Federal Government Secretariat for Strategic Affairs, Presidency of the Republic Minister Daniel Barcelos Vargas (interim)
Special Secretariat of Policies for Women – SPM
Institute of Applied Economic Research – IPEA
Special Secretary Nilcéa Freire Deputy Secretary Teresa Cristina Nascimento Souza
President Marcio Pochmann
Undersecretary of Institutional Articulation Sônia Malheiros Miguel
Admin-Finance Director Fernando Ferreira
Undersecretary of Monitoring and Thematic Actions Aparecida Gonçalves
Macroeconomic Director João Sicsú Social Studies Director Jorge Abrahão de Castro Regional and Urban Studies Director Liana Maria da Frota Carleial Sectorial Studies Director Márcio Wohlers de Almeida Cooperation and Development Director Mário Lisboa Theodoro
Undersecretary of Planning of Policies for Women Lourdes Maria Bandeira Special Advisor Odisséia Pinto de Carvalho Head of Office Cíntia Rodrigues Dias Gouveia National Council of the Rights of Women Susana Cabral - Executive Secretary
Head of Office Persio Marco Antonio Davison
International Labour Organization
Communication Advisor Daniel Castro
Director of the Brazilian Office Laís Abramo
URL: http://www.ipea.gov.br Ombudsman: http://www.ipea.gov.br/ouvidoria
Programme Officer for the Promotion of Gender and Race Equality in Labour – ILO/ Brazil Solange Sanches Project Officer – ILO/Brazil Marcia Vasconcelos Senior Assistant – ILO/Brazil Rafaela Egg
© Institute of Applied Economic Research – ipea 2009 Technical Team Luana Pinheiro – Special Secretariat of Policies for Women Marcelo Galiza – Institute of Applied Economic Research Natália de Oliveira Fontoura – Institute of Applied Economic Research Hildete Pereira de Melo – Federal University of the State of Rio de Janeiro Alberto Di Sabbato – Federal University of the State of Rio de Janeiro Solange Sanches – International Labour Organization Márcia Vasconcelos – International Labour Organization Roberto Gonzalez – Institute of Applied Economic Research Indicators and special tabulations Ana Sabóia – Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics Cimar Azevedo – Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics
Impact of the crisis on women / Brazil Gender Equality Observatory.- Brasília: Ipea: SPM: OIT, 2009. 70 p.: il. Includes bibliographical references ISBN 857811031-5 1 .Women. 2. Women Workers. 3. Gender Iquality. 4. Economic Recession. 5. Brazil. I. Brazil Gender Equality. Observatory. II. Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada. III. Brasil. Secretaria Especial de Políticas para as Mulheres. IV. Organização Internacional do Trabalho. CDD 305.42
The authors are responsible for the choice and presentation of the facts contained in this document and for the opinions expressed therein, which are not necessarily those of the institutions involved. This document may be reproduced, in part or in whole, as long as the source is properly cited Reproduction for commercial purposes is forbidden.
SUMMARY 1 Introduction.................................................................................................... 7 2 The subject: the international crisis and its impacts throughout the world................................................................................................................ 9 3 The crisis sen from a gender perspective................................................ 13 3.1. Structural indicators of the female labor market ..................................................... 13 3.2 The services sector: the “female” space in the Brazilian economy................................ 22 3.2.1 Household work............................................................................................. 38 3.3 The recent impacts of the crisis in the Brazilian labor market: a gender perspective .. 41 3.3.1 The general impacts of the crisis in the Brazilian economy............................... 41 3.3.2 Recent results of the labor market from a gender perspective ......................... 44 4 Final Considerations.................................................................................... 59 5 Bibliographic references............................................................................ 61 6 Statistical Annex........................................................................................... 63
iNTRODUCTION
7
The economic crisis and its (possible) impacts on women’s lives1 1. Introduction
In Brazil, as in the rest of the world, the last nine months have been marked by abundant and dense discussions on the economic and financial crisis that struck the global economy. The news articles produced by the media in general and by the specialized press increased as the months went by, as did meetings aimed at discussing the causes, impacts and (possible) governmental responses to counter the crisis that has left millions of men and women across every continent sleepless and jobless. As the crisis entered decisively into the national agenda its consequences on the Brazilian labor market received incraeasing attention. Special emphasis has been placed in shifts in the unemployment rates, occupation levels and the wage sum, almost always based on an analysis of the impacts on the different economic sectors and metropolitan regions (or federative units, when possible). The large information bases that make this type of conjunctural monitoring possible are the Monthly Employment Survey (Pesquisa Mensal de Emprego - PME), the General File of the Employed and Unemployed (Cadastro Geral de Empregados e Desempregados - CAGED) and the Employment and Unemployment Survey (Pesquisa de Emprego e Desemprego - PED) produced every month by the Brazilian Institute for Geography and Statistics (Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística - IBGE), by the Ministry of Labor and Employment (Ministério do Trabalho e Emprego - MTE) and by the Inter Trade Union Department of Statistics and Socio-Economic Studies (Departamento Intersindical de Estatística e Estudos Socioeconômicos - DIEESE)/Seade Foundation 2 respectively, in partnership with regional research and statistical institutions. The main discussions on the topic in the media and specialized forums have nevertheless failed to take into account the differentiated impacts of the crisis on the supply and quality of jobs by sex or race/color. The analyses produced in this context thus consider workers as a homogeneous set, whose different identity markers have no interference whatsoever in their insertion and participation in the labor market. 1. This article is the result of an integrated effort of the various organizations that integrate the crisis monitoring working group within the Brazil Gender Equality Observatory. This study was prepared with the contribution of the technical staff of the Institute of Applied Economic Research (IPEA) - Natália Fontoura, Marcelo Galiza and Roberto Gonzalez; International Labour Organization (ILO) - Solange Sanches and Márcia Vasconcelos; Brazilian Institute for Geography and Statistics (IBGE) - Ana Sabóia and Cimar Pereira; Universidade Federal Fluminense (UFF) - Hildete Pereira de Melo and Alberto Di Sabbato; and of the Special Secretariat for Women's Policies (SPM) - Luana Pinheiro. We are also grateful to Nina Madsen and Fábia Souza, also of the SPM, for their careful reading and suggestions. 2. Within the framework of the agreement with MTE/Worker Support Fund.
8
impact of the crisis on women
This is exactly the approach that this paper seeks to oppose and which was at the basis of the creation of the working group to monitor the impacts of the crisis on women within the context of the Brazil Gender Equality Observatory. The Observatory is an initiative of the Special Secretariat for Women’s Policies of the Office of the President of the Republic (Secretaria Especial de Políticas para as Mulheres da Presidência da República - SPM), in partnership with other public institutions, international organizations and civil society organizations, which aims to give visibility, strengthen and broaden the actions of the Brazilian State for the promotion of gender equality and women’s rights. The Observatory was originally structured around four working groups: Indicators, Public Policies, Media and Legislation Monitoring and Legislative. Nonetheless, as the international crisis unraveled and the impacts began to be felt in Brazil, a decision was made to link yet another working group to the Observatory, this time an ad hoc group in charge of identifying and monitoring the distinct impacts of the crisis on men and women. Thus arose the crisis WG formed by representatives of the SPM, which coordinates the group, IPEA, IBGE and the ILO, in addition to renowned male and female researchers in the area of gender and the labor market. In this first moment, the main goal of the Observatory is to monitor the participation of men and women in the Brazilian labor market – also taking into account the ethnic-racial perspective – so as to a identify the different impacts of the crisis on each of the social groups. In order to contribute to this debate in the national scenario this article is structured in three sections, in addition to this brief introduction. The following section presents a brief overview of the international crisis. This is followed by a discussion that deepens the relation between crisis and gender based on an analysis that portrays the context in which the crisis is developing - with data on the structure of the female labor market and especially on the services sector - and also the first results of the conjunctural monitoring of the PME, PED and CAGED indicators from that perspective. Finally, the paper presents a number of final considerations that emphasize the need to analyze the economic crisis from a gender approach based on a social and economic development perspective.
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9
2 The subject: the international crisis and its impacts throughout the world The current crisis can be considered the greatest global crisis since 1929, both in terms of its scope and in the depth of its impacts. According to an Ipea study, “2009 begins with a forecasted fall in global trade, the first since 1982 and possibly the greatest since the Great Depression” (Ipea, 2009a). The origins of the global crisis remount to a process of growing deregulation of the financial systems throughout the world that resulted in the bankruptcy of and loss of confidence in the banking institutions of developed countries, which produced “contagious effects in the main financial markets of the world and demanded economic policy actions in multiple countries to try to contain the impacts on the productive system” (Ipea, 2009a). It is important to note, however, that this crisis differs from the previous ones inasmuch as it began in the center of capitalism and only then spread to poor and developing countries. Previous crises, on the contrary, began with bankruptcies in poor or developing countries. Examples are those experienced first in Mexico in 1982 and 1994-95; Asia, in 1997-98; and Russia, in 1999 (See Box 1).
Box 1
Economic crisis timeline since 1980 Year
Countries
1982
Foreign debt crisis in Latin America, with onset in Mexico.
1990
Japanese speculative bubble.
1992-93 Speculative attacks to the currencies in the European exchange rate mechanisms 1994-95 Mexican economic crisis, 1994: speculative attack and default in Mexico. 1997-98 Asian financial crisis : devaluation and baking crisis in various countries of Asia. 1998-99 Russian financial crisis: devaluation of the ruble and default in Russia. 2001-02 Economic crisis of Argentina: crash of the banking system. Source: Luc Laeven and Fabian Valencia (2008), ‘Systemic banking crises: the new database’. International Monetary Fund Working Paper 08/224.
10
impact of the crisis on women
The crisis thus began in the US financial segment and spread following the bankruptcy of the investment bank Lehman Brothers at the end of 2008. Once the crisis was announced, the first sign that the banking institutions of the central countries had been working at risky debt levels came through the increased insolvency of the so-called subprime loans. In broad terms, a subprime is a risk credit granted to a borrower that does not offer sufficient guarantees to benefit from a more advantageous interest rate. In a stricter sense, the term is used to designate a type of mortgage credit in the real estate industry that was created in the United States for borrowers that carry greater risk. This real estate credit was secured by the borrower’s residence and was often coupled to credit card issuance or car rental.3 As such, while the crisis first set in as a financial crisis - causing a strong credit crunch due to the lack of confidence in the quality of financial assets - it rapidly became a crisis in the real productive sector of the economy. This brought on strong impacts like the close down of large companies, banks and financial institutions and tremendous damages in the industry, import and export sectors throughout the world. So far the crisis has affected regions in different degrees: very intensely in the central countries and a few Asian ones such as Japan, and with varying intensity in developing countries like China and India, and certain Latin American ones like Brazil, Argentina, Chile and Mexico (See Box 2). “The turbulence in the international economy affects countries with a lower development level differently, but impacts countries with a greater dependence on international demand the hardest, especially those biased towards primary exports. On the whole, however, its immediate impact was a reduced international liquidity, with scarcer and more expensive credit lines. This occurred because international investors grew more averse to risk and sought assets with greater liquidity and lower risk. The effects of the crisis for the developing word in the medium and long term depends on the duration and intensity of the effects of the financial crisis in the USA” (Ipea, 2009a).
3. Wikipedia, accessed on 26 June 2009.
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11
Box 2
Economic situation of the countries: estimates of December 2008.
Source: International Monetary Fund.
In Brazil the crisis has had different impacts than in the past, since the country’s economic and social situation is quite different today from what it was in prior crises: the Brazilian economy presents low inflation, a high amount of reserves, no significant foreign debt (on the contrary, the country is a dollar creditor) and a controlled internal debt. Brazil’s public debt is at approximately 3% of the GDP, while in the USA it has reached the 12%. The crisis reached Brazil in the last months of 2008 and affected the economic sectors at different times and intensity levels. Although the Brazilian foreign accounts were affected, the macroeconomic balance for 2008 did not close in a negative position because the crisis was restrictred to the last three months of the year, which problaby allowed the results to remain positive. Despite the contraction, the Brazilian GDP has been decreasing less than in central countries and the country’s financial soundness indicators are good. The country risk has been falling and, after a period of rise, the dollar has been losing value before the real since the first quarter of 2009.
12
impact of the crisis on women
The country is nevertheless suffering the effects of the global crisis, with the strongest impacts being felt in the export and industry sectors, which has substantial impacts on employment. In fact, the crisis has interrupted the positive trajectory of the Brazilian labor market indicators. Unemployment rates are once again rising, occupation growth is slowing down and the number of formal work positions offered is falling, as will be seen in the following sections. Most governments initially chose to respond to the crisis through more vigorous action in the fiscal and credit arenas. The central banks have in a first moment sought to revert losses involving subprime operations and later to reestablish confidence in the financial system. In Brazil the measures adopted seek to achieve a sounder macroeconomic situation and more concrete prospects of social inclusion. Given these facts, the following measures deserve special emphasis: i) reduction of the primary surplus, in 2009, from 4.3% to 3.8%; ii)·injection of dollars by the Central Bank; iii) acquisition of shares of the banks in crisis by state banks; iv) incentives for exports; iv) anticipated disbursement for agriculture to the order of R$ 5 billion; v) civil construction financing to the order of R$ 3 billion (working capital); vi) R$ 4 billion credit for the automotive industry by Banco do Brasil; vii) fiscal policy aimed at maintaining investments (Program for the Acceleration of Growth –PAC, and Pre-salt Oil Extraction- Pre-sal), social programs and containment of government overhead cost. (Ipea, 2009a). It is not yet possible to assess the impacts of the crisis on economies and society in general. However, it is important for economic and social policies to be jointly managed so as to avoid an even more unfavorable scenario in terms of macroeconomic and social indicators. These overall policies to counter the crisis must also incorporate specific strategies for the different population groups, as each one of them has been affected differently by the economic context. The following sections will show this fact based on disaggregated indicators of workers by sex and color/race.
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13
3 The crisis seen from a gender perspective Ever since the first effects of the crisis made themselves felt in the country, discussion and dialogue forums, especially of feminist movements and women, began to ponder the (possible) existence of impacts on women’s lives or differentiated impacts depending on the sex of the worker. Until now, however, no study had analyzed the matter by systematizing information based on the available indicators and showing the differentiated consequences of the crisis on men and women. There are those who argue that the crisis may damage the female population more intensely due to their more precarious insertion in the labor market. However, in light of the data available others argue that the crisis has initially had greater impacts on men, as it has concentrated in the industry sector which is mostly occupied by the male population. Even so, because of the linkages in the productive chain the crisis may reach the trade and services sector as well as household employment, in which case its effects will be felt most intensely by women. As such, this article will analyze these scenarios based on the indicators available. Considering the fact that women and men - like white and black persons - do not occupy the same positions and spaces in the labor market, and the fact that there is a greater concentration of women and black persons in the worst quality jobs (with the lowest level of social protection and worst pay), it is essential for government agencies to be aware of which are the most strongly affected groups - in terms of their participation in the world of work - at each moment of the economic and international crisis. In this sense, this paper seeks to offer important input to identify and propose anticyclic governmental action alternatives that are adapted to the labor situation of each social group. 3.1 Structural indicators of the female labor market
The effects of the international crisis on the female and male labor markets basically depend on how men and women participate therein. Factors such as the availability of opportunities to enter the market, probability of landing a position, quality of the post occupied and sectors and positions reached determine the greater or lesser intensity of the consequences felt by male and female workers in a context of crisis such as the global crisis in place since the end of 2008. In view of the above, this section brings an overview of the male and female labor market structure - always taking into account the racial perspective, since the groups are not homogeneous - as a necessary contextualization to understand the effects of the international economic scenario.
14
impact of the crisis on women
Initially, one must consider that “the field of professional activity is of fundamental importance for self-determination, identity construction, social recognition and access to consumables, among other material and symbolic dimensions that have become increasingly important in 21st century societies” (Pinheiro et al., 2008). It is also in this space that discrimination and inequality processes become even more evident, leading to consequences that can be clearly perceived by analyzing the indicators produced on an annual basis by IBGE. Social inequities are exacerbated by ethnic-racial and gender inequalities, thus contributing towards the construction of a hierarchy that repeats itself in practically all the indicators analyzed: men and white persons are generally better inserted in the labor market than women and black persons. Another significant data to be considered in this analysis concerns the fact that women are more extensively and better inserted in education. As a matter of fact, throughout the 20th century school access was gradually expanded to the various population groups priorly excluded from the country’s formal education process. This offered women the chance to study, which today is reflected in their leading position in most education indicators. However, this advantage has yet to be reflected in the labor market. Even though much progress has been made to insert women into this potential economic and social autonomy providing space, there is still much to be done in terms of ensuring equalitarian conditions of professional entry, permanence and ascension in the market, as well as regarding adequate remuneration for the activities developed. The last fifteen years have testified the rise of a phenomenon that could be called the feminization of the labor market: a significant increase in the participation of women in this sphere can be observed since the beginning of the 1990s. In fact, in the last years the market was strongly affected by the feminist revolution that demystified the disgraceful situation created by the masculine and feminine roles that relegated women to the sacred position of mothers, housewives and/or secondary workers, thus producing changes in the value assigned to the roles and positions set aside for women (Abramo, 2007). Other important factors also helped to drive the entry of women in the job market, particularly important among which are decreased fertility rates - especially with the advent of the birth control pill - and increased female education levels. As such, while in 1996 52.2% of women 16 years and over where active, that is, employed or looking for a job, this number rose to 58.6% in 2007, a significant increase if we consider that the activity level for men in the same period showed a downward trend. Nonetheless, it is important to note that although the activity level of women increased it is still much lower than that of men: 81.6% in 2007 (See Table 1).
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15
Table 1
Activity level of persons aged 16 and over, by sex. Brazil, 1996 and 2007. Year
Female
Male
Total
1996
52.2%
83.3%
67.1%
2007
58.6%
81.6%
69.6%
Source: Pinheiro et al., 2008, based on PNAD/IBGE microdata.
Two important factors contribute to this disparity. The first refers to the fact that unpaid household work, the type engaged in by housewives, is not accounted for. Despite their exhaustive and continuous work, decisive contribution to the reproduction of social life and generation of wealth for the national economy, today these women are still portrayed as inactive in the country’s official statistics. If they were accounted for the distances in the activity rates would be certain to drop. The second important factor concerns the persistent occupational segregation by sex that forces women to take on an excessive burden in household obligations, where taking care of the house and children hinders their insertion in the labor market. IBGE data show that while in 2007 90% of active women dedicated themselves to household chores a significantly lower percentage of men (50.7%) were in the same condition, which points to an undeniable double shift for the female population.4 The intensity with which they dedicate themselves to these chores also differs: women spend about 27 hours a week looking after their homes and families, while men that perform these tasks spend a little over 10 hours a week. In addition to the difficulty in entering the labor market this overload also determines the type of activity that is feasible for these women to engage in, if we consider that in many cases the only alternative they have is to take jobs with less hours and less pay. As such, while in 2007 only 18.6% of the men habitually worked less than 40 hours a week, this percentage rose to a significant 41% for workers of the female sex. If women are significantly less available to participate in the labor market than men, it is important to realize that the decision to enter the market is not effected with equal intensity by male and female workers. Graph 1 clearly portrays this situation: while the male unemployment rate was 5.1% in 2007, the 4. It is important to note that although modest, there is a move towards greater equality between men and women in household chores. Between 1996 and 2007 there was a 6 percent increase in the number of men that declared performing household chores and an almost 3 percent decrease in the number of women in the same situation.
impact of the crisis on women
16
female rate reached 9.8%, which represents a mass of nearly 1.3 million more unemployed women than men. Despite the trend towards lower unemployment between 2004 and 2007, these inequalities remain. In this sense, even after this drop in 2007 white men presented an unemployment rate of 5.3% against 12.2% for black women. If on the one hand black women are excluded from a series of jobs because they are women, on the other they are also excluded from many jobs considered female, such as client services, because they are black. Graph 1
Unemployment rate for persons aged 16 and over, by sex and color/race. Brazil, 2004 and 2007. 5.3%
6.4%
9.2%
12.2%
6.0%
7.4%
10.1%
13.2%
White men
Black men
White women
Black women
2007 2004
Source: Pinheiro et al., 2008, based on PNAD/IBGE microdata.
When they manage to enter the labor market, women concentrate in spaces that differ greatly from those occupied by men, both in terms of economic activity sectors and in terms of status in employment. In this process the jobs occupied by female black persons tend to be more vulnerable than those occupied by male white persons, and to be endowed with less or no social protection. As to the positions occupied by women and men in the labor market, Table 2 presents the distribution by population according to status in employment for the years 1996 and 2007. An analysis of the information shows that the occupational segmentation between men and women does not change over time. Thereby, women concentrate in positions usually referred to as informal and which offer little or no social protection: 43% of the employed female population are occupied in informal jobs such as household work (where over 70% do not have formal work contracts) or unpaid jobs (identified in the table under “other”).
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17
Only 26.3% of occupied men hold these positions, which indicates greater quality and security in the workplace for men than for women. Profound inequalities can also be found among women: in 2007 36.5% of white women were employed in jobs here defined as informal, a percentage that rose to an impressive 50.6% for black women. Finally, this more precarious insertion for the female population is not just a passing or conjunctural phenomenon. As shown in Table 2, the distribution of male and female workers by the different categories of employment remained almost unaltered in the last 12 years, which indicates that the labor market is structured upon inequality or gender and race-based occupational segmentation, thus laying the grounds for an unequal, hierarchical and discriminatory structure. Table 2
Distribution of employed persons aged 16 and over, by sex and by status in employment. Brazil, 1996 and 2007. Status in Employment
Male
Female
1996
2007
1996
2007
Civilian and military civil servant
5.4
5.3
9.7
9.4
With formal contract
33.8
38.1
25.0
28.7
Without formal contract
20.7
19.8
11.5
13.4
Own-account
27.8
25.3
16.5
16.4
Employer
5.0
4.9
2.1
2.4
Household employee
0.8
0.8
17.1
16.3
Other*
6.5
5.7
18.1
13.3
Total
100.0
100.0
100,0
100.0
Source: Pinheiro et al., 2008, based on PNAD/IBGE microdata. Note: * This category includes unpaid employed male and female workers and those employed in production or construction for own household consumption and use and therefore also unpaid.
impact of the crisis on women
18
Another significant aspect to be considered, especially in the context of the ongoing international crisis, refers to the distribution of male and female workers across the different economic sectors. A rapid analysis of Table 3 below shows an extremely unequal participation of men and women in the social services, household services and civil construction sectors. In the case of the latter, the profile of the sector is predominantly male, concentrating 11% of employed men and only 0.5% of women. A traditionally male activity, the civil construction sector only recently opened up to female participation, which today represents no more than 3% of the total workers employed in this area. The activities performed in the services sector are in the opposite end of the spectrum. If we consider only the social and household services category which is directly related to stereotypes on female capabilities and skills and to occupational segregation by sex - we find that over one third of employed women are in this sector against only 4.5% of men.5. If we add to these percentages the participation of male and female workers in the other services sector and other activities (also mostly composed of service provision activities) we find that 52% of women are employed in this sector against a reduced 26% of men. Because of its importance for women, the services sector was the object of a special study whose results are found in Item 3.1.2 of this text. Table 3
Distribution of employed persons aged 16 and over, by sex and by branch of economic activity. Brazil, 2007. (in %) Economic Activity
Male
Female
Public Administration
5.5
4.6
Agriculture
20.4
13.4
Trade
19.0
16.5
Social and household services*
4.5
33.6
Civil Construction
11.5
0.5
Industry
17.4
12.7
Other services**
10.4
6.1
Other activities***
11.3
12.6
100.0
100.0
Total
Source: Pinheiro et al., 2008, based on PNAD/IBGE microdata Notes: * Includes education, health, social and household services. ** Includes accommodation, food and transportation services *** Includes storage and communication, other collective, social and personal services and other activities.
5. In 2007 nearly 85% of the total workers of this sector were women.
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19
It is also important to highlight female participation in the industry sector, a relatively more important area for men than for women: about 17% and 12% of them respectively were employed in this branch. Nevertheless, the predominantly male profile of the workers becomes more evident upon observing the distribution of industry workers by sex. In fact, in 2007 65% were men against 35% of women, who concentrate in specific industry areas such as textiles and footwear manufacturing. The segregation verified in the general context is thus reproduced within this specific sector. These differences in terms of insertion in the labor market coupled with the existence of discriminatory mechanisms and prejudice based on stereotypes such as women’s inability to lead or to perform certain tasks result in lower monthly wages for women, particularly for black women, than for men (white). As presented above, not only are the positions occupied by women more vulnerable and insecure, but they are also less prestigious and less valued socially, which impacts decisively on the average wage attained by each group. This is the case for teachers, executives in financial institutions, social assistants and systems analysts, for example. Despite the importance of each of these categories for individual development and for the national economy, their status in society – which can be estimated by their remuneration - is fairly unequal. The result of this set of factors is that in 2007 employed women received 65% less pay on average than men, and black persons only close to half of the wages received by white persons, as shown in Table 4 below.6 The data show the double discrimination suffered by black women in the labor market. While white women earn 62% on average of what white men earn, black women earn 67% of what men in the same racial group earn and only 34% of the average earnings of white men.
6. These data do not control for differences in level of educational attainment, region, occupation, hours of work or any other variable except for sex and race/color of workers. Wage differences between the groups are known to decrease when these attributes are controled for. However, in what this study is concerned the data as presented here is sufficiently relevant to portray the existent inequalities, even though it does not make it possible to ascertain the extent to which this is due to discrimination in the workplace or to other factors (which may also harbor discriminatory processes).
impact of the crisis on women
20
Table 4
Average monthly wage of main employment, by sex and race/color. Brazil, 1996 and 2007. 1996
2007
1,009.1
961.2
589.4
630.3
White persons
1,095.1
1,065.6
Black persons
506.9
563.0
White men
1,326.1
1,278.3
Black men
599.0
649.0
White women
753.3
797.1
Black women
357.9
436.5
Men Women
Source: Pinheiro et al., 2008, based on PNAD/IBGE microdata.
Despite the persistent inequalities verified, it is important to note that the wage gap between the groups analyzed herein has been decreasing throughout the years. In fact, from 1996 to 2007 alone the wage gap between white and black persons and between men and women dropped by 13% and 10% respectively. In this period there was a decline in the average wage of the Brazilian population. Its recovery starting in 2004 was enough to make female wages higher than in 1996, but did not allow the same to happen for male wages, which have yet to achieve the same level as in the beginning of the series. A last point to be emphasized in this section is the difficulty that women find in achieving positions of power and decision-making in the workplace. This is the situation imposed on both private and public sector female workers. These advancement difficulties that produce what is known as the “glass ceiling” are often based on stereotypical and biased views regarding the availability and interest of this population in occupying top positions in the hierarchy of an organization. As such, it is commonly thought that women do not establish the achievement of an important position as a career objective and would be unable to hold such a position anyway due to their “caretaking” tasks, that is, to their childcare-related absences or inability to engage in professional travel as a result of household commitments. In addition to its strong discriminatory nature, the “glass ceiling” is also a determining factor in maintaining the gender wage gap. Graph 2 presents an approximate distribution of women in management positions based on an analysis of female participation in the different wage ranges. High-wage labor categories offer a good approximation of high-ranking positions, since the higher the position the greater the salary. As such, although fe-
CHAPTER 3
21
male workers are the majority in unpaid work (60%) their participation decreases as we rise in the salary scale: only 20% of workers with a monthly income of over 20 minimum wages in 2006 were women. Graph 2
Distribution of employed persons by monthly income* and by sex. Brazil, 2006. More than 20 minimum wages
79.94%
From 10 to 20 minimum wages
20.06%
72.75%
27.25%
From 5 to 10 minimum wages
67.93%
32.07%
From 3 to 5 minimum wages
67.33%
32.67%
From 2 to 3 minimum wages
69.10%
30.90%
From 1 to 2 minimum wages Up to 1 minimum wage No income
60.51%
39.49%
50.30%
49.70%
40.33%
59.67% Men
Women
Source: PNAD/IBGE, Apud. Melo and Oliveira, 2008. Note: * Refers to the income of all occupations.
