kewajiban untuk menyediakan sekolah SD, SMP dan SLTA untuk menampung anak-anak usia sekolah untuk memperoleh ilmu pengetahuan dan teknologi. Sedangkan kebijakan pendidikan gratis yang dikeluarkan oleh pemerintahan, sebagai berikut: 1. Dapat mengurangi angka putus sekolah untuk anak yang sekolah di tingkat SMP dan SMA karena masalah biaya spp tiap bulannya dan uang ujian untuk tiap semester; 2. Memberi kesempatan kepada siswa yang putus sekolah pada tahun 2005,2004,2003,2002, 2001 karena orang tua mereka tidak mampu membiayi mereka akan sekolah lagi; 3. Dapat mengurangi beban orang tua untuk membayar uang sekolah tiap bulan dan uang ujian tiap semester. 4. Lulusan sekolah dasar yang akan melanjutkan sekolah ke tingkat SMP, dan lulusan SMP yang akan melanjutkan sekolah ke tingkat SMA untuk tiap tahunnya akan bertambah. 5. Orang tua dan masyarakat akan menyuruh anak mereka untuk sekolah sampai tingkat SLTA akan bertambah. (Diario Nasional 2006, 5). Perumusan Masalah Berdasarkan uraian latar belakang di atas maka yang menjadi perumusan masalah dalam penelitian ini adalah: 1. Bagaimana efektifitas implementasi kebijakan pendidikan gratis dalam meningkatkan kuantitas pendidikan di Timor-Leste?

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2. Faktor-faktor apa saja yang mempengaruhi efektifitas implementasi kebijakan untuk anak sekolah di Timor-Leste? Metode peneltian

pendidikan gratis

Unit analisis dalam penelitian ini adalah Dinas Pendidikan Kabupaten Manatuto; 3 Sekolah Dasar satu di dalam kota dan dua di luar kota; 1 Sekolah SMP, 1 sekolah SMA. Sedangkan teknik pengumpulan data yang dipakai dalam penelitian ini adalah. Wawancara mendalam Menurut Esterberg dalam (Sugiyono 2007, 231) mengatakan bahwa wawancara merupakan pertemuan dua orang untuk bertukar informasi dan ide melalui tanya jawab, sehingga dapat dikonstruksikan makna dalam suatu topik tertentu. Penelitian ini menggunakan wawancara terbuka. Pengamatan langsung dilapangan guna untuk mendukung data yang diperoleh dari hasil wawancara dari berbagai sumber, agar peneliti mampu merekam apa yang terjadi sebagaimana adanya.

Studi dokumentasi Menurut (Sugiyono 2007, 240) bahwa dokumentasi merupakan catatan pristiwa yang sudah berlalu. Pengumpulan data ini bisa berbentuk tulisan, gambar, laporan atau karya-karya monumental dari seseorang. Pembahasan Kemauan anak usia sekolah untuk masuk sekolah dasar dan melanjutkan Sekolah Menengah Pertama sertaSekolah Lanjutan Tingkat Atas pada setiap tahun meningkat.Apakah kemauan anak-anak usia sekolah di TL dapat memanfaatkan kebijakan pendidikan gratis yang diterapkan oleh pemerintah. Berikut hasil wawancara dengan para tokoh masyarakat, tokoh perjuangan kemerdekaan menyatakan: Kalau membandingkan kemauan anak usia sekolah untuk mengikuti pendidikan SD, SLTP dan SLTA setelah pemerintah menerapkan Kebijakan Pendidikan Gratis untuk anak sekolah di Kabupaten Manatuto maka kesadaran masyarakat TL khususnya masyarakat Kabupaten Manatuto mulai meningkat dibandingkan dengan jaman sebelumnya. Kkarena masyarakat TL telah belajar dari pengalaman selama 24 tahun dengan pemerintah Indonesia mereka menyadari bahwa pendidikan penting untuk kemajuan manusia. Maka setiap orang, keluarga, kampung, desa,kecamatan, mau maju seperti negara lain di dunia, harus belajar dan belajar melalui jenjang pendidikan yang telah disediakan oleh pemerintah untuk meningkatkan kemampuan intelektualitasnya sehingga dapat mendukung program pembangunan nasional yang dirancanan oleh pemerintah secara bertahap dan berkelanjutan.