The meager numbers and colorful graphs show that the country is working towards closing the gap, albeit not as fast as might be desired. Nonetheless, the progress made must not be allowed to conceal the challenges that remain. Gender and race inequalities in the labor market remain abundant and intense, and, due to their structural characteristics, difficult to overcome. Any variable selected to clarify the issue will show that gender gaps present with a reasonable statistical regularity. Gender inequalities on the whole take on two basic forms that are strongly determined by discrimination: hierarchical inequality, which refers to the underrepresentation of women in high-ranking positions, regardless of their massive participation in the activity; and territorial inequality, which concerns the fact that economic activities seem to be segregated by sex, with women having a stronger participation in certain activities and being excluded from others according to their gender culture (Pérez Sedeño, 2001). Any study on the female labor market - and even more so in the case of a study that aims to shed light on the impacts of the crisis on this market - requires the analysis of two central aspects: i) occupational segregation, as clearly depicted by the overwhelming presence of female workers in the services sector and their limited participation in other areas; and ii) the large concentration of women in paid household work, the main female employment and considered vulnerable and low quality work. In this sense, the following sections will briefly discuss
22
impact of the crisis on women
these two mostly female professional spaces in which the impacts of an eventual deterioration of the crisis are likely to be felt most intensely by women. 3.2 The services sector: the “female” space in the Brazilian economy
As presented previously, the services sector is particularly important for women employed in the labor market. This section will therefore analyze this sector and its different activities through the variables sex, race/color, age, level of educational attainment, status in employment and wage. In a context of crisis, knowing the characteristics of the services sector evolution is essential to determine the agenda for State interventions, including public policies to encourage the maintenance and creation of jobs. The last decades were marked by changes in the labor market caused as much by an intensified urbanization process and increase in the population employed in non-agricultural activities, particularly in services, as by the changes in female participation.7. In this process it is important to note the extensive participation that tertiary activities achieved in the Brazilian economy. This growth became more accentuated in the last 26 years: while in 1985 the services sector responded for 49.3%, in 1995 it increased to 54.5% and in 2007 it reached 61% of employed male and female workers (Melo et alli, 1998). Rather than being an exclusive characteristic of Brazilian society, the increased participation of the services sector in employment is a global phenomenon. Whether due to the contraction in the agriculture sector or to that of industry, employment in the services sector grew extraordinarily in all economies (Gutierrez, 1993, p. 86). In Brazil the industrialization and urbanization processes observed after the Second World War (1945) caused an flow of workers to those activities, particularly to the ones requiring less qualification. This characterized the services sector as an important absorber of unskilled urban labor. The literature explains this behavior both by increases in the distribution of goods and financial services, which are responsible for modern services, and by the development of industrial and agricultural activities characterized by low labor intensity. In this sense the population “expelled” by the new activities finds employment in urban areas in civil construction and services. In fact, the absorption of unskilled migrant workers that flocked to the city took place fundamentally in traditional trade and personal service provision activities (Melo et alli, 1998).
7. Two thirds of the national labor force is currently employed in predominantly urban activities, with no significant differences in distribution by sex (women 81.6% and men 78%).
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23
Another important aspect of these activities regards the anticyclic nature of services. This is a globally observed behavior in developed and underdeveloped economies. A certain degree of stability is seen in the services sector with regard to the oscillations in the economic situation. This is in part due to employment in the public administration, which depends more on political than on economic conditions, and partly to the market characteristics of the other service activities. In other words, because many of its activities serve as a refuge for the unemployed, whether as a result of the economic crisis or of productive restructuring, the services sector constitutes a type of cushion to buffer the economic cycle.
As to women, note must be made of the importance of these activities for female employment, particularly when compared to the male population. Table 5 portrays the differences in the share of men and women employed in the services sector: while the sector employs 75.1% of female workers, this percentage drops to 50.9% for men. This shows that although these activities are naturally also significant for men, they are considerably more relevant for women. As such, if the economic context has a negative impact on the services sector women will certainly stand to lose the most, whether due to job loss or to falling wages. Table 5
Employed persons aged 10 and over, by economic sector and by sex. Brazil, 2007 Sectors
Absolute number
Distribution by sex
Distribution by sector
Men
Women
Total
Men
Women
Total
Men
Women
Total 17.6
Agriculture
10,742,333
5,247,884
15,990,217
67.2
32.8
100.0
20.5
13.7
Mining and quarrying
342,933
35,569
378,502
90.6
9.4
100.0
0.7
0.1
0.4
Manufacturing
8,259,105
3,993,117
12,252,222
67.4
32.6
100.0
15.8
10.4
13.5
Civil Construction
5,920,875
186,151
6,107,026
97.0
3.0
100.0
11.3
0.5
6.7
PUIS*
279,015
61,443
340,458
82.0
18.0
100.0
0.5
0.2
0.4
Services
26,818,938 28,898,656
55,717,594
48.1
51.9
100.0
51.2
75.2
61.4
Total
52,363,199 38,422,820
90,786,019
57.7
42.3
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009. Note: *Public utility and industrial services, namely: production and distribution of electricity, and water supply.
An analysis of the total universe of workers in the services sector shows a predominance of women, which represent almost 52% of the total. This is very similar to the demographic profile of the national population. This enhanced participation of the female labor force in the services sector is due, among other factors, to the ease of entry into these activities as a result of their flexibility and informality. The only large economic sector in which women represent at least half of the persons employed is the services sector; in agriculture and manufacturing they come close, but remain below the 50% (See Table 5).
impact of the crisis on women
24
Upon examining the economic structure by race/color one finds that the labor market on the whole presents the same racial distribution than the national population: black and white persons represent over 90% of the Brazilian population and also of national employed male and female workers. However, this design does not succeed in hiding the existing inequalities: the sectors characterized by vulnerable employment as represented by low earnings, level of educational attainment and status in employment are also those with a greater participation of black persons, such as agriculture, civil construction and mining and quarrying (See Graph 3). Graph 3
Distribution of employed persons aged 10 and over by economic sector, by sex and color/race. Brazil, 2007. 100% 90% 80% 70% 60%
Other Brown Black White
50% 40% 30% 20% 10%
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
0%
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.. Note: *Public utility and industrial services, namely: production and distribution of electricity, and water supply.
Structure of the services sector by subsectors
Having finished this brief contextualization of the significance of the services sector for women in the national economic context it is time to analyze the sector in depth so as to subsidize the debate on the international crisis and its possible future impacts on men and women. Let us begin by noting that the services sector is marked by a great heterogeneity, which may be one of the reasons why these activities have been relatively “forgotten” in the socioeconomic research agenda. There are tremendous difficulties involved in analyzing such disparate activities as those linked to production (such as financial, computer technology, engineering and advertising services); distributive services (like transportation,
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25
trade and communication); and personal services (which cater to individual needs, such as social services, and include health, teaching and community services). Table 6 presents the thirteen subsectors that compose the services sector, aggregated in six large subcategories: 1) trade; 2) transportation; 3) communication; 4) financial institutions; 5) public administration; and 6) other services, which incorporate technical professional services rendered to companies, social services, maintenance and repair services, accommodation and food services, paid household services, and personal and distributive services. It is clear that this broad set of activities contains socially and technologically structured segments that live side by side with segments that are technologically delayed and socially archaic. Table 6
Employed persons aged 10 and over by services subsector and by sex. Brazil, 2007. Subsetores de Serviços
Men
Women
Total
Trade
7,986,426
6,235,310
Transportation
3,001,461
Communication
% M/F
% s/ total
Men
Women
Men
Women
Total
14,221,736
56.2
43.8
30
21.6
25.6
253,214
3,254,675
92.2
7.8
11.3
0.9
5.9
393,636
238,282
631,918
62.3
37.7
1.5
0.8
1.1
Financial Institutions
499,955
488,293
988,248
50.6
49.4
1.9
1.7
1.8
Public Administration
3,691,618
5,378,483
9,070,101
40.7
59.3
13.9
18.6
16.3
Other Services
Total
11,072,337
16,269,150
27,341,487
40.5
59.5
41.6
56.4
49.3
Technical Professional
1,623,204
1,179,416
2,802,620
57.9
42.1
6.1
4.1
5.0
Services Provided to Companies
2,722,706
1,011,336
3,734,042
72.9
27.1
10.2
3.5
6.7
Social Services
1,725,483
3,352,645
5,078,128
34.0
66.0
6.5
11.6
9.1
Maintenance and Repair
1,990,462
118,932
2,109,394
94.4
5.6
7.5
0.4
3.8
Accommodation and Food
1,615,117
1,735,829
3,350,946
48.2
51.8
6.1
6.0
6.0
Paid Household
418,261
6,313,444
6,731,705
6.2
93.8
1.6
21.9
12.1
Personal Services
736,359
2,492,700
3,229,059
22.8
77.2
2.8
8.6
5.8
Distributive Services
240,745
64,848
305,593
78.8
21.2
0.9
0.2
0.6
26,645,433
28,862,732
55,508,165
48.0
52.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
The data show that trade, the most ancient activity of the sector, is still the main absorber of labor. In 2007 trade employed 25.6% of the total persons employed in services. The second most important occupation was the public administration, with 16.3% of the total participation of the sector (which includes administration itself, but also education, public health and social security) followed by paid household services with 12.1%, and social services with 9.1% (private
26
impact of the crisis on women
health and education services and community services). These are followed by: services provided to companies (among them, auxiliary services to agriculture, to transportation, rental services, real estate services, security and surveillance), accommodation and food, transportation, personal services, technical-professional, maintenance and repair, financial and communication services. Disaggregating the data by sex shows that even though the services sector is typically female there is an occupational segregation between males and females with an overrepresentation of employed females in the public administration and other services subsectors,8 and underrepresentation in the communication, trade and especially transportation subsectors (See Table 6). Careful scrutiny of Table 3 shows that women in the services sector are employed mainly in paid household activities (21.9%) – and that these activities represent the greatest number of female workers in Brazil – followed by trade (21.6%) and the public administration (18.6%): these occupations responded for 62.1% of female employment in the sector in 2007. Men, on the other hand, seem to be better distributed: in trade (30%), followed by public administration (13.9%) and transportation(11.3%). These three occupations represent 55.2% of male employment in the area. This table thus suggests that women are assigned to activities characterized as an extension of reproductive work (caretaking) - in addition to the above: social services, personal services and accommodation and food. Men predominate in activities associated to the production of goods: they are the majority in technical professional services, services provided to companies, maintenance and repair services, and distributive services (storage, television and news agencies). One thing that stands out is the feminization that took place in the financial institutions subsector: today the participation rate for men and women is almost equal. The distribution of employment across the different services subsectors portrays the intense feminization of this market, but also the definitions established by society to distinguish between male and female roles, which are so adequately represented in this occupational structure. The transportation subsector, typically male, is the counterpoint of paid household services, which is markedly female. Both present very similar participation rates, and over 90% when analyzed by sex. This division in truth remits to the very gender gap present in society. Women who entered the labor market in the last thirty years found the doors of tertiary activities open, first because of their traditional niche - “paid household services: where women belong” – and second because gaining admission to the public administration requires a public entrance examination, which certainly allowed younger and more educated females to invade this job market at the end 8. There is therefore a feminization of these activities, probably due to the flexibility that they offer in more vulnerable market structures and less trade union organization.
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27
20th century. Melo et alli (1998) found this trend by comparing data for 1985, 1990 and 1995, and the gradual increase of female employment in this services subsector. Note should be made of the fact that this information shows a certain crystallization of male and female roles. A comparison of the work developed by Melo et alli (1998) with the information contained in the 1995 PNAD/IBGE survey shows that the distribution of employment in “other services” by subsectors presented a very similar distribution to that of 2007. Activities considered male and female activities remained as such. Jobs that have always been and still are considered to be male are maintenance and repair activities - which include vehicle mechanics and household appliances repair –; services provided to companies – corresponding to security and surveillance, janitorial services, activities related to the production of goods, rental and others –; and to a lesser degree distributive services, that is, radio and television-related services in which male participation increased when compared to 1995. Paid household services, social services and personal services have always been and still are mostly female. The latter experienced an increased male participation when compared to 1995 that is probably due to services related to the body (See Graph 4).
impact of the crisis on women
28
Graph 4
Distribution of employed persons aged 10 and over, by segments of the “Other” services subsector and by sex. Brazil, 1995 and 2007. 100% 90% 80% 70% 60%
Women
50%
Men
40% 30% 20% 10% 0% 1995 2007 1995 2007 1995 2007 1995 2007 1995 2007 1995 2007 1995 2007 1995 2007 Technical Prof.
Serv. Prov. to Companies
Social Serv.
Repair & Constr.
Accom. & Food
Paid Household
Personal Serv.
Distributive Serv.
Source: PNAD/IBGE, microdata, 1995 and 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
The employment distribution by race/color symbolizes the discrimination that still marks Brazilian society (Graphs 5A and 5B, and Table 1 of the Annex). In these graphs the activities of the services sector and those known as “other services” are side by side. The most modern and dynamic services subsectors clearly present a majority of white female workers. The case of financial institutions is particularly curious, as 74% of male and female workers in these institutions declared themselves white. It is known that this participation rate is not justified by level of educational attainment alone, as the share of black persons in the economically active population with the level of educational attainment required to enter these institutions is much higher than the share of black persons employed in the establishments of the sector, which shows the existence of a certain bias in the selection of employees. Over 60% of those employed in the technical-professional and social services subsectors are also white males and females. These market structures have a greater segmentation, which may lead to an increased higher education requirement in these jobs. As shown in the graphs below, participation rates in the public administration are very similar to the general population, but household work is mostly represented by black persons.
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29
Graph 5A
Distribution of the male population employed in the services subsectors, by color/ race. Brazil, 2007. 100% 90% 80% 70% Other Brown Black White
60% 50% 40% 30% 20%
Distr. Serv.
Pers. Serv.
Paid Hous.
Acc. & Food
Rep. & Constr.
Social Serv.
Serv. Prov. Comp.
Tech. Prof.
Public Adm.
Fin. Inst.
Communication
Transportation
0%
Trade
10%
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
Graph 5B
Distribution of the female population employed in the services subsectors, by color/ race. Brazil, 2007. 100% 90% 80% 70% Other Brown Black White
60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10%
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
Distr. Serv.
Pers. Serv.
Paid Hous.
Acc. & Food
Rep. & Constr.
Social Serv.
Serv. Prov. Comp.
Tech. Prof.
Public Adm.
Fin. Inst.
Communication
Transportation
Trade
0%
impact of the crisis on women
30
The services subsector structure by age range
The age range variable complements the profile of the services sector employees and does not present great changes when compared to 1985 and 1995 (Melo et alli, 1998). It is interesting to see that there was a decrease in the participation of persons aged 60 and over in the sector, heading towards the rate verified in 1985: in 2007 workers in this age range presented a 4.7% participation rate, which dropped to 4.6% and 5.6% in 1985 and 1995, respectively. Still analyzing the structure of the economy, we see that agriculture and services account for close to 83.5% of workers aged 10/17, distributed as follows: 46.5% in the services sector and 37% in agriculture. Separating the age ranges into 10/14 and 15/17 years old changes participation in these large economic sectors: agriculture accounts for 54% of child workers (10/14) and services for 35%; and if we consider youths/adolescents aged 15/17 we have the inverse situation: services employ 52.4% and agriculture 28.3% of these youths. An analysis of the services subsectors by age shows that in 1995 there was a reduction of child labor and that in the lower age groups there is a greater participation of males. Men concentrate in maintenance/repair services and women in paid household services. The situation of women remains identical to that of the 1990s, but that of men has changed due to the replacement of child and juvenile labor in trade-related activities. As in 1995, it is interesting to note the age distribution of public employees, which does not follow the same pattern as in the other subsectors; that is, the participation rate of youths is greater in the private sector (See Graph 6 and Table 2 of the Annex).
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31
Graph 6
Distribution of persons employed in the services subsectors, by age range. Brazil, 2007. 100% 90%
65 and over 60 to 64 50 to 59 40 to 49 30 to 39 25 to 29 18 to 24 15 to 17 10 to 14
80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% Distr. Serv.
Pers. Serv.
Paid Hous.
Acc. & Food
Rep. & Constr.
Social Serv.
Serv. Prov. Comp.
Tech. Prof.
Public Adm.
Fin. Inst.
Communication
Transportation
Trade
0%
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
The services subsector structure by level of educational attainment
A review of the data on level of educational attainment once again depicts the diversity of the services sector. On the one hand, there are subsectors in which over 20% of the male and female workers have had up to 4 years of education: transportation, services provided to companies, maintenance/repair, accommodation/food and paid household activities. On the other, there are segments in which over 40% of workers have received over 12 years of schooling, such as: financial institutions, technical-professional, public administration and social services. This qualification requirement remained unaltered in the new global times; it is practically the same as in 1995 (See Table 3 of the Annex). Because of the importance of paid household services in female employment, Graph 7 shows the level of educational attainment of male and female workers in this category. It is interesting to note that although women hold the most vulnerable jobs in this subsector they are the ones with the highest level of education, following the education pattern for the country as a whole. As such, 39% of female household employees had up to 4 years of schooling and 21% had over 8 years. These percentages were of 53% and 16% respectively for male workers in this subsector.
impact of the crisis on women
32
Graph 7
Distribution of persons employed in paid household services, by sex and years of schooling. Brazil, 2007.
Women 0 1 to 4 5 to 8 9 to 11 12 to 14 15 and over Undet. Men
0%
10 %
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
The services subsector structure by status in employment
The “status in employment” variable makes it possible to analyze the conditions in which the population is inserted in the economy based on a reflection on the “quality” of employment. The 20th century saw the progressive increase in employment with single employers and full-time contracts of indeterminate duration. This situation became widespread and still remains in most countries, although the last 20 years saw the rise of other forms of work contracts that combine greater vulnerability with outsourcing. This has also been the case in Brazil and since the country never did promote homogeneous labor relations, globalization deepened the gap. As in other countries, in Brazil this type of work contract was driven by the industrialization process that spread throughout the 20th century and was defined in the country by formal work contracts in the form of signed official work booklets, pursuant to the labor legislation in force. Nevertheless, other types of employment relations persist and grew in the past decade, namely: workers without formal contract, own-account/self-employed workers, employers and unpaid workers. The quality of predominant employment is quite disparate across all Brazilian economic sectors. The first finding concerns the differences between urban and rural employment, as evidenced by the low number of workers with formal
CHAPTER 3
33
work contracts in agriculture.9 The second is that most salaried work contracts are found in the industry sector, as can be seen in the table: nearly 70% of the its workers have formal work contracts. The third is the vulnerability of the services sector: its heterogeneous activities permit a great degree of flexibility in work relations, which partly explains the increased participation of the sector in total employment and income. Note that only 33.3% of workers in the services sector have formal work contracts. The hiring of workers outside of the legal system in order to avoid paying labor charges is quite common in Brazilian society: these are workers without formal contracts (signed work booklets) or unprotected. It is interesting to note that this form of employment relation permeates all economic sectors. This is partly due to the lack of inspection, which helps this type of subcontracting to spread. Another flexible form of employment is own-account work, which is also found across all economic sectors. It expresses a current business strategy, associated to the context of growing unemployment, of escaping the obligations attached to work contracts by forcing workers to adopt the legal statute of ownaccount workers. The deceleration of growth in the Brazilian economy starting in 1980 is understood to have aggravated this situation, thus leading to a growing vulnerability in employment. The quality of employment in the various segments of the services sector is portrayed in Graphs 8A and 8B below.10 The strong differences in the various activities is immediately evident: in 2007 more than 50% of workers with formal work contracts were in the communication, financial institutions, services provided to companies, social services and distributive services segments. Together with civil servants, these are the workers in decent secure employment. On the opposite end are unprotected male and female workers without formal employment agreements, such as those in household activities, and the host of informal laborers who work for their own-account in the personal services, transportation, maintenance/repair and trade segments. The heterogeneous profile of tertiary activities is thus consecrated, with a number of highly formalized subsectors and others that present a very low degree of formalization.11 A disaggregation of the data by sex shows a number of important situations that can be seen in Graphs 8A and 8B. Initially, one can see a large share of women who despite being employed are not paid for the work they perform. 9. The agriculture sector, for reasons that are specific to the type of work relations established therein, does not completely incorporate salaried work relations. 10. See also Table 4 of the Annex. 11. Note that the participation rate of employees with formal work contracts and civil servants amounts to 44.3% of the total for the sector. It is important to point out that 19.5% of male and female workers in these activities are informal and 16.8% are "without formal contract", which amounts to 36.3% of vulnerable employment in the services sector.
impact of the crisis on women
34
This situation is found in many segments, but especially in trade, maintenance/ repair and accommodation/food. Graph 8A, however, shows that this situation is almost nonexistent for employed male workers, and even where unpaid work exists, it is significantly less than for women. In certain subsectors there is an alternation between women with formal work contracts and own-account male workers. This is the case of the transportation sector, for instance, in which there is a greater share of female workers with formal work contracts and own-account male workers. The “own-account” category is also quite heterogeneous, as it includes everything from popcorn vendors who work with their own carts to medical doctors. In all instances this form of employment requires seed capital to invest in equipment, which is more difficult to come by for women. As such, they tend to seek employment in companies and therefore appear less as own-account and more as wage and salaried workers. Finally, although both male and female workers face vulnerable employment in household services the situation is worse for women: 60% of men occupied in this subsector do not have formal work contracts against 73% of women. Graph 8A
Distribution of employed men, by services subsector and by status in employment. Brazil, 2007. 100% 90% 80%
Unpaid
70%
Employer
60% 50%
Own-account
40%
Civil Servant
30%
Withou Formal Contract
20%
With Formal Contract
10%
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
Distr. Serv.
Pers. Serv.
Paid Hous.
Acc. & Food
Rep. & Constr.
Social Serv.
Serv. Prov. Comp.
Tech. Prof.
Public Adm.
Fin. Inst.
Communication
Transportation
Trade
0%
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35
Graph 8B
Distribution of employed women, by services subsector and by status in employment. Brazil, 2007. 100% 90% 80%
Unpaid
70%
Employer
60%
Own-account
50% 40%
Civil Servant
30%
Withou Formal Contract
20%
With Formal Contract
10%
Serv. Distr.
Serv. Pessoais
Dom. Remun.
Hosp. e Alim.
Rep. e Cons.
Serv. Sociais
Serv. Prest. Empr.
Técn. Prof.
Adm. Pública
Inst. Financ.
Comunicações
Transportes
Comércio
0%
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
The services subsector structure by wage range
The services sector functions as an important absorber of labor expelled from other sectors. As such, investigating the wages paid to its employees provides knowledge on the internal dynamics of these activities. Graph 912 shows the intrinsic heterogeneity of the sector for which the income variable, here analyzed by segment, presents the matter categorically: in line with the other characteristics of the sector it includes both badly paid and well paid activities.
12. See also Table 5 of the Annex.
impact of the crisis on women
36
Graph 9
Distribution of employed persons by service subsector, by wage range for main work (in minimum wages). 100% 90% 80%
Undet.
70%
Over than 10
60%
More than 6 up to 10
50%
More than 4 to 6
40%
More than 2 to 4
30%
More than 1 to 2
20%
More than 0 to 1
10%
0
Distr. Serv.
Pers. Serv.
Paid Hous.
Acc. & Food
Rep. & Constr.
Social Serv.
Serv. Prov. Comp.
Tech. Prof.
Public Adm.
Fin. Inst.
Communication
Transportation
Trade
0%
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
This information also make it possible to conclude that the Brazilian economy is characterized by low wages: 69.7% of the country’s employed persons receive up to two minimum wages; in the services sector this share is 64.6%. Upon examining the gender gap one finds that women concentrate in jobs that pay up to two minimum wages: 74% of them work in the tertiary sector against 54.5% of men.13 (Table 7). Table 7
Distribution of employed persons by service subsector, by wage range for main work and by sex (in minimum wages). Subsectors Services
0
More
More
More
More
More
More
Não
than 0 up to 1
than 1 up to 2
than 2 up to 4
than 4 up to 6
than 4 up to 6
than 6 up to 10
def
Total
Men Trade
3,3
22,6
35,2
22,6
5,5
5,0
3,9
1,9
100,0
Transportation
0,5
14,9
30,7
36,4
7,6
5,0
3,1
1,7
100,0
Communication
0,8
8,1
33,7
33,7
9,5
5,4
6,2
2,7
100,0
Fin. Inst.
0,1
4,0
16,4
26,5
14,9
17,4
16,7
4,0
100,0
Public Adm.
0,3
15,6
23,8
27,3
12,7
9,6
8,7
2,0
100,0
Tech. Prof.
1,5
11,7
25,5
23,7
8,7
11,3
13,4
4,2
100,0
Serv. Prov. Comp.
2,0
20,2
40,6
23,5
3,5
3,9
4,0
2,3
100,0
Social Serv.
3,3
18,6
30,3
23,9
6,8
6,3
8,2
2,5
100,0
13. These numbers reflect the terrible wages in the paid household services, personal services, accomodation/food, trade and maintenance/repair subsectors.
CHAPTER 3
Subsectors Services
37
0
More
More
More
More
More
More
Não
than 0 up to 1
than 1 up to 2
than 2 up to 4
than 4 up to 6
than 4 up to 6
than 6 up to 10
def
Total
Main. & Rep.
2,3
25,9
35,4
26,9
4,2
2,5
1,2
1,7
100,0
Acc. & Food
4,6
27,1
36,1
20,9
3,5
3,1
2,0
2,6
100,0
Paid Hous.
0,9
53,8
35,4
7,7
0,4
0,4
0,1
1,4
100,0
Pers. Serv.
1,8
25,8
29,8
25,3
7,6
3,9
3,4
2,4
100,0
Distr. Serv.
0,3
26,5
27,8
22,6
6,0
4,9
6,6
5,3
100,0
Total
2,1
20,2
32,2
25,3
6,8
5,8
5,3
2,2
100,0
Trade
7,7
32,4
37,8
14,6
2,7
2,0
1,1
1,5
100,0
Transportation
4,6
16,5
38,0
22,6
6,2
5,9
4,3
1,9
100,0
Women
Communication
1,2
14,0
51,4
19,8
4,0
3,9
3,0
2,8
100,0
Fin. Inst.
0,4
10,7
25,5
31,7
11,2
10,3
6,2
3,9
100,0
Public Adm.
0,5
20,2
31,8
26,8
9,4
6,4
3,6
1,4
100,0
Tech. Prof.
1,7
17,6
34,8
22,3
7,2
7,7
5,6
3,2
100,0
Serv. Prov. Comp.
3,7
23,1
41,4
17,6
4,3
4,2
3,1
2,5
100,0
Social Serv.
4,6
23,8
36,7
20,7
4,7
4,3
2,8
2,4
100,0
Main. & Rep.
24,2
22,3
31,2
13,1
3,8
2,1
0,8
2,6
100,0
Acc. & Food
10,4
35,5
39,3
9,3
1,8
1,3
1,0
1,5
100,0
Paid Hous.
0,4
70,3
25,6
2,8
0,1
0,0
0,0
0,8
100,0
Pers. Serv.
1,8
46,6
31,2
14,5
1,9
1,3
0,9
1,8
100,0
Distr. Serv.
2,9
21,5
25,6
21,8
12,0
5,8
9,1
1,3
100,0
Total
3,5
37,2
33,3
15,5
3,9
3,1
1,9
1,6
100,0
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
Also interesting is the fact that this phenomenon can be observed in all the sectors analyzed - regardless of the share of women or proportion of higher quality jobs. The differences in the presence of women and men in the lower income ranges (up to 2 minimum wages) reach the 22 percentage points in the case of the personal services subsector (predominantly female) and 17 points in accommodation and food. The smallest differences appear in the services provided to companies and household employment subsectors. In the latter 90% of men and 96% of women receive up to 2 minimum wages, which shows the overall vulnerability that marks the activity. The only segment in which there are more men in this wage range than women is distributive services, which is predominantly occupied by men.
impact of the crisis on women
38
3.2.1 Household work
As previously presented, in the bosom of the activities developed in the “services” sector lies a basically female subcategory, both in terms of numbers and in what has been construed as typically female in modern societies: paid household work. Much of the speculations concerning the possible impacts of the international financial crisis regard this category. On the one hand there are those who argue that in a context of reduced income and increased unemployment a large portion of female household employees would be fired. Others argue that household work is a good that cannot be waived as easily or quickly. In this sense, it is possible that there would be an impact on the level of employment in this category, but not in the intensity defended by others. Nevertheless, because the future of the global economy is unknown, as is the way in which household employment will respond to variations in the wages earned by employers, at this point in time any analysis made would be mere speculation. It is therefore important to get to know the structure of this occupational subsector so as to identify possible future impacts and respond to the different macroeconomic scenarios. To this extent it is essential to begin by emphasizing the importance of paid household work for women in the labor market. In fact, in 2007 a little over 16% of female workers were employed in this branch, which represents a contingent of 6.3 million women.14 For men the percentage was merely 0.8% or almost 418 thousand employed workers. Beyond the numbers there is a known difference in the household activities performed by each sex: the traditional niche for women is inside the homes of employers, taking care of the house and children; for men the prevalent occupations are housekeeper, gardener and driver. Occupational segregation by sex therefore exists even in such a notoriously female occupation. Household work is moreover known to have a racial bias, which becomes evident upon comparing the total number of white women employed in this subsector (13.4% in 1996 and 12.1%, in 2007) with black women (23% in 1996 and 21.4% in 2007). That is, despite the “small drop in both numbers during the decade, the fact persists that paid household work in Brazil is an activity traditionally performed by black women (...) [and] portrays a continuity of the most perverse features of slavery and patriarchy. As will become clear, the data show that this situation of inequality persists due to an injunction of these two ideological systems that founded Brazilian society. A situation that is on the whole considered natural, as shown by the unequal treatment received by this category 14. Even though a discrete decrease occurred (1 p.p.) in relation to 1996 the pattern remained: paid household work in Brazil is still mostly performed by women
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39
of workers alone in the Federal Constitution of 1988 under still fashionable arguments that hide the interference of this heritage” (Pinheiro et al., 2008). Because of its historical roots and characteristics household work was never regarded in the same way as other labor relations, which take place in public. It thus became increasingly vulnerable, as shown in Tables 8 and 9 below. The number of female household workers endowed with State protection in the form of formal work contracts and social security is still very low: in 2007 there were no more 27% and 30%, respectively. This means that a large number of female workers currently lack any form of social protection; they are subject to long hours and low wages and perform work that is known to be exhaustive. In addition to being unprotected in their productive years, their informal work conditions also leave them unprotected in old age. Two aspects deserve special emphasis in this analysis: the first refers to increases in these rates throughout the year, which shows that governmental initiatives have had a certain impact in encouraging formalization and social security affiliation for household workers, and augmenting not only their rights, but also their awareness of these rights. The second concerns the significant differences found in these numbers if we take into account the race/color of the workers. While 30.5% of white women had formal work contracts and 34.3% contributed to social security, this share dropped to 25.2% and 30.4% respectively for black women. It is also worth noting that despite the growing shares over the years the distances between white and black women remain, which shows that discriminatory processes remain strong..