Sedangkan menurut Kepala Dinas Pendidikan Kabupaten Manatuto mengatakan: Pada zaman Portugues kemauan anak usia sekolah untuk masuk sekolah sangat minim, karena anak-anak usia sekolah belum mengerti apa itu sekolah dan untuk apa kita sekolah, lebih baik menjaga tunggu kerbau, kuda dan kambing, karena orang tua mereka sangat kaya dengan kerbau, kuda dan kambing yang perlu diurus oleh mereka. Selain itu sekolah pada jaman portugues sangat terbatas dan jaraknyapun jauh dari tempat anak-anak usia sekolah. Sebab orang tua mereka tinggalnya terpencar sehingga mempersulit anak untuk masuk sekolah. Pada zaman pemerintah Indonesia minat anak usia sekolah untuk masuk sekolah mulai meningkat karena pemerintah membuka sekolah dasar di seluruh desa yang ada di TL, kemudian masyarakat juga tinggalnya terkumpul pada suatu tempat sehingga anak-anak mereka muda dan terpengaruh untuk masuk sekolah. Setelah tamat SD minat siswa untuk melanjutkan sekolah ke jenjang SMP juga meningkat karena pemerintah membuka SMP di seluruh kecamatan yang ada di TL dan setelah tamat SMP minat siswa untuk melanjutkan sekolah ke jenjang SLTA pun meningkat karena pemerintah membuka sekolah SLTA di semua kabupaten yang ada di TL. Setelah merdeka sendiri kita mengharapkan bahwa minat anak usia sekolah untuk masuk sekolah dan ingin menlanjutkan sekolah kejenjang pendidikan yang lebih tinggi harus lebih meningkat, karena masyarakat TL telah belajar dari pengalaman yang di alami pada jaman Pemerintahan Portugues dan Indonesia di TL.

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Dari hasil wawancara tersebut disimpulkan bahwa kemauan anak usia sekolah untuk masuk sekolah semaking meningkat dengan adanya kebijakan pendidikan gratis. Menurut dokumen tahun ajaran 2004/2005 menunjukan jumlah siswa Sekolah Dasar laki-laki 3.976 orang dan perempuan 3.604 orang jadi totalnya 7.580 orang; Jumlah Siswa Sekolah Menengah Pertam, laki-laki 748 dan perempuan 709 jadi total 1.457 orang; sedangkan jumlah Siswa Sekolah Lanjutan Tingkat Atas, laki-laki 289 dan perempuan 210 jadi total 499 orang (Laporan Dinas Pendidikan Kabupaten Manatuto.2005). Untuk tahun ajaran 2009/2010 menunjukan jumlah siswa Sekolah Dasar, laki-laki 5.504 orang dan perempuan 5.118 orang jadi total 1.0691 orang, jumlah Siswa Sekolah Menengah Pertama,laki-laki 1249 orang dan perempuan 1178 orang, jadi total 2427 orang, dan Jumlah siswa Sekolah Lanjutan Tingakat Atas, laki-laki 595 orang dan perempuan 578 orang, jadi total 1137 orang. (Laporan Dinas Pendidikan Kabupaten Manatuto, 2010). Partisipasi orang tua untuk menyekolahkan anak-anak ke semua tingkat pendidikan yang disediakan oleh pemerintah juga tinggi. Peranan orang tua siswa untuk menyekolahkan anak-anak kesemua jenjang pendidikan yang disediakan oleh pemerintah TL, dan partisipasinya dalam mendukung proses belajar mengajar di sekolah pun meningkat, berikut hasil wawancara dengan para kepala sekolah SD, SMP, SLTA dan sebagian orang tua siswa menyatakan: Tingkat partisipasi orang tua siswa untuk menyekolahkan anak-anak mereka sangat tinggi setelah pemerintah TL menerapkan kebijakan pendidikan gratis untuk anak usia sekolah, hal ini terbukti bahwa jumlah siswa SD, SMP dan SLTA setelah diberlakukannya kebijakan pendidikan gratis menjadi meningkat dari pada saat sekolah masih menerima biaya spp dari orang tua siswa. Selain menyuruh anak-anak mereka kesekolah, mereka juga ikut rapat dengan guru untuk membahas perkembangan anak-anak mereka selama disekolah dan juga diundang untuk menerima hasil ujian semesteran dan ujian kelulusan untuk mengikuti perkembangan anak mereka selama mengikuti proses belajar-mengajar di sekolah.