Table 8
Table 9
Share of female household workers with formal contract, by race/color. Brazil, 1996 and 2007.
White
Black
Total
1996
23.6
18.7
20.9
2007
30.5
25.2
27.2
Source: Pinheiro et al., 2008, based on PNAD/IBGE microdata.
Share of female household workers with social security, by race/color. Brazil, 1996 and 2007.
White
Black
Total
1996
24,6
19,2
21,6
2007
34,3
28,0
30,4
Source: Pinheiro et al., 2008, based on PNAD/IBGE microdata.
40
impact of the crisis on women
In the last years there has been an important change in the structure of the household labor market: the growing number of day workers that have replaced traditional monthly workers. In 2007 the share of women working in more than one household reached 25% of the total, a 7.5 percentage point increase in the short period of one decade. Interestingly the share of white and black women in this case is inverted: if black women represent the majority of household workers, among day workers it is white women who take the lead - 26.7% against 24.1% of black women. The peculiar aspect of the day work regime is that although it tends to promote even more vulnerability in terms of formal employment conditions15it may allow women to receive higher earnings. As a result, in contexts of crisis such as the current one household day workers - whose participation in the economy has been growing rapidly and sustainably - may come to be strongly affected by unemployment, since more than monthly workers they lack formal employment ties that ensure their rights in case of dismissal. Other indicators could be used to reaffirm the situation of vulnerability and social exclusion to which workers are subject, such as those that point to excessively long hours and low earnings. Even though the indicators presented herein do show positive movements through the years, these changes were unable to alter the structure of the household labor market because of its strong roots in Brazilian society. 3.3 The recent impacts of the crisis in the Brazilian labor market: a gender perspective
Having the structure of the female labor market and the differences found upon comparing this market to that occupied by men as a backdrop, this section aims to present conjunctural data on employment and unemployment to permit an initial assessment of the impacts of the international economic and financial crisis on men and women. To this extent conjunctural indicators on employment and unemployment will be presented and analyzed to show the initial impacts of the crisis on participation in the world of work and on male and female employment. The indicators used were those produced by the Caged/MTE, and PME/IBGE surveys and to a certain extent by the PED/Dieese-Seade. The Caged is an administrative record produced by the MTE that provides monthly information on all establishments having carried out any type of movement (admission, dismissal or transfer) in 15. In May 2009 a ruling of the Labor Court of Appeals determined that day workers working up to three days a week in the same household would not have their labor rights ensured, as this would not characterize a formal work relationship.
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41
employees with contracts governed by the Brazilian Labor Code (CLT) . It therefore allows a conjunctural evaluation of the country’s formal labor market, that is, only of workers with formal work contracts. The IBGE PME, on the other hand, is a household survey conducted on a monthly basis in the six main metropolitan regions (MRs) of the country (Recife, Salvador, Belo Horizonte, Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo and Porto Alegre). It offers conjunctural information inter alia on activity conditions, employment conditions and possession of a formal work contract, thus covering the total population employed or looking for work instead of just salaried workers with formal work contracts. The PED works in the same molds as the PME and covers the MRs of Recife, Salvador, Belo Horizonte, Federal District, São Paulo and Porto Alegre. An analysis of these different sources - a census restricted to the formal labor market and others that cover the market as a whole but are limited to samples and metropolitan regions - offers a broader picture of the Brazilian economy and especially of the female workers that are proportionately more represented in the informal economy. 3.3.1 The general impacts of the crisis in the Brazilian economy
Ever since 2004 the available data on the Brazilian labor market point to an upward trend in employment in the country, particularly in terms of formal work. This period of virtuous formalization of the labor market was made possible both by the dynamic characteristics of international trade and by the internal market upturn. As of September 2008, however, the situation changed dramatically. The crisis in the subprime mortgage market in the United States gained international proportions, spreading lack of confidence in financial markets and unleashing a liquidity crisis with serious effects on production, employment and income throughout the world. The first signs of the international crisis in the Brazilian labor market seem to have appeared in October 2008, when a deceleration in the drop of the unemployment rate begins followed, starting in January, by a proportionately higher increase in the unemployment rates than would be expected from seasonal variations. According to data of the PME, in the seven months that followed the onset of the crisis (October/2008 to April/2009) the percentage of unemployed workers rose from 7.5% to 8.9%, a 1.4 percentage point increase. The opposite trend was verified in the same period of the previous years (October/2007 to April/2008), with a 0.2 percentage point reduction in the unemployment rate measured in the country’s six main metropolitan regions (See Graph 10).
impact of the crisis on women
42
Graph 10
Unemployment rate in the six metropolitan regions, by sex. 2007 to 2009.
10,9 9,4
8,9
7,5
7,2
Total
abr/09
fev/09
mar/09
jan/09
dez/08
nov/08
set/08
out/08
jul/08
ago/08
jun/08
abr/08
Women
mai/08
fev/08
mar/08
jan/08
dez/07
nov/07
set/07
out/07
jul/07
ago/07
jun/07
abr/07
mai/07
fev/07
mar/07
jan/07
5,9
Men
Source: Monthly Employment Survey/IBGE.
Starting in October there was also a clear decline in the creation of new work positions in formal employment, as measured by the Caged and shown in Graph 11. If the average number of jobs with formal work contracts created in October 2004 and 2007 was approximately 146 thousand, in October 2008 this number fell to a mere 61 thousand. November shows a drop in the number of jobs with formal contracts in the country, which is also seen in December 2008 and January 2009. It is true that the unfavorable results in these months, particularly in December, are not justified by the international crisis alone. Seasonal factors associated to the sugarcane cycle with impacts on the ethanol production complex, as well as rightsizing in the industry sector to adapt the number of jobs offered to a market no longer influenced by the end of the year boom, among other factors, also contributed to the elimination of CLT-governed work positions. At any rate, Graph 11 clearly shows that the extent of the decline in December was significantly greater in 2008 than in previous years.
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43
Graph 11
Net employment with formal work contract (Admissions - Dismissals). Brazil: 20042009. 450.000
250.000
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
Apr
Mar
Feb
Jan
Dec
Nov
Oct
Sep
Aug
Jul
Jun
May
Apr
Mar
Feb
Jan
Dec
Nov
Oct
Sep
Aug
Jul
Jun
May
Apr
Mar
Feb
Jan
Dec
Nov
Oct
Sep
Aug
Jul
Jun
May
Apr
Mar
Feb
Jan
Dec
Nov
Oct
Sep
Aug
Jul
Jun
May
Apr
Mar
Feb
Jan
Dec
Nov
Oct
Sep
Aug
Jul
Jun
May
Apr
Mar
Feb
Jan
50.000
2009
-150.000
-350.000
-550.000
-750.000
Source: MTE, General File of the Employed and Unemployed. Prepared by: DISOC/IPEA.
Graph 11 also shows an increase in the number of formal work positions in February and April 2009. Even though the results are positive, they are much lower than those verified in the same months of previous years. As such, it is still impossible to tell whether the complete effects of the crisis on the job market have already been felt. This slight recovery does not by itself indicate that the trend will from now on be towards a reestablishment of the previous accelerated growth in formal employment. The threat of unemployment and informality persists, however, as the rate in which new CLT work positions were created in the last three months, as observed in the Caged, is still slow. In this sense, the concern with the evolution of formal jobs is justified for at least two reasons: the direct impact on the living conditions of male and female workers and the fact that one of the main components of internal demand is the wage sum (determined by the level of employment and wages) – as such, the evolution of formal employment can either contribute to soften the effects of the crisis or to expand them (IPEA, 2009b). 3.3.2 Recent results of the labor market from a gender perspective
Considering these two relevant dimensions of employment it would be a good idea to analyze the information available on how the Brazilian labor market responded to the first months of the international crisis with greater attention to try to understand its effects and identify which groups of workers were or may
impact of the crisis on women
44
still be affected. Many studies have already been conducted on the effects of the crisis on the labor market based on such variables as income range, age rage, years in employment, activity sector, federative unit, level of educational attainment and type of municipality. Studies with a gender approach with focus on the different effects of the crisis on male and female workers, however, are inexistent. In order to inform the national debate on the impacts of the economic crisis, this section proposes to analyze the data of the PME, PED and Caged based on the sex variable, whenever possible crossing this variable with the racial dimension. We will initially present data of the PME and PED, which cover all forms of insertion in the labor market and the unemployed, but only for a number of metropolitan areas. Subsequently we will focus on formal employment based on the Caged data, which includes the jobs with the highest quality and best level of social protection. Metropolitan labor market: PME and PED data
The information produced by the PME and PED surveys offers a broad view of the Brazilian labor market in terms of coverage, as it includes formal employment - with formal work contracts and therefore with State protection against the risks faced by male and female workers - and informal employment, which covers own-account work (self-employed), employment without formal contract (with emphasis on female household workers), workers who despite being employed are not paid for their work and also employers. The PED also permits a deeper analysis of the labor market and offers results that reiterate the findings of IBGE. In the eight months that followed the first effects of the crisis in the country (September-2008 to April-2009) the growth of the female economically active population 16 (EAP) was smaller that the growth of the male EAP in all the MRs surveyed by the PED. There was a decrease in the female EAP in Salvador (-3.0%), Belo Horizonte (-1.5%), Porto Alegre (-2.3%) and São Paulo (-1.9%), while for men no EAP decrease was found in the MRs. This shows a reversal of the situation found in previous years, when there was a slight upward trend in the female EAP with regard to the male EAP, thus offering evidence that the economic crisis withdrew more women from the labor market than men. In other words, the economic slowdown seems to have pushed women towards inactivity.17 The information on the participation of men and women in the labor market contained in the PED makes it easier to see this trend that, despite discrete, is clear and predictable inasmuch as it expresses traces of our patriarchal culture. In 16. Refers to persons employed in the market or unemployed but looking for a job. These are therefore individuals that are available in the market. 17. Share of the Working Age Population that is neither employed nor looking for a job.
CHAPTER 3
45
situations of job loss within the family nucleus (with a consequent loss of monthly income) there is a greater probability that women will return to their homes and take responsibility for household activities than men. This is either because they worked in small family enterprises that did not survive the crisis or because the decreased family income made it impossible to continue paying the persons hired to perform the tasks that they will now have to perform themselves - while the dismissed female household workers return to being “inactive”. Men are usually left to continue in the labor market looking for jobs and income to continue to support their families, thus remaining economically active. As such, between September/2008 and April/2009 the participation rate of women dropped more than that of men in all the MRs surveyed. The data show a drop in the male participation rate in metropolitan regions, but this is invariably less accentuated than the female rate (See Graph 12). Graph 12
Participation rate variation from September 2008 to April 2009, by metropolitan region and by sex. 0%
-1.8%
-0.3%
-1.7%
-1.3%
-0.7%
-0.3%
-1.1%
-2.5%
-0.9%
-0.7%
-1.4%
-10% -20% -30% -3.4%
-40%
-4.2%
-50% -60%
-1.2%
-2.6%
-1.9%
-1.3%
-70% -80% -90% -100%
Belo Horizonte
Distrito Federal
Porto Alegre Total
Recif e Men
Salvador
São Paulo
Women
Source: Employment and Unemployment Survey/Dieese.
Regarding the level of employment, as noted before in Brazil the economic crisis reverted the trend towards decreased unemployment and increased job creation, especially in the formal sector. Graph 13 shows the inflection in the unemployment rates in the eight months following the crisis compared to the eight months that precede it based on data of the PME. Thus, while from January
impact of the crisis on women
46
to August 2008 unemployment falls in all the groups surveyed, except for black women who presented zero variation, from September/2008 to April/09 unemployment increases significantly across the Brazilian population in general. Graph 13
Unemployment rate variation in selected periods, by sex and color/race. Metropolitan Regions, 2008 and 2009. 4.1%
24.1% 11.2% 21.3%
-
- 4.8%
-5.0%
-12.5%
Men
Women
White women
Aug08 / Jan08
0.0%
Black women
April09 / Sep08
Source: Monthly Employment Survey/IBGE.
Female unemployment rates have historically always been much higher than those of men, a trend confirmed by data of the PME and PED, as can be observed in Graph 10. In a context of crisis, however, there seems to be a different movement in which male unemployment rates tend to grow more in relative terms. As such, if we take the period covered by the months immediately after the crisis we see a 24% increase in the unemployment rate for men in the six metropolitan regions surveyed by the PME against 11.2% for women (See Graph 13). Among them white women presented the greatest increase in unemployment in the period (21.3%). At the same time, it is important to analyze the data on employment, which after September 2008 on the whole presented negative variations for men and women, again with slightly higher variations for women (-3.13% against -1.57%). In previous years, female employment grew relatively more than male employment. That is, the crisis seems to have stalled the feminization of the labor market evidenced up to that point. An analysis of female workers by race/color shows that black women lost proportionately less jobs in the period, thus confirming the data on unemployment (See Graph 14).
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47
Graph 14
Variation in the level of employment in selected periods, by sex and color/race. Metropolitan Regions, 2008 and 2009. 4.0%
1.6%
3.3% 3.0%
- 1.6%
- 3.1%
Men
Women Ago08 / Jan08
- 4.5%
- 1.8%
White women
Black women
Abril09 / Set08
Source: Monthly Employment Survey/IBGE.
Employment and unemployment data seem to show a contradiction, because if there is a greater drop in employment among women one would expect to see a greater increase in unemployment for women than for men. However, what justifies the smaller increase in unemployment among women seems to be the inactivity that affects them more intensely in periods of crisis. As such, female workers that lose their jobs do not necessarily become unemployed, as they give up looking for a job and become inactive. These women therefore do not contribute to unemployment rate calculations, causing male rates to appear higher than female rates. Disaggregating the data by economic activity branch shows that the largest relative declines in female employment occurred in: mining and quarrying, manufacturing, and electricity, gas and water production and distribution (-8.38%); as well as in trade, and repair of vehicles and personal objects (-5.82%). Among men the greatest relative decrease took place in household services (-5.66%) as well industry (-4.81%) (See Graph 15). The industry sector was actually the most affected in this first moment of crisis, as pointed out in various studies conducted based on data of the Caged and household surveys on employment. It would therefore be expected for this sector to present the greatest number of dismissals for both men and women. It is interesting to note, however, that although industry is a highly masculine field of work, it was female workers who proportionately lost
impact of the crisis on women
48
the most jobs in this sector. And among them, black women were slightly more affected in the loss of industrial employment: a - 9.96% rate compared to -7.73% for white women. In other words, the crisis led to a growingly white male profile in Brazilian industry.18 Graph 15
Variation in employment from September/2008 to April/2009, by sex and sector of activity. Metropolitan Regions.
- 4.8%
17.5%
3.0%
- 3.2%
- 5.8%
-1,3% 4.3% -1.3%
2.3%
0.7% -
- 5.7%
- 4.6%
- 3.0% - 8.4%
-
- 0.9% Electricity, gas and water supply
Civil construction
Trade, vehicle repair, etc.
Financial intermediation, real estate activities
Men
Public Adm., health, education, etc.
Househould services
Other services
Women
Source: Monthly Employment Survey/IBGE.
Another aspect that deserves to be highlighted regards household work, which as seen in Graph 15 dismissed proportionately many more men than women: -5.66% and -0.89% respectively19. What this data seems to show is that household work performed by men does not classify as a first necessity for families and can be more easily dispensed with than that of women. This is due to the differentiated structure of the female and male labor markets in which the activities performed by male and female household workers are intrinsically different: while men have occupations such as gardener, housekeeper and driver, women take care of the house and children, which are essential activities in the daily lives of families. To waive the work performed by these women therefore seems to be 18. According to the 2007 PNAD 17.4% of male and 12.7% of female workers were employed in the industry sector. Considering the racial dimension we find that 11.4% of black women and 13.9% of white women were in this group. 19. The drop in household employment for women concentrated completely in those of the white color/race. PME data shows a 2.52% decrease in employment for this group, while black women remained stable in the total employed in the sector with a slight increase of 0.06% in the period after September 2008.
CHAPTER 3
49
“costlier” for families, but especially for women, for whom “reproductive” work imposes longer and more intense daily hours and impacts decisively on their opportunities to enter and remain in the labor market. Finally, it is clear that in the seven months following its onset the economic crisis produced a certain degree of replacement of male labor by female labor in civil construction. In fact, the PME data points to a slightly greater than 3% drop in the total positions occupied by men in this sector while female employment rose by 17%. This feminization movement in civil construction had already been felt in previous periods: from January to August 2008 there was a greater than 23% increase in the total number of women employed in the sector against only 6% in men. This phenomenon was therefore not reverted by the crisis, which reduced the employment growth rate for both men and women, but more intensely for men. It is also worthwhile to mention the existence of movements in the opposite direction for white and black female workers in the civil construction sector. In the first eight months of 2008 there was a significantly more intense increase in the employment rate for white females than for black females: 32.40% and -12.23% respectively. This “whitening” process of the female labor force in civil construction was more intense in the post-September period, when there was a rise in employment for white women (47.6%) and fall for black women (-13.76%). Disaggregation of the data by status in employment is even more revealing. Unemployment hit male and female workers in the worst quality jobs the hardest, which shows the vulnerability of jobs without formal work contracts in contexts of economic crisis (See Graph 16). The greatest decrease in female employment occurred in workers of the private sector without formal contracts (-13.53%),20which provides elements to justify an apparent divergence in the results of the PME and Caged surveys and points to a slight feminization trend in the formal labor market after September 2008, as will be shown below.21 That is, the dismissals faced by women during the crisis affected especially those that did not have a formal work contract.
20. Among black women this percentage reaches the 17.17% against 12% for white women. 21. It should be noted that the divergence persists, however, since PME data reveal an increase in employment with formal contract among men and a decrease among women, a difference that can be explained, for example, by the fact that the Caged considers the total national territory and not just metropolitan regions.
impact of the crisis on women
50
Graph 16
Variation in employment from September/2008 to April/2009, by sex and status in employment. Metropolitan Regions.
- 5.7%
0.2%
0.8%
- 3.7%
-0.6%
8.9% -10.1%
-2.2%
-0.9%
-13.7%
-2.7%
-3.4%
-13.5%
- 0.9%
Household work
Civilian and military civil service
With formal contract
Without formal contract Men
Own-account
Employer
Unpaid
Wom
Source: Monthly Employment Survey/IBGE.
In the same period there was an increase in unpaid female work, which indicates that in the context of this economic crisis the work positions that opened up for women were of the most vulnerable kind, without remuneration. One of the hypotheses is that women previously employed in other activities, unemployed or inactive were forced to enter family enterprises as collaborators who work, but do not have their own income - maybe substituting workers that had to be dismissed. This scenario which was already typical for women22was intensified, going back to the trend found before the downturn (from January to August 2008 there was a nearly 17% decrease in this kind of occupation and an increase in greater quality employment – female civil servants and workers with formal contract) thus reaffirming the sexist values that underpin Brazilian society. Among male and female workers in the category of employers, that is, persons who own their own business, a reduction was observed in the level of employment for both men and women, more intensely for the latter, of -0.94% and -2,75% respectively. Among black female employers this decrease reached a 22. As shown in Section 3.1 of this article.
CHAPTER 3
51
significant 26.5%, while among white ones a certain amount of businesses were even started, a little over 4% in period of September/2008 to April/2009. One can imagine that the greater vulnerability of female enterprises, and particularly of those belonging to black females, is the main factor that explains the inequalities verified in this context of international crisis. For male workers, on the other hand, the main decrease in the number of jobs after September 2008 was in unpaid jobs, for which an almost 14% reduction was observed. This intensified the movement verified in the previous six months when a 3% drop in this type of employment was noticed. There was also a significant reduction in the total persons employed without formal contract (-10.08%), thus reverting the preceding upward trend in this kind of employment. Unlike for female employees, a slight increase was seen in the number of positions with formal contract offered to males (0.82%), a slightly greater intensity than in the first eight months of 2008. On the whole the PME and PED data make it possible to infer that the crisis does produce differentiated impacts on workers depending on their sex and color/race. The Brazilian labor market structure, its segmentation by sex and its inequalities determine variations in male and female employment in contexts of economic downturn. In this sense, there seems to be a break in the feminization of the labor market, characterized by the withdrawal of women from the market towards inactivity while men continue to seek employment, thus contributing towards the growing female unemployment rates. This situation furthermore reinforces the vulnerability of female employment, since the new positions created in the crisis context concentrate in unpaid work while for men this type of work decreases. It is also interesting to note the importance that paid household work, engaged in by close to 17% of employed women, has for Brazilian society. Despite the economic crisis scenario there are practically no variations in the level of employment in this category, which reiterates how essential this work is for family reproduction and for the functioning of the country. Also present in this context are job loss in industry and feminization in civil construction, phenomenons that deserve to be monitored in the coming months. Finally, it should be mentioned that household employment surveys confirm the unequal wages received by men and women. The crisis led to an overall average decrease in earnings, there being no evidence of a greater intensity for one group than for the other.
impact of the crisis on women
52
The formal work market: Caged data 23
The results presented thus far based on household surveys on employment permitted an analysis of the global labor market, that is, both vulnerable occupations with low formality and social protection and those of higher quality and protection, including the employers category. It would be interesting to analyze the formal labor market and its reactions to the crisis in greater detail, as the destruction of formal employment has different consequences for workers, companies and even for the government, which collects less revenues and is faced with greater spending in wages as a result of unemployment insurance benefits, for instance. Because it includes information on dismissals and admissions for all workers with formal work contracts, the Caged data provides for a deeper analysis of the formal labor market. Table 10 clearly shows that the first effects of the international crisis on formal employment were felt in the manufacturing and civil construction sectors, which confirms the trend verified by the PME data. This fact deserves careful analysis from a gender perspective. The manufacturing and civil construction sectors are traditional areas of male economic activity. In this sense, if the impacts of the international crisis on employment have so far been most strongly felt in these sectors it would be expected for men to have been affected the most. As shown by the PME and confirmed by the Caged, in absolute terms it was men who lost the most jobs in the industry sector. Because it was the most affected by the crisis, the general movements in formal employment were determined by this sector. In this context, 585,912 formal jobs were eliminated in the period analyzed, of which only 5,273 were occupied by women (0.90%). In relative terms, the stock of male workers fell by 2.85% following the seven month period analyzed, while the number of women occupied in the formal market fell by only 0.05%. In this sense, in contrast with the tendency verified in the metropolitan market analysis based on PME data, one could suggest the existence of a “feminization” process in the formal labor market.
23. Because it is an administrative record that does not ensure adequate filling in of the race/color field, the racial perspective is not analyzed through the Caged data.
CHAPTER 3
53
Table 10
Absolute and relative variation* in jobs with formal work contracts, by subsector of economic activity and by sex. Brazil, Oct./2007 to April/2008 and Oct./2008 to April/2009. Saldo CAGED - Outubro/07 a Abril/08 SUSETORES DE ATIVIDADE ECONÔMICA
Homem
Mulher
Saldo CAGED - Outubro/08 a Abril/09
Total
Homem
Mulher
Total
Var. Absoluta
Var. Relativa1
Var. Absoluta
Var. Relativa1
Var. Absoluta
Var. Relativa1
Var. Absoluta
Var. Relativa1
Var. Absoluta
Var. Relativa1
Var. Absoluta
Var. Relativa1
Extrativa mineral
4.655
2,80%
984
5,55%
5.639
3,06%
-5.650
-3,17%
-268
-1,36%
-5.918
-2,99%
Indústria de Transformação
71.637
1,40%
71.915
3,48%
143.552
2,00%
-397.992
-7,41%
-94.485
-4,22%
-492.477
-6,48%
Ind. produtos minerais não metálicos
7.479
2,49%
1.348
3,54%
8.827
2,61%
-12.451
-3,91%
-329
-0,80%
-12.780
-3,55%
Ind. metalúrgica
34.180
5,51%
5.252
6,51%
39.432
5,63%
-67.032
-9,87%
-4.524
-4,95%
-71.556
-9,29%
Ind. mecânica
28.791
7,18%
5.737
7,92%
34.528
7,29%
-41.745
-9,39%
-7.298
-8,73%
-49.043
-9,29%
Ind. material elétrico e comunicaçoes
8.210
4,71%
6.382
7,32%
14.592
5,58%
-16.262
-8,55%
-14.511
-14,62%
-30.773
-10,63% -11,03%
Ind. material transporte
23.212
5,38%
3.736
6,69%
26.948
5,53%
-53.203
-11,21%
-6.153
-9,71%
-59.356
Ind. madeira e mobiliário
-8.251
-2,18%
1.463
1,82%
-6.788
-1,48%
-23.790
-6,39%
-3.618
-4,35%
-27.408
-6,02%
Ind. papel, editorial e gráfica
4.559
1,73%
3.389
3,18%
7.948
2,15%
-8.286
-3,04%
-2.632
-2,30%
-10.918
-2,82%
Ind. borracha, fumo, couros, peles, similares
5.733
2,65%
3.725
4,00%
9.458
3,06%
-10.975
-4,94%
1.132
1,15%
-9.843
-3,07%
Ind. química, produtos farmacêuticos, veterinários, perfumaria
8.026
1,66%
5.549
2,72%
13.575
1,97%
-22.747
-4,46%
-8.410
-3,84%
-31.157
-4,27%
Ind. têxtil, vestuário e artefatos de tecidos
496
0,14%
10.306
1,80%
10.802
1,15%
-18.879
-5,00%
-24.400
-4,02%
-43.279
-4,40%
Ind. calçados
-254
-0,15%
7.023
4,30%
6.769
2,07%
-16.806
-9,83%
-15.770
-8,83%
-32.576
-9,32%
Ind. produtos alimentícios, bebidas e álcool etílico
-40.544
-3,12%
18.005
3,50%
-22.539
-1,24%
-105.816
-7,93%
-7.972
-1,43%
-113.788
-6,01%
Serviços industriais utilidade pública
4.987
1,75%
1.376
2,50%
6.363
1,88%
-699
-0,24%
657
1,14%
-42
-0,01%
Construção civil
125.251
8,34%
10.089
9,63%
135.340
8,43%
-63.082
-3,54%
3.745
2,96%
-59.337
-3,11%
Comério
135.836
3,38%
111.732
4,25%
247.568
3,73%
5.855
0,14%
46.423
1,63%
52.278
0,74%
Comércio varejista
105.109
3,26%
97.191
4,20%
202.300
3,65%
3.909
0,11%
42.000
1,68%
45.909
0,78%
Comércio atacadista
30.727
3,86%
14.541
4,67%
45.268
4,09%
1.946
0,23%
4.423
1,29%
6.369
0,54%
Serviços
213.976
3,36%
185.418
3,63%
399.394
3,48%
27.537
0,41%
99.302
1,81%
126.839
1,03%
Instituiçoes crédito, seguros e capitalizaçao
7.599
2,27%
8.883
2,50%
16.482
2,39%
-1.436
-0,41%
-165
-0,04%
-1.601
-0,22%
Serv. com. e adm. imóveis, valores mobiliários, serv. técnico.
90.063
3,87%
80.771
6,57%
170.834
4,81%
-2.483
-0,10%
22.479
1,64%
19.996
0,52%
Serv. Transportes e comunicaçoes
33.135
2,12%
3.500
1,09%
36.635
1,94%
-1.495
-0,09%
7.094
2,12%
5.599
0,28%
Serv. de alojamento, alimentaçao, reparaçao, manutençao
66.007
4,56%
55.180
3,39%
121.187
3,94%
15.823
1,02%
27.369
1,58%
43.192
1,31%
Serv. médicos, odontológicos e veterinários
9.412
3,40%
25.917
2,98%
35.329
3,08%
9.205
3,11%
30.168
3,26%
39.373
3,23%
Serv. Ensino
7.760
1,82%
11.167
1,59%
18.927
1,68%
7.923
1,79%
12.357
1,69%
20.280
1,73%
Administraçao pública direta e autárquica
2.978
0,90%
7.346
1,59%
10.324
1,30%
-1.416
-0,42%
-1.186
-0,25%
-2.602
-0,32%
Agropecuária
-72.207
-5,45%
-16.611
-7,24%
-88.818
-5,71%
-145.192 -10,71%
-59.461
-22,48% -204.653 -12,63%
Total
487.113
2,55%
372.249
3,49%
859.362
2,89%
-580.639
-5.273
-0,05%
-2,85%
-585.912
-1,84%
Source: MTE, CAGED. Prepared by: DISOC/IPEA. Note: * The relative variation refers to the net balance of admissions and dismissals in the period analyzed divided by the estimated stock of CLT workers at the beginning of the period. In order to estimate the stock of CLT workers at the start of October of each year, the stock of active CLT workers in December 2007 was used, obtained through the Annual List of Social Information (RAIS). These results were adjusted according to the movements in employment shown in the Caged. For example, the stock at the beginning of October 2007 is equal to the stock of active CLT workers in December 2007 deducted from the net balance of the Caged in the period of October to December 2007.