Berdasarkan hasil wawancara tersebut disimpulkan bahwa partisipasi orang tua untuk menyekolahkan anak-anak ke jenjang pendidikan yang disediakan oleh pemerintah dari SD, SMP dan SLTA semakin meningkat setelah pemerintah memberlakukannya kebijakan pendidikan gratis untuk anak usia sekolah. Ketersediaan tenaga pengajar oleh pemerintah. Bagaimana pengadaan tenaga pengajar oleh pemerintah di sekolah SD Obrato, SD Sananain, SD Kribas, SMP Basco da Gama dan SMA Kay Rala, berikut laporan dinas pendidikan tahun ajaran 2004/2005 dan 2009/2010, menunjukan jumlah guru SD sebanyak 229 orang, guru permanent sebanyak 193 orang, guru kontrakan sebanyak 36 orang, untuk mengajar siswa SD sebanyak 7.580 yang tersebar di 42 SD yang ada di 29 Desa. Sedangkan jumlah guru untuk Sekolah Menengah Pertama sebanyak 62 orang yang terdiri dari 42 orang guru permanent dan 20 orang guru kontrakan untuk mengajar siswa SMP sebanyak 1457 di 7 Sekolah Menengah Pertama yang tersebar di enam Kecamatan yang ada. Dan jumlah guru SMA sebanyak 49 orang dengan rincian 37 orang guru permanent dan 12 orang guru kontrakan untuk mengajar siswa SMA sebanyak 499 orang yang tersebar di 3 Sekolah Lanjutan Tingkat Atas. Sedangkan tahun ajaran 2009/2010 berdasarkan laporan dinas pendidikan Kabupaten Manatuto menunjukan bahwa jumlah guru SD sebanyak 299 data ini masih sama dengan data tahun 2004/2005 untuk mengajar siswa SD yang jumlahnya semakin meningkat dari 7.580 orang data 2004/2005 menjadi 1.0691 orang data 2009/2010. Jumlah guru SMP sebanyak 62 orang untuk mengajar siswa SMP yang mengalami peningkatan dari 1457 orang data 2004/2005 menjadi 2427 orang data 2009/2010. Dan jumlah guru SMA sebanyak 49 orang untuk mengajar siswa SMA yang semakin meningkat dari 449 orang data 2004/2005 menjadi 1137 orang data 2009/2010. Proses belajar-mengajar di dalam suatu sekolah pasti ada penerimaan siswa baru untuk setiap tahunnya, ada siswa yang melanjutkan sekolah ke kelas sampai tamat pada tahun ajaran tertentu. Data di lapangan menunjukkan jumlah siswa yang masuk sekolah, melanjutkan sekolah ke kelas berikutnya sampai tamat dan jumlah siswa yang putus sekolah yang terjadi di Sekolah Dasar Sananain, Sekolah Dasar Kribas, Sekolah Dasar Obrato, Sekolah Menengah Pertama Basco da Gama dan Sekolah Menengah Atas Kay Rala dari tahun 2000-2006, sebelum implementasi kebijakan pendidikan gratis untuk anak usia sekolah dan sesudah implementasi kebijakan pendidikan gratis yang diberlakukan oleh pemerintah TL pada tahun 2006 sampai sekarang. Berdasarkan data tersebut disimpulkan jumlah siswa SD yang masuk sekolah di SD Sananain, Kribas dan Obrato sebelum implementasi kebijakaan 331