54
impact of the crisis on women
In the manufacturing and civil construction sectors one finds that women were less affected in terms of level of employment. At the beginning of October 2008 70.58% of the jobs in manufacturing were held by men. Seven months after the international crisis the participation of men in the sector dropped 0.71 percentage point, indicating that the number of jobs occupied by women decreased proportionately less than by men. In fact, the reduction in the number of men employed in industry was of 7.41% aginst 4.22% for women, as seen in the table below. This “feminization” process in formal employment is even more curious than in civil construction. In the period analyzed the net balance between admissions and dismissals in this sector was -59,337. Disaggregating this result by sex shows that the number of jobs occupied by men fell by 63,082. That is, in the same period the number of jobs occupied by women in civil construction increased by 3,745. This shows that there was a replacement of men by women, as can be seen in the PME data. In relative terms, we see that the number of men employed in civil construction decreased by 3.54% while the number of women increased by 2.96%. These are general findings, however, and do not reflect what took place in all the areas of the industry sector. In the electrical supplies and communication sector, for instance, the stock of women employed dropped by 14.62% between October 2008 and April 2009, while the number of men employed fell by 8.55%, indicating a movement in the opposite direction than in the manufacturing sector in general. It is also important to consider that although this is a traditionally male sector, women have a substantial participation in certain subsectors of the manufacturing industry. This can result in a great number of dismissals of women, albeit in a lesser scale that verified for men. That is the case of the textile and footwear industries, in which at the beginning of October 2008 61.64% and 51.10% of the total workers respectively were women. In these two subsectors 40,170 female positions with formal contract were eliminated in the past seven months. Another sector that presented a large decrease in the number of formal jobs in the period analyzed was agriculture. A total of 204,653 jobs were eliminated in this sector, of which 59,461 (29.05%) were occupied by women. However, this result cannot be attributed to the international crisis alone. A large part of the decline in formal employment can be explained by seasonal factors, particularly to the sugarcane off-season. Note that in the period of October 2007 to April 2008 the balance was of -88,818 vacancies. Even if the negative result in agriculture in the period was to be expected, its extent in the last seven months was substantial.
CHAPTER 3
55
Still in agriculture, it is interesting to note that job cuts were not always gender neutral in the sector. The reduction in the number of jobs occupied by women (-22.48%), in relative terms, was much higher than for men (-10.71%). As such, in the last seven months female participation in agriculture dropped by 1.84 percentage points. The tertiary sectors (trade and services) registered growth in formal employment in the period analyzed. Nevertheless, this does not mean that they were not affected by the international crisis. A comparison of the results of the last seven months with those obtained in the period of October/2007 to April/2008 shows that the former were quite weak. In trade, 247,568 jobs were created from October 2007 to April 2008, while from October 2008 to April 2009 this number fell to 52,278. In services the numbers were 399,394 against 126,839. Nevertheless, these were the sectors that employed the most in the past seven months, particularly women. In trade almost all the new jobs were occupied by women: 46,423 (88.80%) from a total of 52,278 positions opened. In services 99,302 (78.29%) of the total 126,839 vacancies created in the past seven months were occupied by women. In this context female participation in the tertiary sectors grew in the period (since this sector offers a large number of jobs the “feminization” of formal employment did not bring about a percentile change in the composition of employment by sex. In trade female participation increased 0.36%; in services, 0.34%. The data analyzed so far shows that the international crisis affected the formal labor market in different degrees, with greater intensity in the manufacturing and civil construction sectors. As a result male workers were the most affected by dismissals, since these economic activity branches are traditionally male. Note that the international crisis has not yet abated, however, and if the signs of economic stagnation are confirmed other sectors of the economy are also likely to be affected, including the predominantly female household work. In this sense it seems important to monitor the next movements in the formal labor market keeping a gender perspective. The findings described so far also suggest that this should involve not only a reflection on the level of employment and unemployment, but also a discussion of business sector strategies and criteria to admit and dismiss workers. The climate of uncertainty caused by the crisis may lead businessmen to offer more vulnerable employment. In practical terms this may mean, for instance, replacing high salaries by lower ones.
56
impact of the crisis on women
In this sense the “feminization” of the formal labor market verified in the period analyzed can be considered an expression of this movement. The “feminization” of the Brazilian labor market is a recognizedly an ongoing process that above all represents the emancipation of women. However, it is quite likely that the replacement of male workers by females in the levels verified in this study reflects a strategy of increasing employment vulnerability in the context of the crisis. Discrimination against women is still known to be quite common in the Brazilian labor market, manifested especially through lower wages for women than for to men. The data shown in Table 11 below confirms that in the period of October 2008 to April 2009 admission wages for women were invariably lower than for men, having controlled for level of educational attainment, in all sectors/subsectors of economic activity, whether predominantly male or female. This wage gap was even more accentuated in the highest levels of education, where women were admitted with an initial salary that corresponds to 65.39% of the initial salary of men, on average.
CHAPTER 3
57
Table 11
Average wage ratio for female and male workers admitted with formal work contract, by subsector of economic activity and by level of education. Brazil, Oct./2008 to April/2009. Average Wage of Admitted Workers - Women/Men (em %) SUBSECTORS OF ECONOMIC ACTIVITY "Up to 8 years of schooling (basic education)"
Between 9 and 11 years of schooling (middle education)
12 or more years of schooling (higher education init.)
Mining and quarrying
74,97%
82,67%
63,90%
Manufacturing
83,61%
76,84%
61,48%
Non-metallic mineral
90,40%
90,98%
56,01%
Basic metal products
76,09%
78,70%
59,04%
Repair
63,21%
75,31%
62,87%
Electronic materials and communication equipment
77,38%
79,33%
60,04%
Other transportation equipment
73,11%
80,40%
64,53%
Wood and furniture
86,13%
87,46%
67,96%
Paper, printing and publishing
81,62%
81,66%
75,53%
Rubber, tobacco, leather, similar
83,53%
80,79%
64,61%
Chemical, pharmaceutical, veterinary, hygiene
86,20%
82,22%
67,88%
Textile, clothing and cloth articles
90,79%
89,33%
64,09%
Footwear
87,26%
83,41%
65,66%
Food products, beverages, and ethil alcohol
89,90%
82,60%
65,00%
Public utility services
86,92%
86,79%
67,04%
Civil construction
79,83%
86,26%
63,42%
Trade
87,38%
89,22%
70,58%
Retail trade
87,56%
90,40%
77,81%
Wholesale trade
88,43%
89,53%
67,74%
Services
76,35%
82,26%
69,61%
Credit, insurance and savings institutions
68,91%
85,50%
68,61%
Real estate and business services, real estate Technical services
76,82%
80,95%
63,63%
Transportation and communication services
69,57%
79,25%
68,86%
Accomodation, food, repair and maintenance
82,92%
82,96%
80,04%
Medical, dental and veterinary services
86,99%
89,08%
72,23%
Education services
86,24%
83,54%
85,35%
Direct and indirect public administration
76,35%
72,91%
60,93%
Agriculture
87,84%
82,46%
63,10%
80,63%
81,26%
65,39%
Total
Source: MTE, CAGED. Prepared by: DISOC/IPEA.
The current economic crisis therefore seems to increase the challenges involved in providing equal access conditions to the labor market for women, which is part of the female emancipation process and minimizes the patriarchal dominance in the home with the elimination of existent inequalities in the division of labor by sex.
CHAPTER 4
59
4 Final Considerations In the context of a globalized economy, where investments, capital, people and companies in dozens of countries are in direct contact, move, affect each other and mingle, it is highly unlikely than an economic and financial crisis that begins in a central country will not be felt in many others. In the last months the effects of the current crisis that began in the United States in 2008 have begun to make themselves felt. Despite an internal context that has made it possible for these effects to be considerably smaller than they could have been and are in other economies, our labor market has suffered the consequences in several sectors. On the whole it is possible to say that the expansion and formalization of employment that had been taking place in Brazil since 2004 has slowed down, and that the primary and secondary sectors have been the hardest hit. In the last months several institutions have been conducting this type of analysis. This paper aimed to analyze the recent data from a gender perspective. If men and women have quite differentiated insertions in the world of work, it is likely that they will suffer equally diverse impacts in a context of crisis. This initial hypothesis is confirmed by the data of the monthly survey on employment and by the record of admissions and dismissals of the Ministry of Labor and Employment. As we have demonstrated, the feminization process observed in the labor market in the last years was stalled. Although men lost more jobs than women in the formal sector - because the hardest hit economic branches were manufacturing and civil construction, traditionally male - women on the whole withdrew more from the labor market. Amidst the worse impacts of the crisis there was a masculinization in the population available in the market - persons employed or looking for a job. Every economic activity branch has its own reaction mechanisms, just as the various more or less structured sectors of the economy behave in different manners. Despite the limited data and the conjunctural nature of the analysis which does not allow all tendencies and movements to be reflected, the information available suggests that employment in general is possibly becoming more vulnerable due to the crisis, which shows in the growing inactivity and increased number of women in vulnerable jobs such as unpaid and informal labor. On the other hand, there is evidence of a “feminization” of the formal labor market, which is positive, but may express a strategy in the business sector of opting for insecure employment. The period analyzed in this paper is too short for a definitive assessment of the consequences of this economic downturn scenario for men and women. It
60
impact of the crisis on women
will be important to monitor its effects on the labor market in the coming months so as to determine whether the tendencies pointed out in this paper remain. In this sense it is important to consider that although in this first moment the most affected sectors have been industry and civil construction, the chain effects on the economy may in the near future impact on other sectors with a significant female participation such as services and trade. In the last decades the services sector was responsible for the greatest increase in employment; the participation of the sector in urban employment has been growing systematically. The increasingly tertiary nature of the Brazilian economy was marked by duality: both traditional and new services grew and the importance of these activities for employment is undeniable. In these times of economic crisis attention must be called to the “anticyclic cushion” characteristic of the services sector. However, it is important to keep in mind that the heterogeneity that marks the sector translates into vulnerable employment. For women this is even more significant, as this flexibility results in a sad complementariness between work that produces goods and services and that which is responsible for the reproduction of life, and which crystallizes the invisibility of female labor. Many international studies have concluded that equality between men and women is not only an element in the consolidation of citizen rights, but also in economic and social development.24 In order to promote gender equality it is essential to ensure access, permanence and ascension opportunities for men and women in the workplace. Female work needs to be valued in all its forms and men and women need to be given equal rights and opportunities. In this sense, because the current scenario places at risk the advances made in the last years in reducing the gender gap - some more discrete, others less so -, it is tremendously important to understand the differentiated effects of the current economic crisis on the different population groups. We must not allow the effects of the crisis to deepen and throw to waste the victories obtained in promoting gender equality and reducing the unjustifiable discrimination suffered by Brazilian women in the workplace.
24. This is reflected by the inclusion of the goal to "promote gender equality and empower women" in the United Nations Millennium Development Goals, ratified by hundreds of countries in the year 2000.
CHAPTER 5
61
5 Bibliographic references ABRAMO, Lais W. A inserção da mulher no mercado de trabalho: uma força de trabalho secundária? Tese (Doutorado em Sociologia) – Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas, Universidade de São Paulo. São Paulo, 2007. DIESSE/CESIT, Departamento Intersindical de Estatísticas e Estudos Socioeconômicos e Centro de Estudos Sindicais e de Economia e Trabalho/UNICAMP (orgs.). O trabalho no setor terciário: emprego e desenvolvimento tecnológico. São Paulo: DIESSE/ CESIT, 2005. GUTIERREZ, J.P. El crecimiento de los servicios: causas, repercusiones y políticas. Madrid: Alianje Editorial, 1993. INSTITUTO Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE). Pesquisa Mensal de Emprego: principais destaques da evolução do mercado de trabalho nas regiões metropolitanas abrangidas pela pesquisa, 2009 (mimeo). INSTITUTO de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada (IPEA). A crise internacional e as possíveis repercussões. Brasília: Ipea, 2009a. (Comunicados da Presidência, n. 16) INSTITUTO de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada (IPEA). Crise internacional: impactos sobre o emprego no Brasil e o debate para a constituição de uma nova ordem global. Brasília: Ipea, 2009b. (Comunicados da Presidência, n.21) MELO, Hildete Pereira de et alli. Os serviços no Brasil. Brasília: Ministério da Indústria, do Comércio e do Turismo, ANPEC, IPEA, FESESP, 1998. MELO, Hildete Pereira de & CASTILHO, Marta. O trabalho reprodutivo no Brasil: quem faz? Revista de Economia Contemporânea. IE/UFRJ, vol. 13, 2009. MELO, Hildete Pereira de & OLIVEIRA, André Barbosa. Mercado de Trabalho e Previdência Social: um olhar de gênero. Anais do Encontro Nacional de Estudos Populacionais (ABEP). Caxambu, MG, 2008. PÉREZ SEDEÑO, Eulália (ed.). Las mujeres en el sistema de ciencia y tecnología: estudios de casos. Cuadernos de Iberoamérica. Madrid: OEI, 2001. PINHEIRO, L.; FONTOURA, N.; QUERINO, A.; BONETTI, A.; ROSA, W. Retrato das desigualdades de gênero e raça. 3ª edição. Brasília: Ipea, SPM, Unifem, 2008, 36p.
CHAPTER 6
63
6 Statistical Annex Table 1
Employed population aged 10 and over by services subsector, by race/color and by sex. Brazil, 2007. Services Subsector
Color/race Indigenous
White
Black
Yellow
Brown
Undeclared
Total
5.923
7.986.426
Men Trade
16.438
4.334.219
549.532
60.839
3.019.475
Transportation
10.275
1.544.375
228.446
11.280
1.207.085
0
3.001.461
Communication
217
229.274
32.739
1.309
130.097
0
393.636
Fin. Inst.
632
369.806
24.535
7.017
97.965
0
499.955
Public Adm.
16.486
1.952.070
288.771
20.512
1.413.103
676
3.691.618
Tech. Prof.
5.846
1.060.589
93.067
18.068
443.562
2.072
1.623.204
Serv. Prov. Comp.
7.999
1.284.830
302.178
11.288
1.115.542
869
2.722.706
Social Serv.
3.379
1.022.892
144.612
16.221
537.212
1.167
1.725.483
Main. & Rep.
6.873
953.908
186.924
10.454
831.690
613
1.990.462
Acc. & Food
5.236
789.604
128.362
9.695
681.765
455
1.615.117
Paid Hous.
1.936
167.821
45.158
363
202.475
508
418.261
Pers. Serv.
7.021
376.705
68.495
3.579
280.148
411
736.359
Distr. Serv.
764
117.199
29.856
1.528
91.398
0
240.745
Total
83.102
14.203.292
2.122.675
172.153
10.051.517
12.694
26.645.433
Trade
13.252
3.536.052
361.361
53.883
2.268.190
2.572
6.235.310
Transportation
918
155.527
15.396
2.164
79.209
0
253.214
Communication
1.551
146.495
17.013
2.129
71.094
0
238.282
Fin. Inst.
949
361.171
20.942
9.167
96.064
0
488.293
Public Adm.
14.004
3.081.053
374.495
32.314
1.876.617
0
5.378.483
Tech. Prof.
1.132
809.487
70.165
10.000
287.639
993
1.179.416
Women
Serv. Prov. Comp.
5.803
601.807
81.708
4.371
317.196
451
1.011.336
Social Serv.
11.312
2.120.665
234.204
24.135
961.001
1.328
3.352.645
Main. & Rep.
509
78.371
5.369
414
34.036
233
118.932
Acc. & Food
8.323
827.782
148.811
9.424
739.921
1.568
1.735.829
Paid Hous.
22.074
2.436.955
848.410
21.533
2.984.472
0
6.313.444
Pers. Serv.
10.773
1.297.728
215.840
22.687
945.439
233
2.492.700
Distr. Serv.
0
44.674
4.309
0
15.865
0
64.848
Total
90.600
15.497.767
2.398.023
192.221
10.676.743
7.378
28.862.732
Total
impact of the crisis on women
64
Color/race
Services Subsector
Indigenous
White
Black
Yellow
Brown
Undeclared
Total
Trade
29.690
7.870.271
910.893
114.722
5.287.665
8.495
14.221.736
Transportation
11.193
1.699.902
243.842
13.444
1.286.294
0
3.254.675
Communication
1.768
375.769
49.752
3.438
201.191
0
631.918
Fin. Inst.
1.581
730.977
45.477
16.184
194.029
0
988.248
Public Adm.
30.490
5.033.123
663.266
52.826
3.289.720
676
9.070.101
Tech. Prof.
6.978
1.870.076
163.232
28.068
731.201
3.065
2.802.620
Serv. Prov. Comp.
13.802
1.886.637
383.886
15.659
1.432.738
1.320
3.734.042
Social Serv.
14.691
3.143.557
378.816
40.356
1.498.213
2.495
5.078.128
Main. & Rep.
7.382
1.032.279
192.293
10.868
865.726
846
2.109.394
Acc. & Food
13.559
1.617.386
277.173
19.119
1.421.686
2.023
3.350.946
Paid Hous.
24.010
2.604.776
893.568
21.896
3.186.947
508
6.731.705
Pers. Serv.
17.794
1.674.433
284.335
26.266
1.225.587
644
3.229.059
Distr. Serv.
764
161.873
34.165
1.528
107.263
0
305.593
Total
173.702
29.701.059
4.520.698
364.374
20.728.260
20.072
55.508.165
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
Table 2
Employed population aged 10 and over by services subsector, by age and by sex. Brazil, 2007. Services Subsectors
Age ranges (in years) 10 to 14
15 to 17
18 to 24
25 to 29
30 to 39
40 to 49
50 to 59
60 to 64
65 or over
Total
Men Trade
145.950
347.018 1.666.604 1.156.997 1.855.287 1.452.728 906.358
211.409
244.075 7.986.426
Transportation
23.434
45.845
342.681
361.716
813.000
776.941
480.878
95.802
61.164
3.001.461
Communication
0
5.701
92.455
81.242
107.055
66.084
37.861
1.869
1.369
393.636
Fin. Inst.
0
6.752
94.360
92.200
116.665
129.041
49.020
8.179
3.738
499.955
Public Adm.
2.571
41.867
463.130
438.462
959.607
988.568
599.350
130.274
67.789
3.691.618
Tech. Prof.
5.874
51.086
332.115
269.851
406.276
263.975
195.915
52.671
45.441
1.623.204
Serv. Prov. Comp. 24.935
52.385
399.744
373.082
737.426
613.218
357.207
84.724
79.985
2.722.706
Social Serv.
13.072
42.354
294.338
257.432
420.100
340.860
221.901
66.917
68.509
1.725.483
Main. & Rep.
41.209
126.406
376.839
252.025
474.227
394.816
220.548
55.664
48.728
1.990.462
Acc. & Food
38.311
90.865
333.967
208.988
334.039
281.450
221.200
55.866
50.431
1.615.117
Paid Hous.
8.390
17.424
42.209
53.740
103.488
78.722
66.482
26.134
21.672
418.261
Pers. Serv.
11.000
24.795
143.557
118.006
183.435
127.414
76.530
25.208
26.414
736.359
5.371
42.403
39.682
69.298
53.379
22.830
2.897
4.661
240.745
Distr. Serv.
224
Total
314.970
857.869 4.624.402 3.703.423 6.579.903 5.567.196 3.456.080 817.614
723.976 26.645.433
CHAPTER 6
Services Subsectors
65
Age ranges (in years) 10 to 14
15 to 17
18 to 24
25 to 29
30 to 39
40 to 49
50 to 59
60 to 64
65 or over
Total
Mulher Trade
80.556
181.995 1.440.585 1.051.528 1.522.694 1.141.559 576.594
120.996
118.803 6.235.310
Transportation
949
8.750
48.148
42.055
71.463
61.630
17.460
1.930
829
253.214
Communication
949
3.621
81.450
58.661
57.583
26.385
7.596
1.812
225
238.282
117.471
92.518
30.580
Fin. Inst.
0
17.328
140.179
88.638
1.127
452
488.293
Public Adm.
2.649
30.269
464.281
638.819 1.474.045 1.662.791 928.913
128.707
48.009
5.378.483
Tech. Prof.
3.430
37.890
285.824
232.293
292.862
197.518
107.304
11.645
10.650
1.179.416
Serv. Prov. Comp. 4.330
19.616
171.367
157.205
282.608
225.267
119.778
17.411
13.754
1.011.336
70.088
591.692
563.799
910.455
728.662
353.420
65.458
55.902
3.352.645
Social Serv.
13.169
Main. & Rep.
2.274
5.923
25.080
15.831
32.319
27.286
7.075
2.633
511
118.932
Acc. & Food
21.182
61.351
310.996
223.156
460.800
385.407
208.769
34.160
30.008
1.735.829
Paid Hous.
98.566
260.142
837.655
748.002 1.750.638 1.579.390 808.398
137.370
93.283
6.313.444
Pers. Serv.
18.943
67.077
333.681
299.197
642.683
554.564
383.170
98.395
94.990
2.492.700
Distr. Serv.
0
554
21.763
14.199
14.075
8.121
4.874
619
643
64.848
Total
246.997
764.604 4.752.701 4.133.383 7.629.696 6.691.098 3.553.931 622.263
468.059 28.862.732
Total Trade
226.506
529.013 3.107.189 2.208.525 3.377.981 2.594.287 1.482.952 332.405
362.878 14.221.736
Transportation
24.383
54.595
390.829
403.771
884.463
Communication
949
9.322
173.905
139.903
Fin. Inst.
0
24.080
234.539
180.838
Public Adm.
5.220
72.136
927.411 1.077.281 2.433.652 2.651.359 1.528.263 258.981
Tech. Prof.
9.304
88.976
617.939
502.144
461.493
303.219
64.316
56.091
2.802.620
Serv. Prov. Comp. 29.265
72.001
571.111
530.287 1.020.034 838.485
476.985
102.135
93.739
3.734.042
838.571
498.338
97.732
61.993
3.254.675
164.638
92.469
45.457
3.681
1.594
631.918
234.136
221.559
79.600
9.306
4.190
988.248
699.138
115.798 9.070.101
Social Serv.
26.241
112.442
886.030
821.231 1.330.555 1.069.522 575.321
132.375
124.411 5.078.128
Main. & Rep.
43.483
132.329
401.919
267.856
506.546
422.102
227.623
58.297
49.239
2.109.394
Acc. & Food
59.493
152.216
644.963
432.144
794.839
666.857
429.969
90.026
80.439
3.350.946
Paid Hous.
106.956
277.566
879.864
801.742 1.854.126 1.658.112 874.880
163.504
114.955 6.731.705
Pers. Serv.
29.943
91.872
477.238
417.203
826.118
681.978
459.700
123.603
121.404 3.229.059
Distr. Serv.
224
5.925
64.166
53.881
83.373
61.500
27.704
3.516
Total
5.304
305.593
561.967 1.622.473 9.377.103 7.836.806 14.209.599 12.258.294 7.010.011 1.439.877 1.192.035 55.508.165
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
impact of the crisis on women
66
Table 3
Employed population aged 10 and over by services subsector, by level of education and by sex. Brazil, 2007. Level of educational attainment (by years of schooling)
Services Subsectors
0
1 to 4
5 to 8
9 to 11
Trade
409.451
1.210.931
2.214.664
Transportation
142.918
680.735
Communication
2.412
Fin. Inst.
12 to 14
15 or over
Undetermined
Total
3.200.700
450.095
468.172
32.413
7.986.426
1.044.366
966.792
81.084
76.144
9.422
3.001.461
18.983
52.084
203.333
52.101
62.503
2.220
393.636
2.909
13.967
23.128
151.128
104.944
203.422
457
499.955
Public Adm.
105.872
342.446
471.565
1.433.691
415.091
912.713
10.240
3.691.618
Tech. Prof.
20.677
63.965
159.999
591.151
200.176
585.688
1.548
1.623.204
Serv. Prov. Comp.
199.828
524.039
710.319
973.195
126.414
175.793
13.118
2.722.706
Social Serv.
52.192
164.325
265.792
542.270
194.642
501.042
5.220
1.725.483
Men
Main. & Rep.
89.896
390.903
786.962
644.537
37.451
30.050
10.663
1.990.462
Acc. & Food
86.813
327.664
524.297
565.309
59.064
46.319
5.651
1.615.117
Paid Hous.
69.972
153.320
126.376
63.959
1.851
411
2.372
418.261
Pers. Serv.
23.960
107.751
213.370
309.598
39.688
38.617
3.375
736.359
Distr. Serv.
11.618
41.032
56.845
76.915
21.857
31.209
1.269
240.745
Total
1.218.518
4.040.061
6.649.767
9.722.578
1.784.458
3.132.083
97.968
26.645.433
Women Trade
229.960
690.631
1.288.373
3.156.613
431.903
401.285
36.545
6.235.310
Transportation
4.286
19.530
45.921
120.805
32.975
29.697
0
253.214
Communication
1.546
1.058
14.222
141.950
37.222
41.641
643
238.282
Fin. Inst.
517
3.125
16.973
169.914
104.735
193.029
0
488.293
Public Adm.
89.380
307.939
437.540
1.733.191
868.795
1.918.331
23.307
5.378.483
Tech. Prof.
10.790
27.048
85.719
486.251
179.501
386.683
3.424
1.179.416
Serv. Prov. Comp.
45.652
117.942
205.648
397.276
97.005
140.353
7.460
1.011.336
Social Serv.
54.333
208.251
365.547
1.298.339
461.600
953.808
10.767
3.352.645
Main. & Rep.
3.563
9.713
28.443
63.719
6.007
6.202
1.285
118.932
Acc. & Food
95.698
322.326
569.773
622.178
59.784
54.140
11.930
1.735.829
Paid Hous.
590.751
1.904.196
2.396.188
1.331.533
24.884
10.276
55.616
6.313.444
Pers. Serv.
113.000
419.759
805.224
962.730
94.958
83.519
13.510
2.492.700
Distr. Serv.
946
4.234
3.646
21.552
16.347
17.492
631
64.848
Total
1.240.422
4.035.752
6.263.217
10.506.051
2.415.716
4.236.456
165.118
28.862.732
Total
CHAPTER 6
67
Level of educational attainment (by years of schooling)
Services Subsectors
0
1 to 4
5 to 8
9 to 11
12 to 14
15 or over
Undetermined
Total
Trade
639.411
1.901.562
3.503.037
6.357.313
881.998
869.457
68.958
14.221.736
Transportation
147.204
700.265
1.090.287
1.087.597
114.059
105.841
9.422
3.254.675
Communication
3.958
20.041
66.306
345.283
89.323
104.144
2.863
631.918
Fin. Inst.
3.426
17.092
40.101
321.042
209.679
396.451
457
988.248
Public Adm.
195.252
650.385
909.105
3.166.882
1.283.886
2.831.044
33.547
9.070.101
Tech. Prof.
31.467
91.013
245.718
1.077.402
379.677
972.371
4.972
2.802.620
Serv. Prov. Comp.
245.480
641.981
915.967
1.370.471
223.419
316.146
20.578
3.734.042
Social Serv.
106.525
372.576
631.339
1.840.609
656.242
1.454.850
15.987
5.078.128
Main. & Rep.
93.459
400.616
815.405
708.256
43.458
36.252
11.948
2.109.394
Acc. & Food
182.511
649.990
1.094.070
1.187.487
118.848
100.459
17.581
3.350.946
Paid Hous.
660.723
2.057.516
2.522.564
1.395.492
26.735
10.687
57.988
6.731.705
Pers. Serv.
136.960
527.510
1.018.594
1.272.328
134.646
122.136
16.885
3.229.059
60.491
98.467
Distr. Serv.
12.564
45.266
Total
2.458.940
8.075.813
12.912.984 20.228.629
38.204
48.701
1.900
305.593
4.200.174
7.368.539
263.086
55.508.165
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
Table 4
Employed population aged 10 and over by services subsector, by status in employment and by sex. Brazil, 2007. Services Subsectors
Status in employment With formal contract
Without formal contract
Civil Servant
Own-account
Trade
3.438.429
1.459.250
7.497
Transportation
1.313.957
436.540
Communication
261.484
52.596
Employer
Non-paid
Total
2.111.972
712.639
256.639
7.986.426
20.063
1.140.465
74.679
15.757
3.001.461
40.516
27.633
9.657
1.750
393.636
Men
Fin. Inst.
377.067
54.954
45.707
13.634
7.980
613
499.955
Public Adm.
620.894
743.632
2.316.716
0
1.921
8.455
3.691.618
Tech. Prof.
703.122
290.433
19.123
430.049
156.588
23.889
1.623.204
Serv. Prov. Comp.
1.569.032
510.895
28.001
468.287
94.015
52.476
2.722.706
Social Serv.
838.902
455.315
75.026
199.809
106.720
49.711
1.725.483
Main. & Rep.
482.624
579.193
586
715.864
166.881
45.314
1.990.462
Acc. & Food
562.480
347.640
0
471.719
159.942
73.336
1.615.117
Paid Hous.
166.433
251.828
0
0
0
0
418.261
impact of the crisis on women
68
Services Subsectors
Status in employment With formal contract
Without formal contract
Civil Servant
Own-account
Employer
Non-paid
Total
Pers. Serv.
107.158
176.924
5.869
376.231
56.924
13.253
736.359
Serv. Distr.
114.411
62.284
2.615
54.448
6.377
610
240.745
Total
10.555.993
5.421.484
2.561.719
6.010.111
1.554.323
541.803
26.645.433
Women Trade
2.592.144
890.458
11.689
1.931.185
333.297
476.537
6.235.310
Transportation
153.224
44.500
3.499
31.918
8.747
11.326
253.214
Communication
195.664
26.831
9.072
618
3.754
2.343
238.282
Fin. Inst.
375.669
70.401
32.685
5.600
2.569
1.369
488.293
Public Adm.
1.004.678
1.127.519
3.219.431
0
2.163
24.692
5.378.483
Tech. Prof.
634.569
264.014
22.866
186.408
51.713
19.846
1.179.416
Serv. Prov. Comp.
629.437
171.006
13.172
121.454
39.012
37.255
1.011.336
Social Serv.
1.855.191
689.609
182.485
385.139
94.228
145.993
3.352.645
Main. & Rep.
36.896
25.986
0
14.877
12.756
28.417
118.932
Acc. & Food
630.957
426.190
528
407.193
92.193
178.768
1.735.829
Paid Hous.
1.666.955
4.646.489
0
0
0
0
6.313.444
Pers. Serv.
230.999
398.132
6.036
1.714.061
98.774
44.698
2.492.700
Distr. Serv.
40.242
16.383
2.081
915
3.371
1.856
64.848
Total
10.046.625
8.797.518
3.503.544
4.799.368
742.577
973.100
28.862.732
Total Trade
6.030.573
2.349.708
19.186
4.043.157
1.045.936
733.176
14.221.736
Transportation
1.467.181
481.040
23.562
1.172.383
83.426
27.083
3.254.675
Communication
457.148
79.427
49.588
28.251
13.411
4.093
631.918
Fin. Inst.
752.736
125.355
78.392
19.234
10.549
1.982
988.248
Public Adm.
1.625.572
1.871.151
5.536.147
0
4.084
33.147
9.070.101
Tech. Prof.
1.337.691
554.447
41.989
616.457
208.301
43.735
2.802.620
Serv. Prov. Comp.
2.198.469
681.901
41.173
589.741
133.027
89.731
3.734.042
Social Serv.
2.694.093
1.144.924
257.511
584.948
200.948
195.704
5.078.128
Main. & Rep.
519.520
605.179
586
730.741
179.637
73.731
2.109.394
Acc. & Food
1.193.437
773.830
528
878.912
252.135
252.104
3.350.946
Paid Hous.
1.833.388
4.898.317
0
0
0
0
6.731.705
Pers. Serv.
338.157
575.056
11.905
2.090.292
155.698
57.951
3.229.059
Distr. Serv.
154.653
78.667
4.696
55.363
9.748
2.466
305.593
Total
20.602.618
14.219.002
6.065.263
10.809.479
2.296.900
1.514.903
55.508.165
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
CHAPTER 6
69
Table 5
Employed population aged 10 and over by services subsector, by wage in main employment and by sex. Brazil, 2007. Wage ranges in main employment (in minimum wages)
Services Subsectors
0
Trade
260.556
Transportation
15.757
448.597
922.374
Communication
3.005
31.993
132.842
More than More than More than More than More than 0 up to 1 1 up to 2 2 up to 4 4 up to 6 6 up to 10
More than 10
Undef.
Total
Men 1.801.677 2.810.751 1.806.681
441.197
401.061
312.950
151.553
7.986.426
1.092.431
228.749
150.913
92.669
49.971
3.001.461
132.548
37.316
21.243
24.244
10.445
393.636
Fin. Inst.
613
19.974
81.765
132.685
74.660
86.843
83.388
20.027
499.955
Public Adm.
9.290
575.419
880.006
1.007.436
469.165
354.194
320.529
75.579
3.691.618
Tech. Prof.
24.721
189.904
413.827
384.838
141.067
184.191
217.076
67.580
1.623.204
Serv. Prov. Comp.
53.981
550.583
1.106.055
639.283
95.281
106.353
108.812
62.358
2.722.706
Social Serv.
56.325
321.128
523.085
411.919
117.502
109.423
142.195
43.906
1.725.483
Main. & Rep.
45.314
514.758
704.018
535.871
83.536
48.869
24.766
33.330
1.990.462
Acc. & Food
74.762
438.080
583.389
337.287
56.594
50.249
32.968
41.788
1.615.117
Paid Hous.
3.953
224.999
147.917
32.343
1.530
1.577
218
5.724
418.261 736.359
Pers. Serv.
13.253
189.741
219.691
186.398
56.279
28.732
24.755
17.510
Distr. Serv.
610
63.907
66.913
54.298
14.556
11.854
15.794
12.813
240.745
Total
562.140
5.370.760 8.592.633 6.754.018 1.817.432 1.555.502 1.400.364
592.584
26.645.433
Trade
480.587
2.021.318 2.359.756
Transportation
11.631
41.857
Communication
2.753
33.354 52.474
124.598
154.837
Women 913.180
169.300
127.039
69.790
94.340
6.235.310
96.156
57.173
15.689
15.060
10.850
4.798
253.214
122.370
47.260
9.534
9.209
7.211
6.591
238.282
Fin. Inst.
1.979
Public Adm.
25.867
54.746
50.184
30.383
19.092
488.293
503.432
343.147
192.557
74.736
5.378.483
Tech. Prof.
19.846
207.742
409.986
Serv. Prov. Comp.
262.530
85.202
90.841
65.489
37.780
1.179.416
37.559
234.050
418.273
177.708
43.737
42.582
31.640
25.787
1.011.336
1.088.552 1.710.012 1.440.180
Social Serv.
153.861
797.970
1.228.759
693.816
158.371
145.240
94.067
80.561
3.352.645
Main. & Rep.
28.828
26.497
37.091
15.535
4.526
2.466
916
3.073
118.932
Acc. & Food
180.127
615.941
681.646
161.120
31.113
22.211
16.940
26.731
1.735.829
Paid Hous.
25.424
4.437.651 1.616.923
179.138
4.588
0
0
49.720
6.313.444
Pers. Serv.
44.698
1.161.077
778.491
362.027
48.067
32.261
22.316
43.763
2.492.700
1.856
13.973
16.577
14.106
7.808
859
64.848
Distr. Serv. Total
1.015.016 10.732.456 9.600.638 4.478.610 1.136.113 Total
3.788
5.881
884.028
548.040
467.831 28.862.732
impact of the crisis on women
70
Wage ranges in main employment (in minimum wages)
Services Subsectors
0
More than More than More than More than More than 0 up to 1 1 up to 2 2 up to 4 4 up to 6 6 up to 10
More than 10
3.822.995 5.170.507 2.719.861
Trade
741.143
Transportation
27.388
490.454
Communication
5.758
65.347
255.212
179.808
46.850
Fin. Inst.
2.592
72.448
206.363
287.522
129.406
Public Adm.
35.157
972.597
Tech. Prof.
44.567
397.646
823.813
647.368
226.269
Serv. Prov. Comp.
91.540
784.633
1.524.328
816.991
Social Serv.
210.186
1.018.530 1.149.604
1.663.971 2.590.018 2.447.616
1.119.098 1.751.844 1.105.735 741.109
Total
610.497
528.100
382.740
245.893 14.221.736
244.438
165.973
103.519
54.769
3.254.675
30.452
31.455
17.036
631.918
137.027
113.771
39.119
988.248
697.341
513.086
150.315
9.070.101
275.032
282.565
105.360
2.802.620
139.018
148.935
140.452
88.145
3.734.042
275.873
254.663
236.262
124.467
5.078.128
Main. & Rep.
74.142
551.406
88.062
51.335
25.682
36.403
2.109.394
Acc. & Food
254.889
1.054.021 1.265.035
498.407
87.707
72.460
49.908
68.519
3.350.946
Paid Hous.
29.377
4.662.650 1.764.840
211.481
6.118
1.577
218
55.444
6.731.705
Pers. Serv.
57.951
1.350.818
998.182
548.425
104.346
60.993
47.071
61.273
3.229.059
Distr. Serv.
2.466
77.880
83.490
68.404
22.364
15.642
21.675
13.672
305.593
Total
541.255
Undef.
1.577.156 16.103.216 18.193.271 11.232.628 2.953.545 2.439.530 1.948.404 1.060.415 55.508.165
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
Ipea – Institute of Applied Economic Research
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Organización Internacional del Trabajo Directora de la Oficina en Brasil Laís Abramo Oficial de Programa para la Promoción de la Igualdad de Género y Raza en el Mundo del Trabajo – OIT/Brasil Solange Sanches Oficial de Proyectos – OIT/Brasil Marcia Vasconcelos Asistente Senior – OIT/Brasil Rafaela Egg
© Instituto de Investigación Económica Aplicada – ipea 2009 Equipo Técnico Luana Pinheiro – Secretaría Especial de Políticas para las Mujeres Marcelo Galiza – Instituto de Investigación Económica Aplicada Natália de Oliveira Fontoura – Instituto de Investigación Económica Aplicada Hildete Pereira de Melo – Universidad Federal Fluminense Alberto Di Sabbato – Universidad Federal Fluminense Solange Sanches – Organización Internacional del Trabajo Márcia Vasconcelos – Organización Internacional del Trabajo Roberto Gonzalez – Instituto de Investigación Económica Aplicada Proposición de indicadores y tabulaciones especiales Ana Sabóia – Instituto Brasileño de Geografía y Estadísticas Cimar Azevedo – Instituto Brasileño de Geografía y Estadísticas
Impacto de la crisis sobre las mujeres/Observatorio Brasil de la Igualdad de Género.- Brasília: Ipea: SPM: OIT, 2009. 70 p.: il. Incluye bibliografía. ISBN 857811031-5 1. Mujeres. 2. Trabajadoras. 3. Igualdad de Género. 4. Recesión Económica. 5. Brasil. I. Observatorio Brasil de la Igualdad de Género. II. Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada. III. Brasil. Secretaria CDD 305.42
Los autores y las autoras son responsables por la selección y presentación de los hechos contenidos en esta publicación, así como de las opiniones expresadas en ella, que no son, necesariamente , las de las instituciones involucradas. Se puede reproducir y traducir total y parcialmente el texto publicado siempre cuándo se indique su fuente.
SUMÁRIO
1 Introducción................................................................................................... 7 2 ¿De qué estamos hablando? La crisis internacional y sus impactos en el mundo................................................................................... 9 3 La crisis desde una perspectiva de género............................................. 13 3.1 Indicadores estructurales del mercado de trabajo para las mujeres . ......................... 13 3.2 El espacio “femenino” de la economía brasileña: el sector de servicios...................... 22 3.2.1 Servicio doméstico.......................................................................................... 38 3.3 Los impactos recientes de la crisis en el mercado de trabajo brasileño: una mirada de género ................................................................................................... 41 3.3.1 Los impactos generales de la crisis en la economía brasileña........................... 41 3.3.2 Los resultados recientes del mercado de trabajo desde la perspectiva de género ...................................................................................... 44 4 Consideraciones finales............................................................................. 59 5 ReferEncias bibliográficas......................................................................... 61 6 Anexo – Datos estadísticos......................................................................... 63
INTRODUCCIÓN
7
La crisis económica internacional y sus (posibles) impactos sobre la vida de las mujeres1
1 Introducción Los últimos nueve meses estuvieron marcados, en Brasil y en el mundo, por una densa y rica discusión sobre la crisis económica y financiera que atraviesa la economía mundial. En ese lapso se multiplicó el número de artículos producidos por los medios de comunicación en general y por los vehículos especializados, así como el de encuentros destinados a discutir, con públicos diversos, las causas, los impactos y las (posibles) respuestas de los gobiernos para afrontar y superar la crisis que ha quitado el sueño y los puestos de trabajo a millones de mujeres y hombres en todos los continentes. La crisis entró a formar parte de la agenda nacional con resolución, y algunos de los temas que pasaron a ocupar espacio en este escenario están relacionados con sus consecuencias en el mercado de trabajo brasileño. Ha ganado atención especial a la evolución de las tasas de desempleo, de los niveles de ocupación y de la masa salarial, por lo general enfocada desde una perspectiva que privilegia la diferenciación de los impactos según los sectores de actividad económica y las regiones metropolitanas (o unidades de la federación, de ser posible). Las grandes bases de información que han hecho posible este tipo de seguimiento de coyuntura son la Encuesta Mensual de Empleo (PME), el Registro General de Empleados y Desempleados (CAGED) y la Investigación de Empleo y Desempleo (PED), publicadas todos los meses por el IBGE, el Ministerio de Trabajo y Empleo y el Departamento Intersindical de Estadística y Estudios Socioeconómicos (Diesse)/Fundación Seade2, respectivamente, en alianza con instituciones de estadística e investigación. Sin embargo, las principales discusiones sobre el tema conducidas por los vehículos de comunicación o en foros especializados han ignorado los impactos diferenciados de la crisis en la oferta y la calidad del empleo por sexo o por raza/color. En consecuencia, los análisis producidos en este contexto consideran a los trabajadores un conjunto homogéneo, cuyas distintas señas de identidad para nada interfieren en la forma de ingreso y participación de los grupos sociales en el mercado de trabajo. 1. Este artículo es fruto de un esfuerzo conjunto de diversas organizaciones que integran el grupo de trabajo de seguimiento a la crisis en el ámbito del Observatorio Brasil de la Igualdad de Género. La elaboración de este estudio contó con la contribución de los siguientes técnicos y técnicas: Natália Fontoura, Marcelo Galiza y Roberto Gonzalez, del Instituto de Investigación Económica Aplicada (IPEA); Solange Sanches y Márcia Vasconcelos, de la Organización Internacional del Trabajo (OIT); Ana Sabóia y Cimar Pereira, del Instituto Brasileño de Geografía e Estadística (IBGE); Hildete Pereira de Melo y Alberto Di Sabbato, de la Universidad Federal Fluminense (UFF); y Luana Pinheiro, de la Secretaría Especial de Políticas para las Mujeres (SPM). A Nina Madsen y Fábia Souza, también de la SPM, damos las gracias por la lectura atenta y por las valiosas sugerencias. 2. En el ámbito del convenio con el MTE/Fondo de Amparo al Trabajador.
8
impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
Es precisamente ésta la perspectiva que se busca examinar con este trabajo, que es el resultado de la conformación del grupo de trabajo de monitoreo de los impactos de la crisis sobre las mujeres en el ámbito del Observatorio Brasil de la Igualdad de Género. El Observatorio es una iniciativa de la Secretaría Especial de Políticas para las Mujeres de la Presidencia de la República (SPM), con la colaboración de otras instituciones públicas, organismos internacionales y organizaciones de la sociedad civil. Tiene como propósito poner de relieve, fortalecer y ampliar las acciones del Estado brasileño encaminadas a fomentar la igualdad de género y los derechos de las mujeres. En un principio, el Observatorio fue construido en torno a cuatro grupos de trabajo: Indicadores; Políticas Públicas; Monitoreo de los Medios de Comunicación; y Legislación y el Poder Legislativo. Sin embargo, con el desarrollo de los acontecimientos de la crisis internacional y sus impactos en Brasil, se decidió vincular un grupo de trabajo más al Observatorio, esta vez un grupo ad hoc, con el propósito de identificar y monitorear los distintos impactos de la crisis sobre hombres y mujeres. Con ello surgió el GT de la crisis, integrado por representantes de la SPM (a cargo de su coordinación), del Ipea, del IBGE y de la OIT, así como por investigadores/as de renombre del campo de género y mercado de trabajo. En este primer momento, el objetivo central del Observatorio es monitorear la participación de hombres y mujeres en el mercado de trabajo brasileño –también desde la perspectiva étnico-racial– con la finalidad de identificar de qué manera la crisis ha afectado a cada uno de los grupos sociales. El presente artículo se divide en tres secciones, aparte de esta breve introducción, con las que se pretende contribuir a este debate en el escenario nacional. La sección siguiente presenta un breve panorama de la crisis internacional y después discute en profundidad la relación entre crisis y género a partir de un análisis que retrata el contexto en el cual se desarrolla la misma (se aportan datos sobre la estructura del mercado de trabajo para las mujeres y, particularmente, sobre el sector de servicios) y de los primeros resultados del seguimiento de coyuntura de los indicadores de la PME, de la PED y del CAGED bajo esa óptica. Por último, se presentan algunas consideraciones finales que destacan la importancia de un análisis de los procesos de crisis económica con enfoque de género, desde una perspectiva que privilegia el desarrollo económico y social.
CAPÍTULO 2
9
2 ¿De qué estamos hablando? La crisis internacional y sus impactos en el mundo La crisis que hoy atraviesa el mundo puede ser considerada la mayor desde 1929, tanto en lo que se refiere a alcance como a profundidad de sus impactos. Según estudio del Ipea, “2009 comienza con una previsión de disminución del comercio mundial, la primera desde 1982 y quizá la más profunda desde la Gran Depresión” (Ipea, 2009a). Sus orígenes se remontan a la intensificación de la desregulación de los sistemas financieros en el mundo, proceso que desembocó en una quiebra real y de confianza en las instituciones bancarias en los países desarrollados y “se propagó entre los principales mercados financieros del mundo, requiriendo de varios países medidas en el plano de las políticas económicas para tratar de frenar los impactos en el sistema productivo” (Ipea, 2009a). Cabe destacar, sin embargo, que esta crisis no es como las anteriores, pues se originó en los países del centro del capitalismo y tan solo después se propagó a los países pobres y en vías de desarrollo. A la inversa, las anteriores fueron detonadas por la quiebra de países pobres o en desarrollo, como las que se hicieron sentir primeramente en México, en 1982 y 1994-95; en el Asia, en 1997-98; y en Rusia, en 1999 (véase el cuadro 1). Recuadro 1
Cronología de las crisis desde 1980 Año
Países
1982
Crisis de la deuda externa en Latinoamérica, con inicio en México.
1990
Burbuja inmobiliaria japonesa.
1992-93 Ataques especulativos a las monedas en el mecanismo de tipos de cambio europeo. 1994-95 Crisis económica de México de 1994: ataque especulativo y moratoria de México. 1997-98 Crisis financiera asiática: devaluaciones y crisis de la banca en varios países del Asia. 1998-99 Crisis financiera rusa: devaluación del rublo e impago por Rusia. 2001-02 Crisis económica argentina: quiebra de la banca. Fuente: Luc Laeven y Fabian Valencia (2008), ‘Systemic banking crises: a new database’. International Monetary Fund Working Paper 08/224.
10
impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
De esta manera la crisis comenzó en el segmento financiero estadounidense y se propagó con la bancarrota del banco de inversión Lehman Brothers, a fines de 2008. Anunciada la crisis, las primeras señales de que las instituciones bancarias de los países centrales venían trabajando a niveles arriesgados de endeudamiento aparecieron con el aumento del impago de los denominados subprimes. En el sentido amplio, subprime es un crédito de riesgo concedido a clientes que no ofrecen suficientes garantías que les permitan beneficiarse de un tipo de interés más ventajoso. En el sentido más restringido, tal término designa una forma de crédito hipotecario para el sector inmobiliario surgida en Estados Unidos destinada a prestatarios que representaban un riesgo más elevado. Este crédito inmobiliario tenía como garantía la vivienda del cliente y a menudo estaba vinculado a la emisión de tarjetas de crédito o al alquiler de automóviles.3 De esta manera, la crisis se instaló primeramente en el plano financiero, provocando una fuerte disminución de crédito porque minó la confianza en la calidad de los activos financieros, y luego se convirtió rápidamente en crisis del sector productivo de la economía con fuerte repercusión, causando la quiebra de grandes empresas, bancos y entidades financieras, así como enormes pérdidas en los sectores industrial y de importación y exportación en todo el mundo. La crisis ha afectado de distintas maneras al mundo hasta el momento: en los países centrales y en parte de los asiáticos, como Japón, la crisis se ha manifestado con mucha intensa; y en países en desarrollo, como la China y la India, su intensidad fue variada, al igual que en Latinoamérica, con Brasil, Argentina, Chile y México como ejemplo (véase cuadro 2). “La turbulencia en la economía internacional afecta de distinta manera a los países con menor grado de desarrollo; entre estos ha sido más dura con los que tienen una mayor dependencia de la demanda internacional, sobre todo aquellos en que predomina la producción primaria-exportación. Sin embargo, de una manera general el impacto inmediato fue una menor liquidez internacional y la consiguiente escasez y encarecimiento de las líneas de crédito. Ello ocurrió porque los inversionistas internacionales comenzaron a evitar riesgos y a buscar activos de mayor liquidez y menor riesgo. Los efectos de la crisis para los países en desarrollo a medio y largo plazo dependen de la duración e intensidad de los efectos de la crisis financiera de los EE.UU.” (Ipea, 2009a).
3. Wikipédia. (26/06/2009).
CAPÍTULO 2
11
Recuadro 2
Situación económica de los países: estimaciones en diciembre de 2008.
Fuente: Fondo Monetario Internacional.
En el caso brasileño, los impactos de la crisis no se asemejan a los que el país experimentó en el pasado, gracias a una situación económica y social interna muy diferente de la existente en el contexto de crisis anteriores: la economía brasileña presenta baja inflación, hay una buena cantidad en reservas, la deuda externa no es significativa (por el contrario, el país se ha convertido en acreedor en dólares) y la deuda interna se mantiene en niveles controlados. En Brasil, el déficit público representa cerca del 3% del PIB, mientras que en los EE.UU. asciende a un 12%. La crisis llegó a Brasil en los últimos meses de 2008 y alcanzó a los sectores económicos en diferentes tiempos e intensidades. Alcanzó a afectar las cuentas externas brasileñas, pero la contabilidad macroeconómica del año 2008 no presentó un saldo negativo en la balanza de transacciones corrientes, ya que la crisis se restringió a los últimos tres meses del año –lo que probablemente posibilitó un resultado aún positivo. A pesar de presentar contracción, el PIB brasileño está disminuyendo menos que en los países centrales y los indicadores de la salud financiera del país son buenos. El riesgo país ha tenido una reducción y, tras un periodo al alza, el dólar experimentó una reducción de su valor frente al real, después del primer trimestre de 2009.
12
impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
Sin embargo, el país sufre los efectos de la crisis mundial y, entre los sectores más afectados, también aquí cuentan los sectores exportador e industrial, con impactos importantes en el empleo. De hecho, la crisis interrumpió una trayectoria positiva de los indicadores del mercado de trabajo en Brasil: las tasas de desempleo vuelven a crecer, mientras que la ocupación y la generación de puestos de trabajo formal se desaceleran, como se podrá observar en las secciones siguientes. De una manera general, los gobiernos optaron por hacer frente a la crisis con acciones más vigorosas en los ámbitos fiscal y de crédito. Los bancos centrales se han concentrado en contrarrestar las pérdidas relativas a las operaciones subprime, en un primer momento, y, posteriormente, en restablecer la confianza en el sistema financiero. En el caso brasileño, las medidas preconizadas tienen en cuenta una situación macroeconómica más sólida y perspectivas más concretas de inclusión social. En vista de ello, destacan las siguientes medidas: i) reducción del superávit primario en 2009, del 4,3% al 3,8%; ii) inyección de dólares por el Banco Central; iii) participación de los bancos estatales con la compra de acciones de bancos en crisis; iv) fomento a las exportaciones; iv) anticipación del desembolso para agricultura de R$ 5 mil millones; v) financiamiento de la construcción civil de R$ 3 mil millones (línea de capital de trabajo); vi) crédito del Banco de Brasil de R$ 4 mil millones para el sector automotriz; vii) política fiscal cuyo eje es el mantenimiento de las inversiones (PAC y Pre-sal), de los programas sociales y de la contención del crecimiento de los gastos de la administración pública. (Ipea, 2009a). De un modo general, aún no ha sido posible estimar los impactos de esta crisis en las economías y en la sociedad. Sin embargo, es importante que las políticas económicas y sociales sean manejadas conjuntamente para que no se instale un escenario aún más desfavorable en lo que se refiere a los indicadores macroeconómicos y sociales. Asimismo, estas políticas de carácter general deben considerar estrategias de enfrentamiento a la crisis específicas para cada grupo de la población, teniendo en cuenta que cada uno de estos fue afectado de diferente manera por ese contexto económico. Eso es lo que señalan las próximas secciones, en base a indicadores desagregados para los rubros sexo y color/raza de los trabajadores.
CAPÍTULO 3
13
3 La crisis desde una perspectiva de género Desde que se pudieron percibir los primeros efectos de la crisis en el país, los foros de discusión y diálogo de los movimientos feministas, y en especial de mujeres, comenzaron a cuestionar la existencia de sus (posibles) impactos en la vida de las mujeres o de una diferenciación de los impactos según el sexo del trabajador. Hasta hoy, no se ha llevado a cabo ningún estudio sobre estos temas que sistematice las informaciones y, a partir de los indicadores disponibles, ponga en evidencia las consecuencias de la crisis, diferenciándolas para hombres y para mujeres. Algunos argumentan que la crisis puede perjudicar de manera más intensa la población femenina, debido a una participación más precaria en el mercado de trabajo. Sin embargo, juzgando por los datos disponibles, otros argumentos muestran que, en este momento inicial, la crisis ha tenido un impacto más fuerte en los hombres, porque se concentró en el sector industrial, ocupado en su mayoría por la población masculina. Aún así, hay una percepción de que la crisis puede alcanzar los sectores de comercio y servicios, así como de empleo doméstico, por la manera como está formada la cadena productiva, caso en el cual sus efectos serían más intensos entre las mujeres. Analizar estos escenarios en base a los indicadores disponibles es, por lo tanto, el objetivo de este artículo. Considerando, por una parte, que las mujeres y los hombres –así como los blancos y los negros– no ocupan los mismos puestos y espacios en el mercado de trabajo y, por otra, que las mujeres y los negros se encuentran mayoritariamente en ocupaciones de peor calidad (con menor nivel de protección social y menores remuneraciones), es fundamental que los órganos gubernamentales sepan distinguir qué grupos fueron más afectados (en cuanto a su participación en el universo laboral) a cada momento de la crisis económica e internacional. De esta manera, se busca aportar información importante para identificar y proponer alternativas de acción gubernamental de naturaleza anticíclica, que sean adecuadas a la realidad vivenciada en el campo del trabajo por cada grupo social. 3.1 Indicadores estructurales del mercado de trabajo para las mujeres
Los efectos de la crisis internacional en el mercado de trabajo de mujeres y hombres dependen fundamentalmente de la manera como ellas y ellos participan en este espacio. Factores como la disponibilidad para ingreso en el mercado, la probabilidad de conquista de una ocupación, la calidad del puesto de trabajo ocupado y los sectores y posiciones alcanzados determinan la mayor o menor intensidad de las consecuencias que sentirá el/la trabajador/a en un contexto de crisis, como la que atraviesa el mundo desde fines de 2008. Por tal motivo, esta sección brinda un panorama de la estructura del mercado de trabajo para hom-
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impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
bres y mujeres (teniendo en cuenta además la perspectiva de raza, ya que no hay uniformidad en los grupos) como una contextualización necesaria para comprender los efectos del escenario económico internacional. Para comenzar, se hace necesario considerar que “el campo de actuación profesional es de suma importancia para la autonomía de los individuos, para la construcción de identidad, para el reconocimiento social y para el acceso a bienes de consumo, entre otras dimensiones, tanto materiales como simbólicas, cada vez más importantes en las sociedades del siglo XXI” (Pinheiro et al., 2008). Es en este espacio en donde los procesos de discriminación y desigualdad son aún más nítidos, produciendo consecuencias claramente perceptibles a través del análisis de los indicadores producidos anualmente por el IBGE. Al margen de las desigualdades sociales, las desigualdades étnico-raciales y de género se suman, contribuyendo para la construcción de una jerarquía que se repite en prácticamente todos los indicadores analizados: hombres y blancos por lo general gozan de mejores condiciones en el mercado de trabajo que mujeres y negros. Otra información importante que se debe tener en cuenta en este análisis es la que se refiere a la mayor y mejor participación de las mujeres en el campo de la educación. En efecto, a lo largo del siglo XX el acceso a la escuela se fue ampliando para los distintos grupos antes marginados en el proceso de enseñanza formal del país. Con esto, a las mujeres se les ofreció la oportunidad de estudiar, lo que hoy se refleja en una ventaja en la mayor parte de los indicadores de educación. Sin embargo, tal ventaja no se refleja aún en el mercado de trabajo. Aunque mucho se ha avanzado en la integración de la población femenina en ese espacio potencialmente productor de autonomía económica y social, queda todavía un largo camino en lo que se refiere a asegurar condiciones igualitarias de ingreso, permanencia y ascenso profesional en el mercado, así como de remuneración. Los últimos quince años fueron testigo de un fenómeno que se podría denominar feminización del mercado de trabajo: desde el inicio de los años 1990 se advierte un incremento significativo en la participación de las mujeres en esta esfera. En realidad, en estos últimos años este mercado fue bastante afectado por la revolución feminista, la que reveló el cuadro nefasto creado por los roles masculino y femenino que relegaban las mujeres a la situación sagrada de madres, amas de casa y/o trabajadoras secundarias, promoviendo cambios en los valores relacionados con los papeles y espacios destinados a las mujeres (Abramo, 2007). Otros importantes factores se sumaron para estimular el ingreso de las mujeres en el mercado de trabajo, entre los que cuentan la disminución en las tasas de fecundidad –especialmente desde el advenimiento de la píldora anticonceptiva– y una elevación en los niveles de educación alcanzados por las mujeres.