pendidikan gratis sebanyak 179 yang tamat, sebanyak 42 orang yang menggulang, sebanyak 48 orang dan yang putus sekolah sebanyak 89 orang dari jumlah siswa yang masuk. Sementara jumlah siswa yang masuk SMP Basco da Gama sebanyak 198 orang yang tamat 114 orang yang menggulang 28 orang dan yang putus sekolah 56 orang dari jumlah siswa yang masuk. Sedangkan jumlah siswa yang masuk ke SMA Kay Rala sebanyak 120 orang yang tamat 78 orang, yang menggulang 18 orang dan yang putus sekolah 24 orang. Tingkat ketersediaan fasilitas sekolah oleh pemerintah.Untuk melihat bagaimana pemerintah menyediakan fasilitas pendidikan untuk mendukung hasil implementasi kebijakan pendidiakn gratis terhadap anak sekolah, berikut wawancara peneliti dengan kepala dinas pendidikan kabupaten Manatuto: Kebutuhan sekolah pertama adalah gedung sekolah mulai dari gedung SD, SMP dan SLTA, sampai saat ini sebagian besar masih memanfaatkan bangunan sekolah yang didirikan oleh pemerintah Indonesia, yang kondisi fisiknya masih layak untuk dimanfaatkan. Disamping itu merehab kembali sebagian gedung yang rusak akibat kerusuhan 1999. Dan membangun sebagian gedung baru sesuai dengan kebutuhan sekolah yang bersangkutan.Laboratoriun dan perpustakaan sampai saat ini semua sekolah belum memiliki laboratoriun tersendiri untuk melakukan praktek dan perpustakaan, semua ini masih masuk tahap rencana kedepan kemungkinan 2012 pemerintah harus menyediakan itu semua. Selama 8 tahun ini pemerintah menyediakan hal-hal yang penting seperti gedung sekolah, ruang kelas, kursi-meja, papan tulis, kapur, buku pelajaran pengangan guru.

Dapat disimpulkan bahwa ada lima sekolah yang menjadi lokasi pengamatan peneliti hasilnya persis dengan apa yang disampaikan oleh kepada dinas pendidikan Kabupaten Manatuto. Efektifitas implementasi kebijakan pendidikan gratis tahun ajaran 2004/2005 dan 2009/2010, dikatakan bahwa dari segi ekonomi kebijakan pendidikan gratis yang diterapkan oleh pemerintah TL pada tahun 2006 sangat efektif, karena kebijakan ini sangat membantu masyarakat miskin yang pendapatan perharinya kurang dari Rp.5000. Kebijakan pendidikan gratis menguntungkan masyarakat karena mereka betul-betul memanfaatkan kebijakan pendidikan gratis ini untuk menyekolahkan anak-anak SD kemudian tamat melanjutkan sekolah ke SMP dan bisa melanjutkan sekolah ke SLTA. Sementara masyarakat yang tinggal di pedesaan hanya bisa menyekolahkan anak-anak sampai tamat SD. Setelah tamat SD kemudian untuk melanjutkan pendidikan ke jenjang SMP dapat dihitung dengan jari banyak yang tidak bisa melanjutkan sekolah ke SMP karena masalah jarak antara rumah mereka dengan sekolah SMP yang disediakan oleh pemerintah di Kota Kecamatan sangat jauh. Dan siswa yang tamat SMP dari Kota Kecamatan yang ingin melanjutkan sekolah ke SLTA dapat dihitung dengan jari, karena jarak antara ibu Kota Kecamatan dengan ibu Kota Kabupaten sangat berjauhan. Dari segi rasio guru-siswa dapat dikatakan kurang efektif karena, data tahun 2004/2005 dan data 2009/2010 menunjukan jumlah siswa meningkat tetapi tenaga pengajarnya masih tetap sebagaimana yang terjadi pada tahun 2004/2005. Partisipasi orang tua dalam mendukung implementasi kebijakan pendidikan gratis meningkat. Sebab meningkatnya jumlah anak usia sekolah yang masuk sekolah dasar, maupun yang melanjutkan pendidikan ke sekolah SMP dan SLTA untuk setiap tahunnya. Fasilitas gedung sekolah dan ruang kelas oleh pemerintah untuk mendukung efektifitas kebijakan pendidikan gratis di lima sekolah yang diteliti cukup mendukung. Faktor yang mempengaruhi efektifitas implementai kebijakan pendidikan gratis. Setiap kebijakan yang di buat pasti di pengaruhi oleh faktor internal maupun faktor external. Faktor input dari pendidikan gratis dapat dibagi menjadi tiga kelompok: 1. Faktor input mentah; 2. Faktor input instrumental; dan 3. Faktor input lingkungan. Ketiga faktor ini saling mempengaruhi dalam implementasi kebijakan pendidikan gratis terhadap anak sekolah di kabupaten Manatuto. Berikut tabel data penerimaan siswa tahun ajaran 2006-2010 sebagai berikut: Tabel 1 - Data Siswa Baru T.A. 2006-2010