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Así, mientras en 1996 el 52,2% de las mujeres de más de 16 años de edad estaban en actividad, es decir, trabajaban o buscaban empleo, en 2007 esa parcela fue de 58,6%, lo que representa un importante incremento si tenemos en cuenta que para los hombres, en ese mismo periodo, la tasa de actividad experimentó una tendencia descendente. Sin embargo, cabe recordar que el nivel de actividad de las mujeres, aunque haya crecido, es aún bastante menor que el masculino, de un 81,6%, en 2007 (ver cuadro 1). Cuadro 1 Tasa de actividad de la población de 16 años o más, por sexo. Brasil, 1996 y 2007. Año
Femenino
Masculino
Total
1996
52,2%
83,3%
67,1%
2007
58,6%
81,6%
69,6%
Fuente: Pinheiro et al., 2008, a partir de microdatos de la PNAD/IBGE.
Dos importantes factores han contribuido a esta disparidad. El primero es la no contabilización del trabajo doméstico no remunerado, es decir, del trabajo de las amas de casa. Aunque sea una labor agotadora y continua, que contribuye de manera decisiva a la reproducción de la vida social y genera riqueza para la economía nacional, las estadísticas oficiales del país aún hoy consideran inactivas a estas mujeres. Si las contabilizaran, seguramente las distancias en las tasas de actividad se acortarían. El segundo factor se refiere a la división sexual de los trabajos que aún hoy persiste, que implica una sobrecarga de la mujer en el hogar con las labores domésticas y el cuidar a los hijos y que dificulta su ingreso en el mercado de trabajo. Los datos del IBGE muestran que mientras el 90% de las mujeres ocupadas se dedicaban, en 2007, a los quehaceres domésticos, el porcentaje de hombres en la misma situación era bastante menor, de un 50,7%, lo que implica inequívocamente una doble jornada para la población femenina4. La intensidad a que se dedican a estos quehaceres es también diferenciada: las mujeres ocupan cerca de 27 horas por semana a la casa y a la familia, mientras que los hombres que desempeñan estas actividades dedican poco más de 10 horas. Aparte de las dificultades para ingresar en el mercado de trabajo, tal sobrecarga determina el tipo de actividad que ellas pueden realizar, con frecuencia en empleos con jornadas de trabajo menores y que pagan menos. En 2007, mientras 4. Cabe subrayar que, aunque modesto, se puede observar un movimiento hacia una mayor igualdad entre hombres y mujeres en la división de las tareas domésticas. Ello gracias al crecimiento de un 6%, entre 1996 y 2007, en la proporción de hombres que declararon dividir los quehaceres domésticos, y a una disminución de casi un 3% en la proporción de mujeres en la misma situación.
impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
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que sólo el 18,6% de los hombres trabajaba habitualmente menos de 40 horas semanales, para el sexo femenino esa parcela fue significativa, de un 41%. Si la disponibilidad de las mujeres para participar en el mercado de trabajo es significativamente menor que la de hombres, es importante observar que la decisión de ingresar en el mercado no se lleva a efecto con la misma intensidad para los trabajadores de los dos sexos. El gráfico 1 muestra claramente tal situación: la tasa de desempleo en 2007 fue de 5,1% para hombres y de 9,8% para mujeres, lo que representa un universo con casi 1,3 millón mujeres más que hombres. Hubo un movimiento a la baja en las tasas de desempleo entre los años 2004 y 2007, pero se mantuvieron las desigualdades existentes. Aun después de esa reducción en 2007, en el grupo de hombres blancos la tasa de desempleo registrada fue del 5,3%, y en el de mujeres negras, 12,2%. Si, por un lado, las mujeres negras son excluidas de un conjunto de empleos por ser mujeres, lo mismo les pasa en muchos otros considerados femeninos, como recibir al público, por ser negras. Gráfico 1
Tasa de desempleo para personas con 16 años o más, por sexo y color/raza. Brasil, 2004 y 2007. 5,3%
6,4%
9,2%
12,2%
6,0%
7,4%
10,1%
13,2%
Hombres Blancos
Hombres Negros
2007
Mujeres Blancas
Fuente: Pinheiro et al., 2008, a partir de microdatos de la PNAD/IBGE.
Mujeres Negras
2004
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Una vez que están en el mercado de trabajo, las mujeres se concentran en espacios bastante diferentes de los ocupados por los trabajadores hombres, tanto en lo que se refiere al sector de actividad económica como a las ocupaciones conquistadas. En este proceso, las plazas ocupadas por las poblaciones femenina y negra suelen ser más precarias que las ocupadas por hombres y blancos, y tener menor – si es que algún – nivel de protección social. En lo que se refiere a las plazas ocupados por mujeres y hombres en el mercado de trabajo, el cuadro 2 presenta la distribución de la población según situación en el empleo (para 1996 y 2007). El análisis de las informaciones muestra que hay una segmentación ocupacional entre hombres y mujeres que no se modifica a lo largo del tiempo. Se observa que las mujeres se concentran en las plazas comúnmente llamadas informales, que les aseguran poco o ningún nivel de protección social: el 43% de la población femenina empleada ocupa puestos informales, como el de empleadas domésticas (de las cuales más del 70% trabajan en negro –no figuran registradas como empleadas) o como trabajadoras no remuneradas (comprendidas en el cuadro 2 en la categoría “otros”). En estas mismas ocupaciones se encuentran sólo el 26,3% de los hombres empleados, lo que indica que ellos tienen una participación de mayor calidad y más segura que ellas en el mercado de trabajo. Profundas brechas también separan a las mujeres: en 2007, el 36,5% de las mujeres blancas trabajaban en ocupaciones que aquí se definen como informales, porcentaje éste que se amplía hasta la impresionante cifra de 50,6 % cuando se analiza la situación de las negras. Por último, cabe decir que esta participación más precaria de la población femenina no es un fenómeno pasajero o coyuntural. Como muestra el cuadro 2, la distribución de los/las trabajadores/las entre las distintas categorías de ocupación se mantuvo prácticamente inalterada en los últimos 12 años, lo que indica que la desigualdad o la segmentación ocupacional basada en género y también en raza determinan la estructura del mercado de trabajo, fundamentando, de esta manera, su organización de manera desigual, jerárquica y discriminatoria.
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Cuadro 2
Distribución de la población ocupada de 16 años o más, según sexo, por situación en el empleo. Brasil, 1996 y 2007. Situación en el empleo
Hombres
Mujeres
1996
2007
1996
2007
Empleado público y militar
5,4
5,3
9,7
9,4
Con contrato laboral firmado
33,8
38,1
25,0
28,7
Sin contrato laboral firmado
20,7
19,8
11,5
13,4
Por cuenta propia
27,8
25,3
16,5
16,4
Empleador
5,0
4,9
2,1
2,4
Empleado doméstico
0,8
0,8
17,1
16,3
Otros*
6,5
5,7
18,1
13,3
Total
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
Fuente: Pinheiro et al., 2008, a partir de microdatos de la PNAD/IBGE.. Nota: * Comprenden a los/las trabajadores/as ocupados/as no remunerados y a los que trabajan para consumo propio y, en la construcción, para uso propio, por lo que tampoco se les considera remunerados.
Otro importante aspecto que se debe considerar, en especial en el contexto de la crisis internacional en curso, se refiere a la distribución de los/las trabajadores/as en los diferentes sectores de la economía. Un rápido análisis del cuadro 3 revela una distribución extremamente desigual entre hombres y mujeres en los sectores de servicios sociales y domésticos y en el de construcción civil. Este último tiene un perfil predominantemente masculino, pues concentra al 11% de los hombres ocupados y tan solo al 0,5% de las mujeres. La construcción civil, una actividad tradicionalmente masculina, sólo se abrió hace muy poco a la participación de las mujeres, quienes hoy representan un escaso 3% del total de trabajadores en ocupaciones de esta área. En el otro extremo, se hallan las actividades del sector de servicios. Por citar sólo un ejemplo, la categoría de servicios sociales y domésticos –que se relacionan directamente con los estereotipos sobre las capacidades y habilidades de las mujeres, así como con la división sexual del trabajo–, tenemos que más de la tercera parte de las mujeres ocupadas se encuentra en este sector, mientras que este dato para los hombres es del 4,5%5. Si a estos porcentajes sumamos la participación de trabajadores y trabajadoras en los sectores de servicios auxiliares y otras actividades (predominantemente de prestación de servicios), tenemos más del 52% de las mujeres ocupadas en actividades en el sector, proporción que apenas alcanza el 26% para los hombres. Por su importancia para las mujeres, el sector de servicios fue objeto de estudio especial cuyos resultados se encuentran en el punto 3.1.2 de este texto. 5. Del total de ocupados/as en este sector, casi un 85% eran mujeres, en 2007.
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Cuadro 3
Distribución en % de la población ocupada de 16 años o más, según sexo, por sector de actividad económica. Brasil, 2007 Sector de actividad
Hombres
Mujeres
Administración pública
5,5
4,6
Agricultura
20,4
13,4
Comercio
19,0
16,5
Servicios sociales y domésticos*
4,5
33,6
Construcción Civil
11,5
0,5
Industria
17,4
12,7
Servicios auxiliares**
10,4
6,1
Otras actividades***
11,3
12,6
100,0
100,0
Total
Fuente: Pinheiro et al., 2008, a partir de microdatos de la PNAD/IBGE. Notas: * Comprende los servicios de educación, salud, servicios sociales y domésticos. ** Comprende los servicios de alojamiento, alimentación y transporte. *** Comprende las actividades de almacenamiento y comunicación, otros servicios colectivos, sociales y personales y otras actividades
Cabe resaltar, sin embargo, la participación de las mujeres en el sector industrial, espacio éste relativamente más importante para los hombres, correspondiendo al 17% de las ocupaciones para ellos, contra el 12% para ellas. Al observar la distribución de los trabajadores del sector por sexo, sin embargo, se hace más evidente el perfil mayoritariamente masculino de las ocupaciones industriales. En efecto, el 65% de los empleados de este sector eran hombres en 2007, y la parcela correspondiente a las mujeres (35%) se concentraba en áreas específicas de la industria, como la textil y la de calzados, lo que refuerza una segregación que ocurre en el contexto general y que se repite dentro de un mismo sector. Tales diferencias en la forma como participan en el mercado de trabajo, sumadas a la existencia de mecanismos discriminatorios y de prejuicios basados en estereotipos, tales como el de la incapacidad femenina para liderar o para realizar ciertas tareas, hacen que la remuneración mensual de las mujeres, y en especial en las mujeres negras, sea menor que la que se registra para los hombres (blancos). Los puestos ocupados por mujeres, tal como se presentó anteriormente, no sólo son los más vulnerables y que ofrecen menos seguridades, sino también los que gozan de menos prestigio y son menos valorizados por la sociedad, situación que afecta negativamente la media salarial alcanzada por cada grupo. Esto es lo que se observa, por ejemplo, cuando comparamos las maestras y los ejecutivos de instituciones financieras, o las asistentes sociales y los analistas de sistemas. Pese a la importancia que cada una de estas categorías tiene para la formación de los individuos y para la economía nacional, el status del que disfruta en la sociedad
impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
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–cuyo valor se puede estimar por la remuneración que perciben los trabajadores– es bastante desigual. Este conjunto de factores es el responsable de que, en 2007, las mujeres ocupadas percibieran, en promedio, el 65% de los ingresos de la población masculina, y los negros solo cerca de la mitad del sueldo de los blancos, como ilustra el cuadro 4 a continuación6. Estos datos ponen en evidencia la doble discriminación que sufren las mujeres negras en el mercado de trabajo. Las mujeres blancas perciben, en promedio, el 62% del salario de los hombres blancos, y las mujeres negras el 67% de la de los hombres del mismo grupo racial, pero respecto a los hombres blancos, esta proporción es de sólo 34%. Cuadro 4
Renta media mensual de la ocupación principal, por sexo y raza/color. Brasil, 1996 y 2007. Hombres
1996
2007
1.009,1
961,2
Mujeres
589,4
630,3
Blancos
1.095,1
1.065,6
Negros
506,9
563,0
1.326,1
1.278,3
Hombres negros
599,0
649,0
Mujeres blancas
753,3
797,1
Mujeres negras
357,9
436,5
Hombres blancos
Fuente: Pinheiro et al., 2008, a partir de microdatos de la PNAD/IBGE.
A pesar de las persistentes desigualdades observadas, es importante notar que las diferencias registradas entre los grupos analizados han venido disminuyendo con el tiempo. En efecto, solo entre 1996 y 2007 la desigualdad salarial entre blancos y negros y entre hombres y mujeres disminuyó cerca de un 13% y 10%, respectivamente. En ese periodo, se registró una reducción en la renta media de la población brasileña, cuya recuperación, iniciada en 2004, fue suficiente ya para que los salarios femeninos superen los de 1996, pero no lo mismo para los hombres, que no lograron alcanzar el mismo nivel del inicio de la serie.
6. Estos datos desconsideran nivel de educación alcanzado, región, ocupación, jornada de trabajo o cualquier otra variable aparte de sexo y raza/color. Como se sabe, las diferencias de salarios entre los grupos disminuyen cuanto más control se tiene de estos atributos. Sin embargo, para los efectos de este trabajo los datos en la forma como se presentaron aquí son relevantes y bastan para demostrar las desigualdades existentes, aun cuando no se puede precisar cuánto corresponde a la discriminación en la esfera del mercado de trabajo y cuánto a los otros atributos (que también pueden encerrar procesos discriminatorios).
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El último punto que se debe resaltar en esta sección es la dificultad que se enfrentan las mujeres para alcanzar puestos de poder y de toma de decisiones en los espacios. Esta es una realidad que se ha impuesto tanto a las trabajadoras del sector privado como a las del sector público. Las dificultades de ascenso, que producen el llamado “techo de vidrio”, en su mayoría se basan en estereotipos y prejuicios relacionados con la disponibilidad y el interés de esta población para ocupar cargos en la alta jerarquía. De este modo, es común escuchar que las mujeres no aspiran a ocupar puestos importantes y que tampoco los podrían ocupar, debido a sus responsabilidades como “cuidadoras”, es decir, por tener que ausentarse para cuidar a los hijos o por no poder hacer viajes de trabajo a causa de los compromisos domésticos. Más allá de su fuerte sesgo discriminatorio, el “techo de vidrio” es un factor determinante para que se mantenga la brecha salarial que separa a hombres y mujeres. El gráfico 2 muestra, al analizar la participación femenina en los diferentes rangos salariales, la distribución de las mujeres en los cargos de dirección. Las clases de empleo con mayores salarios constituyen una buena representación de los cargos superiores, pues cuanto más alto se encuentre el puesto en la jerarquía, mayor será su salario. Así, las trabajadoras representan a la mayoría entre las ocupaciones que no remuneran por las actividades desarrolladas (casi el 60%), y son proporcionalmente menos numerosas a medida que ascienden en la escala salarial: sólo el 20% de los trabajadores con ingreso mensual superior a 20 salarios mínimos son mujeres. Gráfico 2
Distribución de ocupados, según rangos de ingreso mensual* y sexo. Brasil, 2006. Más de 20 salarios mínimos
79,94%
Entre 10 y 20 salarios mínimos.
20,06%
72,75%
27,25%
Entre 5 y 10 salarios mínimos
67,93%
32,07%
Entre 3 y 5 salarios mínimos
67,33%
32,67%
Entre 2 y 3 salarios mínimos
69,10%
30,90%
Entre 1 y 2 salarios mínimos Hasta 1 salario mínimo Siningresos
60,51%
39,49%
50,30%
49,70%
40,33%
59,67% Hombre
Fuente: PNAD/IBGE, Apud. Melo y Oliveira, 2008. Nota: * Corresponde a la suma de todas las ocupaciones.
Mujer
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impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
De la aridez de las cifras al color de los gráficos, uno se da cuenta de que el país se encuentra en una trayectoria de disminución de las brechas, aunque no al ritmo deseado. Sin embargo, no podemos subestimar los desafíos que existen todavía. Las brechas de género y de raza en el mercado de trabajo son aún muchas y profundas, y dada su característica estructural, difíciles de superar. Indistintamente de las variables, esta brecha entre los sexos se presenta con una regularidad estadística razonable. A grandes rasgos, se manifiesta en dos formas básicas, fuertemente determinadas por manifestaciones de discriminación: desigualdad jerárquica, que se refiere a una subrepresentación de las mujeres en los cargos superiores, pese a su participación masiva en la actividad; y desigualdad territorial, que se relaciona con el hecho de que las actividades económicas como que tienen sexo –las mujeres se encuentran en mayor número en ciertas actividades y son excluidas de otras, según su cultura de género (Pérez Sedeño, 2001). Cualquier estudio sobre el mercado de trabajo para las mujeres --y aún más uno que aspire a arrojar luz sobre los impactos que la crisis ha producido-- debe analizar dos aspectos centrales: i) la segregación sectorial, explicitada por la presencia masiva de trabajadoras en el sector de servicios y su reducida participación en otras áreas; y ii) la gran concentración en el servicio doméstico remunerado, principal ocupación femenina y que se configura como un trabajo vulnerable y de baja calidad. A este respecto, las secciones siguientes buscan discutir brevemente estos dos espacios privilegiados de actuación profesional de las mujeres, en los que se imagina que los impactos de una eventual profundización de la crisis puedan afectar con más intensidad a las mujeres. 3.2 El espacio “femenino” de la economía brasileña: el sector de servicios
Como se presentó anteriormente, el sector de servicios tiene especial importancia para el conjunto de mujeres ocupadas en el mercado de trabajo. En este sentido, esta sección brinda un análisis sobre este sector y sus distintas actividades, a través de las variables sexo, raza/color, edad, nivel de educación alcanzado, situación en el empleo y salario. En una situación de crisis, conocer las características de la evolución del sector de servicios es fundamental para construir el conjunto de acciones de intervención del Estado, valiéndose de políticas públicas que estimulen el mantenimiento y la creación de puestos de trabajo. Las últimas décadas estuvieron marcadas por transformaciones en el mercado de trabajo, provocadas tanto por la intensificación del proceso de urbanización y el crecimiento de la población ocupada en actividades no agrícolas (particularmente en servicios), como por los cambios en la participación femenina7. En este 7. Las actividades predominantemente urbanas comprenden más de dos terceras partes de la mano de obra nacional y no presentan diferencias significativas en la distribución por sexo de la población ocupada (mujeres 81,6% y hombres 78,%).
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proceso, cabe resaltar la gran participación que las actividades del tercer sector obtuvieron en la economía brasileña. El crecimiento de estas actividades fue acentuado en los últimos 26 años: en 1985 la participación del sector de servicios era del 49,3%; en 1995, aumentó para un 54,5%; y en 2007, alcanzó el 61% de los/ las trabajadores/as ocupados/as (Melo et alli, 1998). Esta ampliación del sector de servicios no es una característica sólo de la sociedad brasileña, sino un fenómeno mundial. En todas las economías, el crecimiento del número de puestos de trabajo en los servicios fue extraordinario, tanto por la contracción del sector agropecuario como del sector industrial (Gutierrez, 1993, p. 86). En el caso brasileño, los procesos de industrialización y urbanización que se dieron tras la II Guerra Mundial (1945) produjeron un crecimiento de la fuerza de trabajo en estas actividades, principalmente en las que exigen menos calificación, con lo que estos servicios se caracterizan como importante empleador de mano de obra urbana poco calificada. La literatura explica este comportamiento tanto por el incremento en las actividades de distribución de mercancías y servicios financieros, responsables por los servicios modernos, como por el desarrollo de las tecnologías industrial y agropecuaria, caracterizadas por la baja absorción de mano de obra. De esta forma, la población “expulsada” por las nuevas actividades encuentra ocupación en las ciudades, en los sectores de construcción y de servicios. De hecho, la absorción de los migrantes de baja calificación que buscaron la ciudad se dio primordialmente en las actividades tradicionales de comercio y de prestación de servicios personales (Melo et alli, 1998). Otro aspecto importante acerca de estas actividades es el papel anticíclico de los servicios. Este comportamiento ha sido observado en todo el mundo, en las economías desarrolladas y subdesarrolladas. Se puede observar determinada estabilidad del empleo en el sector de servicios con relación a las oscilaciones de la coyuntura económica, lo que se debe, por una parte, a los puestos en la administración pública, cuya oferta depende más de las circunstancias políticas que de las económicas, y, por otra, a la propia configuración del mercado de producto de las demás actividades de servicios. En suma, el sector de servicios se ha convertido en una suerte de amortiguador del ciclo económico, pues muchas de sus actividades sirven de refugio para los desempleados oriundos tanto de la crisis económica como de la reestructuración productiva. En lo que se refiere a las mujeres específicamente, cabe resaltar la importancia que tienen esas actividades para el empleo femenino, especialmente en comparación con la población masculina. El cuadro 5 pone en evidencia las diferencias en la proporción de hombres y mujeres en ocupaciones del sector de servicios: mientras el 75,1% de las mujeres se hallan ocupadas en actividades de este sector,
impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
24
entre los hombres este porcentaje es de un 50,9%. Es decir, está claro que para los hombres estas actividades son importantes, pero su relevancia para las trabajadoras es significativamente mayor, lo que indica que, en un contexto económico en el que el sector de servicios se ve afectado negativamente, seguramente serán las mujeres las más perjudicadas, perdiendo puestos de trabajo o remuneración. Cuadro 5
Población ocupada de 10 años o más, por sector económico y sexo. Brasil, 2007 Sectores Agropecuaria
Número absoluto
Distribución por sexo
Hombres
Mujeres
Total
10.742.333
5.247.884
15.990.217
Hombres Mujeres 67,2
Total
32,8
100,0
Distribución por sectores Hombres Mujeres 20,5
13,7
Total 17,6
Expl. minera
342.933
35.569
378.502
90,6
9,4
100,0
0,7
0,1
0,4
Ind. Manuf.
8.259.105
3.993.117
12.252.222
67,4
32,6
100,0
15,8
10,4
13,5
Constr. Civil
5.920.875
186.151
6.107.026
97,0
3,0
100,0
11,3
0,5
6,7
SIUP*
279.015
61.443
340.458
82,0
18,0
100,0
0,5
0,2
0,4
Servicios
26.818.938 28.898.656
55.717.594
48,1
51,9
100,0
51,2
75,2
61,4
Total
52.363.199 38.422.820
90.786.019
57,7
42,3
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
Fuente: PNAD/IBGE, microdatos, 2007. Elaboración propia. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009. Nota: * Se refiere a los servicios industriales de utilidad pública, a saber: producción y distribución de energía y suministro de agua.
Si consideramos el universo total de trabajadores del sector de servicios, las mujeres son mayoría con el 52%, prácticamente la misma proporción que se observa en el perfil demográfico de la población nacional. Esta posición de los servicios en la estructura laboral femenina se debe, entre otros factores, a la facilidad con que las mujeres ingresan en estas actividades, gracias a su flexibilidad e informalidad en la economía. A excepción del sector de servicios, no hay un solo gran sector económico en el que las mujeres representen al menos la mitad de los puestos; en la agropecuaria y en la industria manufacturera se acercan, pero permanecen por debajo del 50% (véase el cuadro 5). Al observar la estructura económica desde un prisma de raza/color, se verifica que el mercado de trabajo presenta la misma distribución racial que la demografía nacional: blancos y negros suman más del 90% de la población brasileña y también de la de ocupados/as. Sin embargo, este gráfico no logra ocultar una brecha: una mayor participación de negros en los sectores que se caracterizan por relaciones de empleo más vulnerables en términos de remuneración, nivel de educación alcanzado y situación en el empleo, como el agropecuario, el de construcción y el explotación minera (gráfico 3).
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Gráfico 3
Distribución de la población ocupada de 10 años o más, por sector económico, según sexo y color/raza. Brasil, 2007. 100% 90% 80% 70% 60%
Otras Morena Negra Blanca
50% 40% 30% 20% 10%
Mujer
Hombre
Mujer
Hombre
Mujer
Hombre
Mujer
Hombre
Mujer
Hombre
Mujer
Hombre
0%
Fuente: PNAD/IBGE, microdatos, 2007. Elaboración propia. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009. Nota: * Se refiere a los servicios industriales de utilidad pública, a saber: producción y distribución de energía y suministro de agua.
La estructura del sector de servicios por subsectores
Después de esta breve contextualización de la importancia del sector de servicios para las mujeres en el ámbito económico nacional, vamos a iniciar un análisis para conocer en mayor detalle al sector y, de esta manera, obtener información importante para la discusión sobre la crisis internacional y sus posibles impactos futuros sobre hombres y mujeres. Antes de nada, cabe resaltar que el sector de servicios está marcado por la heterogeneidad, y esta quizá sea una de las causas del relativo “olvido” de estas actividades en la agenda de los investigadores del campo socioeconómíco. Se observa nítidamente una enorme dificultad para analizar actividades tan dispares como las relacionadas con la producción (tales como servicios financieros, informáticos, de ingeniería, de propaganda y publicidad); con los servicios de distribución (como transporte, comercio y comunicación); y con los servicios personales (que atienden a demandas individuales, como los servicios sociales, que comprenden los servicios sanitarios y de educación, y los servicios comunitarios). El cuadro 6 presenta los trece subsectores que componen el sector de servicios, agregados en seis grandes subcategorías: 1) comercio; 2) transportes; 3) comunicaciones; 4) instituciones financieras; 5) administración pública; y 6) otros servicios, que comprenden los servicios técnico profesionales ofrecidos a empresas, los sociales, los de reparos y conservación, de alojamiento y de alimentación, el doméstico remunerado, los personales y los de distribución. Como se puede observar, este amplio conjunto de actividades contiene a un tiempo segmentos
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26
social y tecnológicamente estructurados que conviven con otros atrasados desde el punto de vista tecnológico y que expresan relaciones sociales arcaicas. Cuadro 6
Población ocupada de 10 años o más, por subsectores de servicios, según sexo. Brasil, 2007. Subsectores de servicios
Hombre
Mujer
Total
Comercio
7.986.426
6.235.310
Transportes
3.001.461
Comunicaciones Instituciones financieras
% H/M
% s/ total
Hombre
Mujer
Hombre
Mujer
Total
14.221.736
56,2
43,8
30
21,6
25,6
253.214
3.254.675
92,2
7,8
11,3
0,9
5,9
393.636
238.282
631.918
62,3
37,7
1,5
0,8
1,1
499.955
488.293
988.248
50,6
49,4
1,9
1,7
1,8
Administración pública
3.691.618
5.378.483
9.070.101
40,7
59,3
13,9
18,6
16,3
Otros servicios
11.072.337
16.269.150
27.341.487
40,5
59,5
41,6
56,4
49,3
Técnicos Profesionales
1.623.204
1.179.416
2.802.620
57,9
42,1
6,1
4,1
5,0
Servicios prestados a empresas
2.722.706
1.011.336
3.734.042
72,9
27,1
10,2
3,5
6,7
Servicios sociales
1.725.483
3.352.645
5.078.128
34,0
66,0
6,5
11,6
9,1
Reparación y construcción
1.990.462
118.932
2.109.394
94,4
5,6
7,5
0,4
3,8
Alojamiento y alimentación
1.615.117
1.735.829
3.350.946
48,2
51,8
6,1
6,0
6,0
Doméstico remunerado
418.261
6.313.444
6.731.705
6,2
93,8
1,6
21,9
12,1
Servicios personales
736.359
2.492.700
3.229.059
22,8
77,2
2,8
8,6
5,8
Servicios de distribucións
240.745
64.848
305.593
78,8
21,2
0,9
0,2
0,6
26.645.433
28.862.732
55.508.165
48,0
52,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
Total
Fuente: PNAD/IBGE, microdatos, 2007. Elaboración propia. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
Los datos evidencian que el comercio, la actividad más antigua del sector, sigue siendo la actividad que más absorbe fuerza de trabajo. En 2007, la ocupación en el comercio representó el 25,6% de la ocupación total en servicios. La segunda ocupación más importante fue el subsector de la administración pública, con el 16,3% de la participación total del sector (que comprende administración en el sentido estricto, más educación, salud pública y previsión), seguida de servicio doméstico remunerado, con el 12,1%, y de servicios sociales, con el 9,1% (atención sanitaria y educación privadas y servicios comunitarios). Les siguen: servicios prestados a empresas (por ejemplo, servicios auxiliares en el sector agropecuario o de transportes, servicios de alquiler, en edificios de residencia, de seguridad y
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27
vigilancia), alojamiento y alimentación, transportes, servicios personales, técnico profesionales, reparación y conservación, financieros y comunicaciones. Al desagregar los datos por sexo, aunque se trate de un sector típicamente femenino, se evidencia una segregación ocupacional entre hombres y mujeres, con una sobrerrepresentación de las ocupadas en los subsectores de la administración pública y otros servicios8 y una subrepresentación en los de comunicación, comercio y, especialmente, transportes (véase el cuadro 6). Un examen detenido de los datos del cuadro 3 revela que las mujeres ocupadas en el sector de servicios se encuentran principalmente en la categoría de empleadas domésticas remuneradas (21,9%), que constituyen el grupo más numeroso de trabajadoras de Brasil, y en actividades de comercio (21,6%) y de la administración pública (18,6%) –tales ocupaciones representaron el 62,1% de los empleos femeninos en el sector, en 2007. Los hombres, en cambio, se presentan relativamente más pulverizados: son empleados de comercio (30%), empleados públicos (13,9%) y están ocupados en el subsector de transportes (11,3%), ocupaciones que responden por el 55,2% del empleo masculino en el área. Ese cuadro sugiere, por lo tanto, que las mujeres desempeñan actividades que se caracterizan como una extensión del trabajo reproductivo, o de cuidados, además de las que figuran arriba: servicios sociales, personales y de alojamiento y alimentación. Los hombres predominan en el mundo de la producción de mercancías: en su mayoría, en los servicios técnico profesionales, prestados a empresas, de reparación y conservación y de distribución (almacenamiento, actividades en televisión, agencias de noticias). Otro aspecto que merece ser destacado es la feminización que tuvo lugar en el subsector instituciones financieras: en la actualidad esta ocupación cuenta con la participación de hombres y mujeres prácticamente en la misma proporción. La distribución del empleo en los distintos subsectores de servicios refleja la intensa feminización de este mercado, así como las definiciones que la sociedad ha consagrado a la división de los papeles del hombre y de la mujer, que se representan tan bien en esta estructura ocupacional. El subsector de transportes, típicamente masculino, contrasta con el servicio doméstico remunerado, netamente femenino. Ambos presentan tasas de participación cercanas y que superan el 90% cuando examinados por sexo. Esta división remite a la misma brecha de género presente en la sociedad. Las mujeres se desplazaron masivamente hacia el mercado de trabajo en las últimas tres décadas, encontrando las puertas abiertas en las actividades del sector terciario, porque, primeramente, en éste encontraron un nicho tradicional (“a 8. Hay, por lo tanto, una feminización de estas actividades, probablemente debido a la maleabilidad que las mismas presentan respecto a las estructuras de mercado más precarias y con baja organización sindical.
impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
28
la mujer corresponde el trabajo doméstico remunerado”) y, después, porque el ingreso a la administración pública se da a través de concurso público, y ello seguramente permitió que las mujeres más jóvenes de fines del siglo XX con más años de estudio puedan invadir este espacio del mercado de trabajo. Melo et alli (1998) observaron esta tendencia al comparar los años de 1985, 1990 y 1995, así como un crecimiento gradual de la ocupación femenina en este subsector de servicios. Cabe resaltar que estos datos muestran cierta cristalización de los papeles masculino y femenino. Una comparación entre el trabajo de Melo et alli (1998) y las informaciones de la PNAD/IBGE de 1995 pone en evidencia que la distribución de la ocupación en “otros servicios”, por subsectores, presentó una distribución muy parecida a la de 2007. Las que se consideraban actividades masculinas o femeninas no cambiaron. Eran y siguen siendo masculinos los puestos de trabajo de las actividades de reparación y conservación, que comprenden a los mecánicos de automóviles y técnicos de electrodomésticos; los servicios prestados a empresas, que corresponden a vigilancia y protección, limpieza, actividades relacionadas con las compañías que producen bienes, alquiler y otras más; y, en menor proporción, los servicios de distribución, es decir, los de la radio y televisión, en los que la participación masculina ha registrado una subida en relación con los niveles de 1995. Eran y siguen siendo femeninos los servicios domésticos remunerados, los servicios sociales y los personales. Estos últimos han experimentado un crecimiento en la participación masculina en comparación con 1995, probablemente debido a los servicios relacionados con los cuidados del cuerpo (véase el gráfico 4). Gráfico 4
Distribución de la población ocupada de 10 años o más, por segmentos del subsector “otros”, según sexo. Brasil, 1995 y 2007. 100% 90% 80% 70% 60%
Mujer
50%
Hombre
40% 30% 20% 10% 0% 1995 2007 1995 2007 1995 2007 1995 2007 1995 2007 1995 2007 1995 2007 1995 2007 Técn. Prof.
Serv. Prest. Empr.
Serv. Sociales
Rep. y Cons.
Aloj. y Alim.
Dom. Remun.
Serv. Serv. Distr. Personales
Fuente: PNAD/IBGE, microdatos, 1995 y 2007. Elaboración propia. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009
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La distribución de los ocupados por raza/color es un ejemplo emblemático de la discriminación que aún marca la sociedad brasileña (gráficos 5A y 5B y cuadro 1 del anexo). En estos gráficos se encuentran lado a lado las actividades de servicios y las que se conocen como “otros servicios”. En los subsectores de servicios más modernos y dinámicos se distingue una mayoría de ocupados/as blancos/as. El caso de las instituciones financieras es particularmente curioso, porque el 74% de los/las empleados/as de estas instituciones se declaran blancos/as. Como se sabe, el nivel de educación alcanzado de por sí no justifica tal participación, puesto que la presencia de negros en la población económicamente activa con el nivel de educación exigido para ingresar en estas instituciones es mucho más grande que la proporción de negros empleados en los establecimientos del sector, lo que indica un cierto sesgo en la selección de personal en estas instituciones. Los subsectores de servicios técnico profesionales y sociales también cuentan con más del 60% de ocupados/as blancos/as. Estos son estructuras de mercado más pulverizadas y tal vez prevalezca el perfil de educación superior en el personal ocupado de estos segmentos. La administración pública se sitúa prácticamente en el límite de la participación demográfica, pero son negros/as los/las trabajadores/ as domésticos/as, como muestran los gráficos a continuación. Gráfico 5A
Distribución de los ocupados del sexo masculino en los subsectores de servicios, según color/raza. Brasil, 2007. 100% 90% 80% 70% Otras Morena Negra Blanca
60% 50% 40% 30% 20%
Fuente: PNAD/IBGE, microdatos, 2007. Elaboración propia. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
Serv. Distrib.
Serv. Personales
Dom. Remun.
Aloj. y Alim.
Rep. y Cons.
Serv. Sociales
Serv. Prest. Empr.
Técn. Prof.
Adm. Pública
Inst. Financ.
Transportes
Comércio
0%
Comunicaciones
10%
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30
Gráfico 5B
Distribución de los ocupados del sexo femenino en los subsectores de servicios, según color/raza. Brasil, 2007. 100% 90% 80% 70% Otras Morena Negra Blanca
60% 50% 40% 30% 20%
Serv. Distrib.
Serv. Personales
Dom. Remun.
Aloj. y Alim.
Rep. y Cons.
Serv. Sociales
Serv. Prest. Empr.
Adm. Pública
Inst. Financ.
Comunicaciones
Transportes
Comércio
0%
Técn. Prof.
10%
Fuente: PNAD/IBGE, microdatos, 2007. Elaboración propia. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
La estructura del sector de servicios por rango de edad
La variable rango de edad complementa el perfil del personal ocupado en el sector de servicios y ha cambiado poco respecto a los años 1985 y 1995 (Melo et alli, 1998). Un aspecto interesante a este respecto es la disminución de la mano de obra de 60 años o más en el sector, acercándose a la tasa verificada en 1985 (los trabajadores de este grupo presentaron una tasa de participación de 4,7% en 2007, de 4,6%, en 1985, y de 5,6%, en 1995. Continuando con el análisis de la estructura de la economía, se observa que la agropecuaria y los servicios representan el 83,5% de la mano de obra entre 10 y 17 años de edad, divididos de la siguiente manera: el 46,5% en el sector de servicios y el 37% en la agropecuaria. Si desagregamos los grupos de 10 a 14 años y de 15 a 17 años, cambia la situación en estos grandes sectores económicos: la agropecuaria responde por el 54% de los trabajadores infantiles (10 a 14 años) y los servicios por el 35%; mientras que para los jóvenes/adolescentes (15 a 17 años), la situación se invierte: los servicios ocupan el 52,4% y la agropecuaria el 28,3%. El análisis de la distribución de edad de los subsectores de servicios muestra que hubo una disminución del trabajo infantil respecto a los niveles de 1995 y que la participación masculina aumentó en los grupos más jóvenes. Los hombres se concentran en los servicios de reparación/conservación; las mujeres, en el doméstico remunerado. La situación femenina no ha cambiado desde los años 1990, mientras que la masculina ha presentado una alteración debido a la sustitución de la mano de obra infantil y juvenil en las actividades de comercio.
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Al igual que en 1995, cabe resaltar la distribución de edad de los funcionarios públicos, que no sigue el curso de los demás subsectores, es decir, la tasa de participación de los más jóvenes es más elevada en el mercado de trabajo del sector privado (véase el gráfico 6 y el cuadro 2 del anexo). Gráfico 6
Distribución de los ocupados en los subsectores de servicios, según rango de edad. Brasil, 2007. 100% 90%
65 o mais 60 - 64 50 - 59 40 - 49 30 - 39 25 - 29 18 - 24 15 - 17 10 - 14
80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% Serv. Distrib.
Serv. Personales
Dom. Remun.
Aloj. y Alim.
Rep. y Cons.
Serv. Sociales
Serv. Prest. Empr.
Técn. Prof.
Adm. Pública
Inst. Financ.
Comunicaciones
Transportes
Comércio
0%
Fuente: PNAD/IBGE, microdatos, 2007. Elaboración propia. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
La estructura del sector de servicios por nivel de educación
Al examinar los datos para nivel de educación alcanzado, se hace evidente una vez más la heterogeneidad del sector de servicios. De un lado, hay subsectores en los que más del 20% de los/las trabajadores/as tienen solamente hasta cuatro años de estudio: transportes, servicios prestados a empresas, reparación/conservación, alojamiento/alimentación y empleadas domésticas remuneradas. De otro, hay segmentos en los que más del 40% de los/las ocupados/as tiene más de 12 años de estudio, tales como: instituciones financieras, técnico profesional, administración pública y servicios sociales. Este requisito de calificación no se vio afectado por los nuevos tiempos globales, puesto que esta relación es prácticamente la misma que se registra para el año 1995 (véase el cuadro 3 del anexo) Dada la importancia de las actividades del servicio doméstico remunerado para la ocupación femenina, el gráfico 7 muestra el nivel de educación alcanzado por sus trabajadoras y trabajadores. Es interesante observar que, aunque ocupen los puestos más vulnerables en ese subsector, ellas son las que más años han estudiado, dato éste que repite el padrón de diferencias en materia de educación para el país en su conjunto. Así, el 39% de las ocupadas con empleos domésticos tenía hasta 4 años de estudio y el 21%, más de 8 años. Estos porcentajes eran del 53%
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32
y 16%, respectivamente, cuando se analizó el grupo de trabajadores hombres empleados en dicho subsector. Gráfico 7
Distribución de los ocupados en servicio doméstico remunerado, según sexo y años de estudio. Brasil, 2007.
Mujer 0 1-4 5-8 9 - 11 12 - 14 15 o más No det. Hombre
0%
10 %
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Fuente: PNAD/IBGE, microdatos, 2007. Elaboración propia. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
Un examen de la variable “situación en el empleo” permite conocer las condiciones en que participa la población en la economía, a partir de un enfoque de “calidad” del empleo. A lo largo del siglo XX, hubo un progresivo crecimiento del empleo con contrato de duración indeterminada, a tiempo completo, con un único empleador. Tal situación se ha generalizado y predomina en la mayoría de los países, aunque en las últimas dos décadas se haya presenciado el surgimiento de otras formas de contrato de trabajo, que combinan la precarización y la tercerización. Ese fenómeno también ha sido observado en Brasil y, como el país nunca había promovido una uniformización de las relaciones laborales, la globalización alargó esa brecha. No cabe duda de que el proceso de industrialización, tanto en el caso brasileño como en el de otros países, fue el vector de la constitución de la forma de contrato de trabajo que se expandió en el siglo XX y que, en Brasil, está representada por los trabajadores con libreta de trabajo firmada, sujetos a la legislación laboral. Sin embargo, otras modalidades de relaciones de empleo persistieron y crecieron en la última década, por ejemplo: empleados no registrados, trabajadores por cuenta propia/autónomos, empleadores, trabajadores sin remuneración. En el conjunto de los sectores económicos de Brasil se puede notar una heterogeneidad en la calidad de la ocupación predominante. Lo primero que se observa son las diferencias entre el empleo urbano y rural, puestas en evidencia
CAPÍTULO 3
33
por la baja participación de los trabajadores formales en la agropecuaria9. Lo segundo es que el empleo industrial es el locus por excelencia del contrato de trabajo asalariado: casi el 70% de los trabajadores están registrados. Lo tercero se refiere a la precariedad explicitada por el sector de servicios: la heterogeneidad de las actividades de este ámbito permite una flexibilidad de las relaciones de empleo que explica parcialmente la elevación de su participación en la ocupación y en los ingresos. Se observa en el sector de servicios que sólo el 33,3% de los ocupados están registrados. Eludir la legislación laboral y contratar trabajadores al margen de lo que establece la ley, es decir, evadiendo los costos laborales, es bastante común en la sociedad brasileña, y a este grupo de trabajadores se lo denomina sin libreta o desprotegidos. Es interesante resaltar que esta relación de trabajo está presente en todos los sectores de la economía, debido en parte a la escasa fiscalización que ayuda a difundir este tipo de subcontratación. Otra modalidad de flexibilización de la relación laboral es el trabajo por cuenta propia, que también aparece en todos los sectores económicos. Éste se refiere a una estrategia corriente de las empresas que, valiéndose del actual contexto de crecimiento del desempleo, para evadir las obligaciones del contrato de trabajo, obligan a sus trabajadores a adoptar el estatuto jurídico de trabajador autónomo. Esto explica, por lo tanto, cómo la desaceleración del crecimiento de la economía brasileña, a partir de los años 1980, acentuó este rasgo de las actividades que permiten la existencia de formas precarias de relaciones de trabajo. En gráficos 8A y 8B ilustran el análisis de la calidad de las ocupaciones en los diversos segmentos del sector de servicios10. Destacan en un primer momento fuertes diferencias entre las diversas actividades: en los segmentos de comunicaciones, instituciones financieras, servicios prestados a empresas, servicios sociales y de distribución, más del 50% de los/las empleados/as estaban registrados. Estos, al lado de los funcionarios públicos, completan el perfil del trabajo decente y seguro. Del otro lado se encuentran las/los trabajadoras/es desprotegidas/os que no están registradas, como las/los trabajadoras/es domésticas/os y el grupo de los informales, que trabajan por cuenta propia en los segmentos de servicios personales, transportes, reparación/conservación y comercio. De esta forma, se consagra el perfil heterogéneo para las actividades terciarias, con algunos subsectores altamente formalizados y otros que presentan un nivel de formalidad bajo11. 9. El sector agropecuario, por razones específicas de las relaciones de trabajo que se establecen en su interior, no incorpora totalmente la figura del trabajo asalariado. 10. Véase también el cuadro 4 del anexo. 11. Nótese que la tasa de participación de esta mano de obra formal y de funcionarios públicos suma el 44,3% del sector. Cabe destacar que el 19,5 % de los/las trabajadores/as de estas actividades pertenece a la informalidad y el 16,8% “no tiene la libreta firmada”, con lo que el 36,3% del sector de servicios se encuadra como ocupaciones precarias y desprotegidas.
impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
34
En la desagregación de los datos por sexo, destacan algunas situaciones importantes, como se puede observar en los gráficos 8A y 8B. Primero, es visible la gran proporción de mujeres ocupadas, pero que no perciben remuneración por las actividades realizadas. Esta realidad se puede observar en diversos segmentos, pero especialmente en el de comercio, reparación/construcción y alojamiento/ alimentación. Sin embargo, en el gráfico 7A se advierte que esta situación prácticamente no se da con los ocupados del sexo masculino y, aun cuando existe la no remuneración por el trabajo, es una proporción significativamente menor que la de las mujeres. En algunos subsectores se da una alternancia entre mujeres registradas y hombres por cuenta propia. Tal es el caso del sector de transportes, en el que las trabajadoras participan en mayor proporción como empleadas registradas, mientras que los trabajadores participan como autónomos. La categoría “cuenta propia” es también bastante heterogénea, pues comprende desde el manisero con su carrito, hasta las profesiones liberales, como los médicos. De todos modos, es una ocupación que por lo general demanda un capital social para compra de equipos, situación más difícil de materializarse para las mujeres, con lo que suelen buscar trabajo en empresas y, por lo tanto, constan menos como cuenta propia y más como empleadas. Por último, en el trabajo doméstico trabajadores de ambos sexos se enfrentan con una situación bastante precaria, pero peor para las mujeres: el 60% de los hombres ocupados en este subsector no estaban registrados, contra el 73% de las mujeres. Gráfico 8A Distribución de los ocupados del sexo masculino en los subsectores de servicios, según situación en el empleo. Brasil, 2007.
100% 90% 80%
No remun.
70%
Empleador
60% 50%
Cuenta propria
40%
Func. públ.
30%
Empl. em negro
20%
Empl. regist.
10%
Fuente: PNAD/IBGE, microdatos, 2007. Elaboración propia. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
Serv. Distrib.
Serv. Personales
Dom. Remun.
Aloj. y Alim.
Rep. y Cons.
Serv. Sociales
Serv. Prest. Empr.
Técn. Prof.
Adm. Pública
Inst. Financ.
Comunicaciones
Transportes
Comércio
0%
CAPÍTULO 3
35
Gráfico 8B
Distribución de los ocupados del sexo femenino en los subsectores de servicios, según situación en el empleo. Brasil, 2007. 100% 90% 80%
No remun.
70%
Empleador
60% 50%
Cuenta propria
40%
Func. públ.
30%
Empl. em negro
20%
Empl. regist.
10% Serv. Distrib.
Serv. Personales
Dom. Remun.
Aloj. y Alim.
Rep. y Cons.
Serv. Sociales
Serv. Prest. Empr.
Técn. Prof.
Adm. Pública
Inst. Financ.
Comunicaciones
Transportes
Comércio
0%
Fuente: PNAD/IBGE, microdatos, 2007. Elaboración propia. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
La estructura del sector de servicios por grupo salarial
El sector de servicios desempeña un importante papel al absorber mano de obra expulsada de los demás sectores. Por lo tanto, descubrir los ingresos que perciben sus ocupantes permite conocer más acerca de la dinámica interna de estas actividades. El gráfico 912 presenta la heterogeneidad intrínseca del sector, y la variable ingreso, analizada por cada segmento, presenta esta cuestión de forma contundente: de acuerdo con lo que se señaló para las demás características del sector, las actividades de baja remuneración conviven con las que remuneración más elevada.
12. Véase también el cuadro 5 del anexo.
impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
36
Gráfico 9
Distribución de los ocupados en los subsectores de servicios, según grupo de ingresos percibidos de la ocupación principal (en salarios mínimos). 100% 90% 80%
No def.
70%
Más de 10
60%
Entre 6 y 10
50%
Entre 4 y 6
40%
Entre 2 y 4
30%
Entre 1 y 2
20%
Entre 0 y 1
10%
0
Serv. Distrib.
Serv. Personales
Dom. Remun.
Aloj. y Alim.
Rep. y Cons.
Serv. Sociales
Serv. Prest. Empr.
Técn. Prof.
Adm. Pública
Inst. Financ.
Comunicaciones
Transportes
Comércio
0%
Fuente: PNAD/IBGE, microdatos, 2007. Elaboración propia. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
De estas informaciones también se desprende que la economía brasileña se caracteriza por remunerar su mano de obra con salarios bajos: el 69,7% de los/las ocupados/as del país perciben hasta dos salarios mínimos, porcentaje éste de un 64,6% en el sector de servicios. La brecha entre los sexos muestra que las mujeres se concentran en ocupaciones que pagan hasta dos salarios mínimos: corresponden al 74% de las ocupadas en el sector terciario; para los hombres, esta parcela es del 54,5%13. (Cuadro 7). Cuadro 7
Distribución de los ocupados en los subsectores de servicios, según grupo de ingresos percibidos de la ocupación principal (en salarios mínimos) y sexo. Entre
Entre
Entre
Entre
Entre
Más
No
de 0 a 1
de 1 a 2
de 2 a 4
de 4 a 6
de 6 a 10
de 10
def
3,3
22,6
35,2
22,6
5,0
3,9
1,9
Transportes
0,5
14,9
30,7
36,4
7,6
5,0
3,1
1,7
100,0
Comunicaciones
0,8
8,1
33,7
33,7
9,5
5,4
6,2
2,7
100,0
Subsectores de servicios
0
Total
Hombre Comercio
5,5
100,0
Inst. financ.
0,1
4,0
16,4
26,5
14,9
17,4
16,7
4,0
100,0
Adm. pública
0,3
15,6
23,8
27,3
12,7
9,6
8,7
2,0
100,0
Técn. prof.
1,5
11,7
25,5
23,7
8,7
11,3
13,4
4,2
100,0
Serv. prest. empr.
2,0
20,2
40,6
23,5
3,5
3,9
4,0
2,3
100,0
Serv. sociales
3,3
18,6
30,3
23,9
6,8
6,3
8,2
2,5
100,0
13. Estas cifras reflejan las pésimas remuneraciones de los subsectores servicio doméstico remunerado, servicios personales, alojamiento/alimentación, comercio y reparación/conservación.
CAPÍTULO 3
Subsectores de servicios
37
0
Entre
Entre
Entre
Entre
Entre
Más
No
de 0 a 1
de 1 a 2
de 2 a 4
de 4 a 6
de 6 a 10
de 10
def
Total
Rep. y cons.
2,3
25,9
35,4
26,9
4,2
2,5
1,2
1,7
100,0
Aloj. y alim.
4,6
27,1
36,1
20,9
3,5
3,1
2,0
2,6
100,0
Dom. remun.
0,9
53,8
35,4
7,7
0,4
0,4
0,1
1,4
100,0
Serv. personales
1,8
25,8
29,8
25,3
7,6
3,9
3,4
2,4
100,0
Serv. distr.
0,3
26,5
27,8
22,6
6,0
4,9
6,6
5,3
100,0
Total
2,1
20,2
32,2
25,3
6,8
5,8
5,3
2,2
100,0
Comercio
7,7
32,4
37,8
14,6
2,7
2,0
1,1
1,5
100,0
Transportes
4,6
16,5
38,0
22,6
6,2
5,9
4,3
1,9
100,0
Mujer
Comunicaciones
1,2
14,0
51,4
19,8
4,0
3,9
3,0
2,8
100,0
Inst. financ.
0,4
10,7
25,5
31,7
11,2
10,3
6,2
3,9
100,0
Adm. pública
0,5
20,2
31,8
26,8
9,4
6,4
3,6
1,4
100,0
Técn. prof.
1,7
17,6
34,8
22,3
7,2
7,7
5,6
3,2
100,0
Serv. prest. empr.
3,7
23,1
41,4
17,6
4,3
4,2
3,1
2,5
100,0
Serv. sociales
4,6
23,8
36,7
20,7
4,7
4,3
2,8
2,4
100,0
Rep. y cons.
24,2
22,3
31,2
13,1
3,8
2,1
0,8
2,6
100,0
Aloj. y alim.
10,4
35,5
39,3
9,3
1,8
1,3
1,0
1,5
100,0
Dom. remun.
0,4
70,3
25,6
2,8
0,1
0,0
0,0
0,8
100,0
Serv. personales
1,8
46,6
31,2
14,5
1,9
1,3
0,9
1,8
100,0
Serv. distr.
2,9
21,5
25,6
21,8
12,0
5,8
9,1
1,3
100,0
Total
3,5
37,2
33,3
15,5
3,9
3,1
1,9
1,6
100,0
Fonte: PNAD/IBGE, microdados, 2007. Elaboração própria. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
Además, es interesante notar que éste es un fenómeno que se observa en todos los sectores analizados – indistintamente de la proporción de mujeres o de empleos de más calidad. Las diferencias entre mujeres y hombres en los grupos de ingresos más bajos (de hasta dos salarios mínimos) alcanzan el 22% en el subsector de servicios personales (predominantemente femenino) y el 17% en el de alojamiento y alimentación. Diferencias menores se registran en los subsectores de servicios prestados a empresas y de empleo doméstico. En este último, el 96% de las mujeres y el 90% de los hombres ganan hasta dos salarios mínimos, cifras que evidencian la precariedad general que marca esta actividad. Asimismo, en ese grupo salarial las mujeres son mayoría en todos los segmentos, salvo en el de servicios de distribución, mayoritariamente masculino.
impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
38
3.2.1 Servicio doméstico
En el conjunto de actividades realizadas en el sector “servicios”, se puede identificar, como se mostró anteriormente, una subcategoría fundamentalmente femenina, tanto en lo que se refiere a números como a lo que en las sociedades modernas se construyó como típicamente femenino: el empleo doméstico remunerado. Es en torno a esta categoría que tanto se ha especulado acerca de los posibles impactos de la crisis financiera internacional. De un lado, hay los que argumentan que las trabajadoras domésticas serían despedidas sin mayores preocupaciones en un contexto de reducción de ingresos y aumento del desempleo. De otro, los que defienden que el servicio doméstico no es un bien al que se puede renunciar fácil y rápidamente. En este sentido, podría producirse un impacto en el nivel de empleo de esta categoría, pero no con la intensidad prevista por otros. No obstante, cualquier análisis en este momento es una mera especulación, porque no se sabe cuál será el escenario futuro en el campo económico internacional y tampoco cómo el empleo doméstico va a responder a las variaciones de los salarios de los empleadores. Por lo tanto, es importante conocer la estructura de este subsector de ocupación y recoger información para identificar los posibles impactos futuros y hacer frente a los distintos escenarios macroeconómicos que se presenten. Para comenzar, por lo tanto, es fundamental resaltar la importancia del servicio doméstico remunerado para las mujeres que están ocupadas en el mercado de trabajo. En 2007, poco más del 16% de las trabajadoras se encontraba en esta área de trabajo, o sea, 6,3 millones de mujeres14. Entre los hombres, en cambio, las cifras correspondientes eran de apenas 0,8%, o 418 mil ocupados. A más de las diferencias cuantitativas, se sabe que hay un diferencial en el tipo de actividad doméstica ejercida por cada sexo: para la población femenina, su nicho tradicional de trabajo es efectivamente el trabajo realizado en el hogar de los empleadores, cuidando la casa o a los niños; para la masculina, en cambio, predominan los caseros, jardineros y conductores. Es decir, incluso una ocupación tan asociada a las mujeres presenta segregación ocupacional. Además, se sabe que el empleo doméstico tiene también un sesgo racial, que se pone en evidencia al comparar el total de mujeres blancas ocupadas en este subsector (el 13,4%, en 1996, y el 12,1%, en 2007) con el de mujeres negras (el 23%, en 1996, y el 21,4%, en 2007). En otras palabras, aun cuando se registra una “pequeña disminución en ambos datos en la década, perdura el hecho de que el trabajo doméstico remunerado en Brasil es una actividad tradicionalmente realizada por mujeres negras (...) [y] reúne en sí la continuidad de los rasgos más 14. Aun revelando una discreta reducción (1%) respecto a 1996, el padrón se mantuvo: el servicio doméstico remunerado sigue siendo mayoritariamente femenino en Brasil.