Nama

Jumlah Siwa Baru per Tahun

Sekolah

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

332

SD Sananain

35

38

29

31

27

SD Kribas

79

85

67

82

75

SD Obrato

45

37

32

26

42

SMP Basco da Gama

175

197

221

217

206

SMA Kay Rala

135

148

156

179

187

Total

469

505

505

535

537

Sumber data dari sekolah

Berdasarkan data tersebut di atas disimpulkan bahwa penerimaan siswa yang terjadi di lima sekolah tersebut berjalan sesuai dengan kemampuan masing-msing sekolah. Lingkungan keluarga berpengaruh terhadap keberhasilan pendidikan, karena sebagian waktu siswa menghabiskannya di rumah sehingga keluarga perlu memberi motivasi terhadap anak supaya menjadi siswa untuk aktif belajar. Wawancara dengan para kepala sekolah SD Sananain, Obrato dan Kribas, kepala SMP Basco da Gama dan kepala SMA Kay Rala mereka menyatakan: Lingkungan keluarga sangat menentukan keberhasilan anak dalam memperoleh pendidikan di sekolah. Tetapi realitasnya di sekolah yang kami kelola ini menunjukan bahwa para orang tua di rumah kurang memperhatikan anak-anak mereka untuk belajar di rumah. Pada umumnya mereka berpikir bahwa anak mereka belajar selama 8 jam, mulai dari jam 8 sampai jam 12 atau jam 1 itu sudah cukup sehingga di rumah mereka menyuruh anak-anak mereka untuk bekerja membantu mereka ke sawah atau kekebun dan kalau tidak ada kerjaan anak-anak mereka mainmain aja, mereka tidak membuat jadwal untuk memaksa anak mereka belajar di rumah seperti orang china. Waktu paling banyak untuk anak sekolah itu di rumah bukan di sekolah.

Berdasarkan hasil wawancara tersebut bahwa dorongan dan motivasi yang diberikan keluarga pada anak usia sekolah di lingkungan keluarga sangat minim, karena kurangnya ilmu pengetahuan yang dimiliki oleh orang tua siswa di rumah. Lingkungan masyarakat sangat mendukung kegiatan belajar mengajar sebab masyarakat ramah dan mencintai situasi yang aman dan damai antara mereka. Masyarakat berkerjasama dengan sekolah dengan dibentuknya dewan sekolah untuk mewakili orang tua siswa dalam membantu sekolah untuk mengambil kebijakan internal sekolah demi kemajuan sekolah. Hasil wawancara dengan lima wakil kepala sekolah tersebut bahwa: Lingkungan masyarakat sangat menentukan keberhasilan implementasi kebijakan pendidikan gratis, karena semua sekolah yang kami kelola ini, baik itu sekolah SD, SMP dan SLTA jaraknya tidak jauh dari lingkungan masyarakat dan anak-anak masyarakat yang mengikuti pendidikan di semua jenjang pendidikan yang ada maka lingkungan masyarakat yang aman, tertib, bersih dan damai akan membantu semua sekolah yang ada untuk melaksanakan kegiatan belajar mengajar di sekolah dengan baik. Dan untuk kabupaten Manatuto selama 10 kemerdekaan maupun pada zaman pemerintah Indonesia selama 24 tahun kami melihat bahwa lingkungan masyarakat di kabupaten Manatuto sangat mendukung program pendidikan.

Pemerintah selain mengeluarkan kebijakan pendidikan gratis kepada masyarakat, pemerintah juga sangat mempengaruhi efektifitas implementasi kebijakan pendidikan gratis terhadap anak sekolah. Karena pemerintah yang memiliki peranan penting untuk menyediakan gedung sekolah, perekrutan tenaga pengajar, pengadaan fasilitas sekolah. Wawancara dengan wakil kepala dinas pendidikan kabupaten Manatuto mengatakan: Dinas pendidikan kabupaten Manatuto merupakan salah satu faktor extenal yang akan mempengaruhi hasil implementasi kebijakan pendidikan gratis, karena dinas merupakan kaki tangan pemerintah pusat dalam hal ini kementrian pendidikan Timor-Leste. Kami menyadari betul bahwa dari 52 sekolah yang ada di kabupaten Manatuto masih menghadapi banyak masalah. Dan masalah-masalah yang dihadapi oleh masing-masing sekolah kami tidak bisa menyelesaikannya dalam satu atau dua tahun ke depan karena sistem pemerintah kita masih sentralistik daerah belum memiliki wewenang sendiri untuk mengatasi masalah tersebut

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walaupun kita mempunyai inisiatif untuk membuat program/kegiatan sendiri untuk mengatasi masalah yang terjadi dilapangan tetapi tidak bisa terlaksanakan karena tidak ada dana.

Berdasarkan hasil wawancara menunjukan bahwa masih banyak hal dibutuhkan oleh sekolah, untuk mendukung proses belajar-mengajar tetapi belum disediakan oleh pemerintah, seperti meja dan kursi, guru, ruang kelas, gedung dll. Berdasarkan hasil wawancara dan hasil analisis dokumen yang di kelola oleh dinas pendidikan Kabupaten Manatuto dari tahun ajaran 2004/2005 dan 2009/2010, disimpulkan bahwa faktor internal dan faktor external sangat mempengaruhi efektifitas implementasi kebijakan pendidikan gratis terhadap anak sekolah dalam meningkatkan kualitas pendidikan. Dan partisipasi orang tua pun diharapkan dalam rangka menyuruh anak-anak mereka untuk masuk sekolah dan memotivasi mereka untuk tetap sekolah sampai tamat. Kesimpulan Hasil implementasi kebijakan pendidikan gratis untuk pemerataan dan perluasan kesempatan pendidikan bagi masyarakat, karena kesadaran anak usia sekolah yang menjadi target kebijakan dan orang tua siswa mengerti pentingnya pendidikan mulai meningkat. Sekolah, keluarga, masyarakat dan pemerintah merupakan faktor penting dalam menentukan efektifitas implementasi kebijakan pendidikan gratis terhadap anak sekolah dalam rangka pengembangan sumber daya manusia secara bertahap dan berkelanjutan. Rekomendasi Pemerintah perlu memperhatikan kekurangan guru yang dihadapi oleh sebagian sekolah termasuk sarana dan prasarana pendukung efektifitas implementasi kebijakan pendidikan gratis terhadap anak sekolah seperti pengadaan buku pelajaran, meja, kursi, laboratorium dan perpustakaan yang layak sesuai dengan kebutuhan sekolah. Pemerintah perlu menyediakan subsidi untuk anak-anak sekolah yang berasal dari desa terpencil yang memiliki prestasi pendidikan yang baik dan asrama untuk menampung anak sekolah yang berasal dari luar kota. Dafter Pustaka Sugiono, 2007a, Metode Penelitian Kuantitatif, Alfabeta, Bandung. --- 2007b, Metode Penelitian Kualitatif, Alfabeta, Bandung. Komisi Perencanaan, 2002, Rencana Pembangunan Nasional, Timor-Leste. Undang-Undang Dasar Republik Demokratiku Timor-Leste, 20 Mei 2002 Diario Nasional 2006. Hasil wawancara dengan tokoh masyarakat, tokoh perjuangan kemerdekaan Hasil wawancara dengan Kepala Dinas Pendidikan Kabupaten Manatuto Hasil wawancara dengan orang tua siswa Hasil wawancara dengan Kepala Dinas Pendidikan Kabupaten Manatuto Hasil wawancara dengan kepala sekolah SD Sananain, Obrato dan Kribas, kepala SMP Basco da Gama dan kepala SMA Kay Rala Hasil wawancara dengan Wakil Kepala Sekolah Hasil wawancara dengan Wakil Kepala Dinas Pendidikan Kabupaten Manatuto

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