CAPÍTULO 3
39
perversos de la herencia esclavista y patriarcal. Como se puede observar, los datos apuntan a una conjunción de estos dos sistemas ideológicos fundadores de la sociedad brasileña para mantener una situación de iniquidad, situación ésta que la mayor parte del tiempo es considerada natural, como el tratamiento desigual que solamente esta categoría de trabajadoras recibió en la Constitución Federal de 1988, so pretexto, todavía en boga, que disimula la ingerencia de esta herencia” (Pinheiro et al., 2008). Como resultado de sus propias características y raíces históricas, el servicio doméstico jamás fue tratado como las demás relaciones de trabajo que se dan en el espacio público, razón por la que se constituyó en un trabajo bastante precario, como lo muestran los datos presentados en los cuadros 8 y 9 a continuación. Son pocas aún las trabajadoras que cuentan con protección del Estado, asegurada por el registro de la ocupación en la libreta de trabajo y por el pago de los aportes previsionales: en 2007, eran sólo el 27% y 30%, respectivamente. Ello significa que un grupo numeroso de trabajadoras está falto de protección social y es sometido a largas jornadas de trabajo por bajos salarios, además de realizar un trabajo agotador. No sólo están desprotegidas durante la edad productiva, sino que su situación de informalidad conlleva el desamparo también en la vejez. Dos aspectos merecen ser resaltados en este análisis: el primero se refiere al crecimiento de estas tasas a lo largo del año, lo que indica que las iniciativas por parte del gobierno tuvieron cierto impacto en el sentido de estimular tanto la formalización de las trabajadoras domésticas como su afiliación al sistema previsional, así como de ampliar sus derechos y la conciencia que tienen acerca de los mismos. El segundo concierne a las diferencias significativas en esos valores cuando consideramos los atributos raza/color de las trabajadoras. Mientras que el 30,5% de las trabajadoras blancas está registrado y el 34,3% aporta al sistema previsional, esta proporción para las mujeres negras es de 25,2% y 30,4%, respectivamente. Cabe mencionar, por último, que si bien estas proporciones experimentaron una mejora a lo largo de los años, las distancias observadas entre blancas y negras han permanecido, evidenciando la fuerza de los procesos discriminatorios vigentes.
impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
40
Cuadro 8
Cuadro 9
Proporción de trabajadoras domésticas registradas, por raza/color. Brasil, 1996 y 2007.
Proporción de trabajadoras domésticas que aportan al sistema de jubilación, por raza/color. Brasil, 1996 y 2007.
Blancas
Negras
Total
Blancas
Negras
Total
1996
23,6
18,7
20,9
1996
24,6
19,2
21,6
2007
30,5
25,2
27,2
2007
34,3
28,0
30,4
Fuente: Pinheiro et al., 2008, a partir de microdatos de la PNAD/IBGE.
Fuente: Pinheiro et al., 2008, a partir de microdatos de la PNAD/IBGE.
En los últimos años se ha observado una importante transformación en la estructura del mercado de trabajo doméstico: ha crecido la categoría de empleadas domésticas jornaleras, en lugar de las tradicionales empleadas asalariadas. En 2007, el porcentaje de trabajadoras que prestaban sus servicios en más de un hogar fue del 25,0%, un incremento de un 7,5% en el corto período de una década. En este caso se observa una curiosa inversión en el porcentaje de blancas y negras: mientras que las trabajadoras negras son mayoría como empleadas domésticas remuneradas por mes, las blancas son más numerosas que las negras en el régimen por jornal, representando el 26,7% y el 24,1%, respectivamente. El régimen de las jornaleras es peculiar porque, a pesar de tender a una situación aún más precaria en lo que se refiere a la formalización del trabajo15, permite suponer que las trabajadoras pueden ganar más. Eso significa, por lo tanto, que en contextos de crisis como el que se atraviesa actualmente, las empleadas domésticas jornaleras, cuya participación en la economía viene creciendo en forma rápida y sostenida, están más vulnerables al desempleo que las asalariadas, porque no tienen un vínculo laboral formal que asegure sus derechos en caso de despido. Otros indicadores que ponen en evidencia la situación de precariedad y exclusión social a que están sometidas estas trabajadores pueden ser mencionados, como los que apuntan a las jornadas de trabajo excesivas y al reducido índice salarial. Aunque con el tiempo se pudieron observar variaciones positivas en los indicadores aquí presentados, éstas no tuvieron la capacidad de alterar la estructura del mercado de servicio doméstico, porque tal estructura está fuertemente enraizada en la sociedad.
15. Fallo de la 7ª sala de la Corte Superior del Trabajo determinó, en mayo de 2009, que las empleadas domésticas pagadas por jornal que trabajan hasta tres días por semana en el mismo hogar no gozarían de los derechos laborales correspondientes, puesto que no configuraba un vínculo de trabajo.
CAPÍTULO 3
41
3.3 Los impactos recientes de la crisis en el mercado de trabajo brasileño: una mirada de género
Teniendo como telón de fondo la estructura del mercado de trabajo para las mujeres y las diferencias observadas cuando comparamos este mercado con el que ocupan los hombres, esta sección tiene como objetivo presentar datos coyunturales sobre empleo y desempleo que permitan hacer un examen inicial de los impactos que tuvo la crisis económica y financiera internacional en la población de hombres y mujeres. Para ello, serán presentados y analizados indicadores coyunturales de empleo y desempleo que permiten estudiar, de manera inicial, los primeros impactos producidos por la crisis económica y financiera internacional en la participación en el mundo laboral y en la ocupación para hombres y mujeres. Los indicadores utilizados fueron producidos a partir del Caged/MTE, de la PME/IBGE y, en cierta medida, de la PED/Dieese-Seade. El Caged es un registro administrativo producido por el MTE todos los meses en base a información sobre todos los establecimientos que hayan realizado cualquier tipo de registro (contratación, despido o transferencia) en su cuadro de empleados con contrato de trabajo regido por la CLT (Consolidación de las Leyes Laborales). Permite, pues, realizar un examen de la coyuntura del mercado de trabajo formal del país, es decir, sólo de los trabajadores registrados. La PME, del IBGE, a su vez, es una encuesta domiciliaria realizada mensualmente en las seis principales regiones metropolitanas (RMs) del país (Recife, Salvador, Belo Horizonte, Río de Janeiro, São Paulo y Porto Alegre), que aporta información, también de naturaleza coyuntural, referente a la condición de actividad, condición de ocupación, ingresos medios, situación en el empleo, contrato de trabajo firmado, etc., con lo que abarca toda la población ocupada o que busca trabajo, y no sólo los trabajadores asalariados registrados. La PED funciona en los mismos moldes de la PME, y cubre las RMs de Recife, Salvador, Belo Horizonte, Distrito Federal, São Paulo y Porto Alegre. El examen de estas fuentes diversas –una de tipo censo, pero que se restringe al mercado de trabajo formal; y otras que abarcan todo el mercado de trabajo, pero basadas en muestreo y limitadas a las regiones metropolitanas– nos ofrece una mirada más completa a la economía brasileña y, especialmente, a las trabajadoras que se encuentran proporcionalmente más presentes en el sector informal de la economía. 3.3.1 Los impactos generales de la crisis en la economía brasileña
Desde 2004, los datos disponibles sobre el mercado de trabajo brasileño indican una trayectoria de crecimiento del empleo en el país, en especial de la demanda por trabajo formal. Este periodo de virtuosa formalización del mercado de trabajo fue propiciado tanto por el dinamismo del comercio internacional como por el crecimiento del mercado interno. En septiembre de 2008, sin embargo, la
impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
42
situación cambió radicalmente. La crisis del mercado de hipotecas subprime en Estados Unidos alcanzó proporciones internacionales, propagando la desconfianza en los mercados financieros y desencadenando una crisis de liquidez con serios efectos sobre la producción, el empleo y los ingresos en todo el mundo. Las primeras señales de la crisis internacional en el mercado de trabajo brasileño se manifestaron en octubre de 2008, cuando comenzó a sentirse una desaceleración del ritmo de disminución del desempleo observado en el país, a la cual le siguió, a partir de enero, una elevación en las tasas de desempleo en proporción superior a lo que se podría atribuir a la estacionalidad del periodo. Según datos de la PME, en los siete meses después de que estalló la crisis (octubre/2008 a abril/2009), el porcentaje de trabajadores/as desempleados/as creció 1,4%, del 7,5% al 8,9%. En los años anteriores, se observó en el mismo periodo (de octubre/2007 a abril/2008) una tendencia inversa, con una reducción del 0,2% en la tasa de desempleo medida en las seis principales regiones metropolitanas del país (véase el gráfico 10). Gráfico 10
Tasa de desempleo de las seis regiones metropolitanas, según sexo. 2007 a 2009.
10,9 9,4
8,9
7,5
7,2
Total
abr/09
fev/09
mar/09
jan/09
dez/08
nov/08
set/08
out/08
jul/08
ago/08
jun/08
abr/08
Mujeres
mai/08
fev/08
mar/08
jan/08
dez/07
nov/07
set/07
out/07
jul/07
ago/07
jun/07
abr/07
mai/07
fev/07
mar/07
jan/07
5,9
Hombres
Fuente: Encuesta Mensual de Empleo/IBGE.
En el caso de los empleos formales, a partir de octubre también se comienza a notar una nítida desaceleración en la generación de nuevos puestos de trabajo, medida por el Caged, como se puede observar en el gráfico 11. Mientras que el promedio de nuevos puestos de trabajo formales en el mes de octubre del período 2004 a 2007 fue de aproximadamente 146 mil, en octubre de 2008 sólo se
CAPÍTULO 3
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registraron 61 mil nuevas plazas. En noviembre, se observa una reducción en el número de puestos formales en el país, la que se repite en diciembre de 2008 y enero de 2009. Es cierto que el resultado desfavorable en esos meses, en especial en diciembre, no se justifica sólo por la crisis internacional. Factores estacionales asociados al ciclo de la caña de azúcar, con sus repercusiones en el complejo de producción de azúcar y alcohol, así como el ajuste del empleo en los sectores industriales para compatibilizar la demanda de trabajo con una oferta cuyo nivel ya no es impulsado por el boom de fin de año, entre otros factores, contribuyeron también a eliminar puestos de trabajo formales regidos por la CLT. De todos modos, salta a la vista en el gráfico 11 que la magnitud de la reducción en diciembre fue significativamente mayor en 2008 que en los años anteriores.. Gráfico 11
Resultado neto de puestos de trabajo formales (contrataciones menos despidos). Brasil: 2004-2009. 450.000
250.000
Abr
Ene
Feb
Mar
Oct
Dic
Nov
Sep
Jul
2008
Ago
Abr
May
Jun
Ene
Feb
Mar
Dic
Oct
2007
Nov
Jul
Sep
Ago
Abr
May
Jun
Ene
Fev
Mar
Oct
Dic
Nov
Sep
Jul
2006
Ago
Abr
May
Jun
Jan
Feb
Mar
Oct
Dic
Nov
Sep
Jul
2005
Ago
Abr
May
Jun
Ene
Feb
Mar
Oct
Dic
Nov
Sep
Jul
2004
Ago
Abr
May
Jun
Ene
Feb
Mar
50.000
2009
-150.000
-350.000
-550.000
-750.000
Fuente: MTE, Registro General de Empleados y Desempleados. Elaboración: DISOC/IPEA.
En el gráfico 11 también se observa que el período de febrero a abril de 2009 presentó un aumento en el número de puestos de trabajo formal. Si bien estos resultados son positivos, están muy por debajo de los observados en los mismos meses de años anteriores. Por lo tanto, no se puede afirmar aún que todos los impactos de la crisis sobre el empleo ya fueron observados. Esta leve recuperación no indica por si sola que en adelante la tendencia es que se restablezca la trayectoria anterior de crecimiento acelerado del empleo formal. La amenaza de crecimiento del desempleo y de la informalidad persiste, pues el ritmo de creación de plazas
44
impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
regidas por la CLT observado en los últimos tres meses en el Caged aún es lento. En este sentido, al menos dos razones justifican la preocupación con la evolución del empleo formal: su impacto directo en las condiciones de vida de los/las trabajadores/as y el hecho de que la masa salarial (determinada por el nivel de empleo y de salario) sea uno de los principales componentes de la demanda interna. Por lo tanto, su evolución puede contribuir a suavizar o ampliar los efectos de la crisis (IPEA, 2009b). 3.3.2. Los resultados recientes del mercado de trabajo desde la perspectiva de género
Considerando estas dos relevantes dimensiones del empleo, vale la pena examinar con más atención la información disponible sobre los primeros meses de la reacción del mercado de trabajo brasileño a la crisis internacional, para tratar de comprender su dinámica e identificar qué grupos de trabajadores ya fueron afectados o aún pueden serlo. Un gran número de análisis sobre los efectos de la crisis sobre el mercado de trabajo fueron realizados a partir de variables como grupo salarial, rango de edad, antigüedad, sector de actividad, unidades de la federación, nivel de instrucción y tipo de municipio. Sin embargo, no hay estudios con un enfoque primordialmente de género, que examinen como la crisis puede haber afectado distintamente a trabajadores hombres y mujeres. Con el objetivo de ampliar la discusión nacional sobre los impactos de la crisis económica, esta sección se propone analizar los datos oriundos de la PME, de la PED y del Caged a partir de la variable sexo de los trabajadores y de su intersección con la dimensión racial, siempre que sea posible. En un primer momento serán presentados los datos de la PME y de la PED, que comprenden todas las formas de participación en el mercado de trabajo y el conjunto de desocupados, pero que se refieren solamente a algunas metrópolis. Después se pasa a analizar el mercado de trabajo formal, a partir de los datos del Caged, que corresponde a los puestos de trabajo de más calidad y con mayor protección social. Mercado de trabajo metropolitano: datos de la PME y de la PED
Las informaciones producidas por la PME y por la PED permiten echar una mirada bastante amplia al mercado de trabajo brasileño, pues abarcan los puestos de trabajo formales, es decir, aquellos que cuentan con registro y que por lo tanto ofrecen una protección del Estado en lo que se refiere a los riesgos con los que los/ las trabajadores/as se enfrentan a lo largo de la vida; las ocupaciones informales, que comprenden desde los autónomos o trabajadores por cuenta propia; pasan por los empleados sin libreta firmada (entre los que figuran las empleadas domésticas); hasta llegar a quienes no perciben remuneración, aunque estén ocupados; y, por último, a los empleadores. La PED también permite este análisis más amplia del mercado de trabajo, y aporta resultados que reiteran los encontrados por el IBGE.
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En los ocho meses que siguieron a los primeros efectos de la crisis en el país (septiembre/2008 a abril/2009), el crecimiento de la población económicamente activa16 (PEA) de mujeres fue menor que el de la PEA masculina en todas las RMs estudiadas por la PED. Hubo reducción de la PEA femenina en Salvador (-3,0%), Belo Horizonte (-1,5%), Porto Alegre (-2,3%) y São Paulo (-1,9%), mientras que lo mismo no sucedió a los hombres en ninguna de las RMs. En este caso hay una inversión del fenómeno observado en años anteriores, cuando se notaba una ligera tendencia a un mayor crecimiento de la PEA femenina respecto a la PEA masculina; los indicios apuntan, por lo tanto, a que el contexto de crisis económica fue responsable por la salida de relativamente más mujeres del mercado de trabajo que de hombres. En otras palabras, al parecer el bajo dinamismo económico ha empujado las mujeres a la inactividad17 . Las informaciones de la PED sobre la tasa de participación de hombres y mujeres en el mercado de trabajo echan luz sobre esa tendencia que, a pesar de leve, es nítida y previsible en la medida en que expresa características de nuestra cultura patriarcal. Eso se debe a que en situaciones de desempleo/desocupación en el núcleo familiar (con la consiguiente reducción de los ingresos mensuales), la probabilidad de que las mujeres regresen a sus hogares y se hagan responsables de las actividades domésticas es más elevada que para los hombres, bien sea porque trabajan en pequeños emprendimientos familiares que no sobrevivieron a la crisis, bien sea porque la disminución del ingreso familiar imposibilitó mantener a la empleada doméstica para las actividades que ahora deberán ser realizadas por ella. Mientras tanto, la trabajadora doméstica despedida podrá también regresar a la “inactividad”. A los hombres por lo general les corresponde continuar en el mercado de trabajo y buscar empleo e ingresos para sustentar a la familia, es decir, permanecen económicamente activos. Así, en el periodo de septiembre/2008 a abril/2009, la tasa de participación de las mujeres disminuyó más que la de los hombres en todas las RMs estudiadas. Los datos apuntan a una reducción en la tasa de participación de los hombres en las regiones metropolitanas, sin embargo ésta siempre es menos acentuada que la observada entre las mujeres (véase el gráfico 12).
16. Se refiere a la población que se encuentra ocupada en el mercado de trabajo o desocupada, pero que busca empleo. Por lo tanto, son los individuos que están disponibles en el mercado. 17. Porción de la Población en Edad Activa que no está ocupada ni busca alguna ocupación
impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
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Gráfico 12
Variación de la tasa de participación entre septiembre de 2008 y abril de 2009, por región metropolitana, según sexo. 0%
-1,8%
-0,3%
-1,7%
-1,3%
-0,7%
-0,3%
-1,1%
-2,5%
-0,9%
-0,7%
-1,4%
-10% -20% -30% -3,4%
-40%
-4,2%
-50% -60%
-1,2%
-2,6%
-1,9%
-1,3%
-70% -80% -90% -100%
Belo Horizonte
Distrito Federal
Porto Alegre Total
Recif e Hombres
Salvador
São Paulo
Mujeres
Fuente: Investigación de Empleo y Desempleo/Dieese.
Como se mencionó anteriormente, en lo que se refiere al nivel de empleo la crisis económica tuvo la capacidad de revertir, en el país, una tendencia a la baja del desempleo y de la generación de nuevos puestos de trabajo, especialmente en el sector formal. El gráfico 13 muestra, a partir de los datos de la PME, la inflexión registrada en las tasas de desempleo en los ocho meses posteriores a la crisis y en los ocho inmediatamente anteriores. De esta manera, mientras en el periodo de enero a agosto de 2008 se puede observar una disminución en la desocupación para todos los grupos investigados, menos en el de las mujeres negras, cuya variación fue nula, entre septiembre/2008 y abril/09 hay una subida significativa del desempleo para la población brasileña en general.
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Gráfico 13
Variación de la tasa de desempleo en períodos seleccionados, según sexo y color/ raza. Regiones metropolitanas, 2008 y 2009. 4,1%
24,1% 11,2% 21,3%
4,8%
Hombres
-5,0%
Mujeres
Ago08 / Ene08
12,5%
Mujeres blancas
0,0%
Mujeres negras
Abril09 / Sep08
Fuente: Encuesta Mensual de Empleo/IBGE.
Históricamente, las tasas de desempleo femeninas son siempre mucho más elevadas que las masculinas, tendencia ésta confirmada por los datos de la PME y de la PED, como se pudo observar en el gráfico 10. En el contexto de crisis, sin embargo, al parecer se produce un movimiento diferenciado: las tasas de desempleo masculinas tienden a elevarse más en términos relativos. De esta manera, para el periodo comprendido entre los meses inmediatamente posteriores a la crisis, hay un incremento de un 24% en la tasa de desempleo de los trabajadores del sexo masculino en las seis regiones metropolitanas investigadas por la PME, mientras que, para las trabajadoras, este valor es de 11,2% (véase el gráfico 13). En este grupo, las mujeres blancas presentaron una mayor ampliación del desempleo en el periodo (21,3%). De manera complementaria, es importante analizar los datos relativos a la ocupación, cuyas variaciones en los meses post-septiembre de 2008 fueron, de un modo general, negativas lo mismo para hombres que mujeres, pero nuevamente con variaciones relativas un poco más acentuadas en el caso de las mujeres (-3,13% contra -1,57%). En los años anteriores, la ocupación femenina creció más que la masculina en términos relativos. Es decir, al parecer la crisis puso freno a un proceso de feminización del mercado de trabajo, que había estado ocurriendo hasta aquel entonces. En el análisis por raza/color de las trabajadoras, se observa que, proporcionalmente, las mujeres negras fueron las que menos perdieron ocupaciones en el periodo, con lo que se confirman los datos relativos al desempleo (véase el gráfico 14).
impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
48
Gráfico 14
Variación del nivel de ocupación en períodos seleccionados, según sexo y color/raza. Regiones metropolitanas, 2008 y 2009. 4,0%
1,6%
3,3% 3,0%
- 1,6%
- 3,1%
Hombres
Mujeres Ago08 / Ene08
- 4,5%
- 1,8%
Mujeres blancas
Mujeres negras
Abril09 / Sep08
Fuente: Encuesta Mensual de Empleo/IBGE.
La observación de los datos de desempleo y ocupación parece revelar una contradicción, pues si la ocupación disminuye más entre las mujeres, lo normal sería un incremento más pronunciado del desempleo para este grupo en comparación con el de los trabajadores. Sin embargo, lo que justifica la menor elevación en la tasa de desempleo para las mujeres parece ser la inactividad que las afecta con más intensidad en el periodo de crisis. De este modo, las trabajadoras que pierden sus puestos de trabajo no se convierten necesariamente en desempleadas, pues desisten de buscar empleo y regresan a la inactividad. Estas mujeres no contribuyen, por lo tanto, al cálculo de la tasa de desempleo y, por tal motivo, las tasas masculinas terminan por revelarse más elevadas que las femeninas. Desagregando los datos por sectores de actividad económica, se observa que las reducciones más acentuadas en la ocupación femenina se dieron en la industria de extracción y de transformación, generación y distribución de electricidad, gas y agua (-8,38%), y en los sectores de comercio, reparación de vehículos y objetos personales (-5,82%). Entre los hombres, las principales reducciones relativas ocurrieron en servicios domésticos (-5,66%) y en la industria (-4,81%) (véase el gráfico 15). Al final, el sector más afectado en este primer momento de crisis fue la industria, tal como lo indican diversos estudios basados en datos del Caged y de las encuestas domiciliarias de empleo. Por lo tanto, lo normal para hombres y mujeres sería que ese sector registrara el mayor número de bajas. Lo interesante
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a respecto de la industria es que, a pesar de ser un campo de trabajo altamente masculinizado, fueron las trabajadoras quienes, proporcionalmente, más perdieron puestos de trabajo en este sector. Y entre estas mujeres, las negras fueron ligeramente más afectadas: -9,96% contra -7,73%, relativo a las blancas. Es decir, la crisis condujo a una consolidación del perfil masculino y blanco de la industria brasileña18. Gráfico 15
Variación del nivel de ocupación entre septiembre/2008 y abril/2009, según sexo y sector de actividad. Regiones metropolitanas.
- 4,8%
17,5%
3,0%
- 3,2%
- 5,8%
-1,3% 4,3% -1,3%
2,3%
0,7% -
- 5,7%
- 4,6%
- 3,0% - 8,4%
-
- 0,9% Industria, agua, luz y gas
Construcción civil
Comercio, reparación Intermediación financeira, Adm. Pública, de vehículos, etc actividades inmobiliarias salud, educación, etc
Hombre
Servicios domésticos
Otros servicios
Mujer
Fuente: Encuesta Mensual de Empleo/IBGE.
Otro aspecto relevante se refiere a las actividades de trabajo doméstico que, según el gráfico 15, registraron más despidos de hombres que de mujeres: -5,66% y -0,89%, respectivamente19. Al parecer estos datos muestran que el trabajo doméstico ejecutado por hombres no se configura como un bien de primera necesidad para las familias, es decir, es más fácil prescindir de su trabajo que del que realizan las mujeres. Ello se debe a las diferencias en la estructura del mercado de trabajo femenino y masculino, en el cual las actividades realizadas por trabajadores y trabajadoras domésticas son intrínsecamente distintas: mientras que a ellos les toca ser jardineros, 18. Según la PNAD 2007, el 17,4% de los trabajadores hombres y el 12,7% de las mujeres estaban empleados en el sector industrial. Si se considera la perspectiva de raza, el 11,4% de las mujeres negras y el 13,9% de las mujeres blancas se encontraban en ese sector. 19. La reducción del trabajo doméstico entre las mujeres se concentró totalmente en las de color/raza blanca. Para ellas, según datos de la PME, hubo una reducción de un 2,52% en el nivel de ocupación, mientras que para las negras el número total de trabajadoras en el sector fue constante, con un ligero crecimiento de un 0,06% para el periodo posterior a septiembre de 2008.
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impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
caseros y conductores, las mujeres cuidan la casa y a los niños, que se constituyen actividades fundamentales para la reproducción cotidiana de las familias. Renunciar al trabajo de esta empleada parece ser, por lo tanto, más difícil para las familias, y en especial para las mujeres, pues el trabajo denominado “reproductivo” les impone jornadas de trabajo más largas y más intensas, así como causa un impacto contundente en sus oportunidades de ingreso y permanencia en el mercado de trabajo. Por último, se puede notar que en los siete meses que siguieron a la instalación de la crisis económica en el país se dio una cierta sustitución de la mano de obra masculina por la femenina en la construcción civil. En efecto, los datos de la PME apuntan a una disminución de poco más del 3% en el conjunto de puestos ocupados por hombres en este sector, y registran, a la inversa, un aumento de 17% en la ocupación femenina. Este movimiento de feminización de la construcción civil ya se observaba en períodos anteriores: en el periodo de enero a agosto de 2008, el total de mujeres empleadas en el sector creció más del 23%, contra sólo el 6% entre los hombres. Por lo tanto, la crisis no produjo impactos en el sentido de revertir este fenómeno, sino que más bien disminuyó la velocidad del crecimiento de las ocupaciones masculina y femenina, con más intensidad para las primeras. Cabe mencionar también la existencia de movimientos con sentidos opuestos para trabajadoras blancas y negras en el sector de la construcción civil. En los ocho primeros meses de 2008 se podía observar un crecimiento en el nivel de ocupación significativamente más intenso para blancas que para negras: el 32,40% contra el 12,23%, respectivamente. Este proceso de “emblanquecimiento” de la fuerza de trabajo femenina de la construcción civil se intensificó en el periodo post septiembre, pues hubo un aumento en la ocupación para mujeres blancas (47,6%) y una reducción para las negras (-13,76%). Los detalles de la situación en el empleo son más reveladores aún. Fueron los/las trabajadores/as ocupados/as en puestos de trabajo de peor calidad quienes más perdieron sus empleos, lo que refuerza la fragilidad de las ocupaciones con poco o ningún vínculo laboral frente a cualquier escenario económico desfavorable (véase el gráfico 16). La principal reducción en la ocupación femenina se dio con las empleadas sin libreta firmada en el sector privado (-13,53%)20 lo que proporciona elementos para justificar una aparente divergencia de resultados entre la PME y el Caged, que apunta a una leve tendencia a la feminización del mercado de trabajo formal después de septiembre de 2008, como se mostrará a continuación21. Es decir, los despidos enfrentados por las mujeres en el periodo de crisis se dieron especialmente entre las que no tenían contrato formal. 20. Entre las mujeres negras, este porcentaje llega a 17,17%; entre las blancas, a 12%. 21. Cabe observar, sin embargo, que la divergencia persiste, pues las informaciones de la PME revelan un crecimiento del empleo formal entre los hombres y una reducción entre las mujeres, diferencia que se puede explicar, por ejemplo, por el hecho de que el Caged no se ocupa solo de las regiones metropolitanas, sino que abarca todo el territorio nacional.
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Gráfico 16
Variación del nivel de ocupación entre septiembre/2008 y abril/2009, según sexo y situación en el empleo. Regiones metropolitanas.
- 5,7%
0,2%
0,8%
- 3,7%
-0,6%
8,9% -10,1%
-2,2%
-0,9%
-13,7%
-2,7%
-3,4%
-13,5%
- 0,9%
Trab. Doméstico
Servicio público/militar
Com carteira
Sem carteira
Homem
Cuenta propria
Empleador
No remunerado
Mulher
Fuente: Encuesta Mensual de Empleo/IBGE.
En el mismo periodo, se registró un incremento en la ocupación femenina en el trabajo no remunerado, lo que indica que, en el contexto de esta crisis económica, los puestos de trabajo que se abrieron para las mujeres fueron los de naturaleza más precaria, para los cuales el trabajo que realizan no tiene remuneración. Una de las hipótesis es la de que las mujeres antes empleadas en otras ocupaciones, desempleadas o inactivas hayan tenido que participar en los emprendimientos familiares –ocupando quizás el lugar de trabajadores que tuvieron que ser despedidos– como colaboradoras, trabajando sin ganar por ello. Este, que era ya un escenario vivido históricamente por las mujeres22, se intensificó, revirtiendo una tendencia anterior de disminución (en el periodo de enero a agosto de 2008 se registró una baja de casi 17% en este tipo de ocupación y un crecimiento en las ocupaciones de más calidad –funcionarias públicas y empleadas con contrato formal) y reafirmando los valores sexistas que forman la base de la sociedad brasileña. Entre los/las trabajadores/as ocupados/as en la categoría empleadores, es decir, dueños de sus propios negocios, se observa una reducción en el nivel de ocupación 22. Lo mismo señal la sección 3.1 de este artículo.
52
impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
tanto para hombres como para mujeres, pero más intensa para ellas, de -0,94% y -2,75%, respectivamente. Entre las empleadoras negras, tal baja llega a un significativo 26,5%, mientras que entre las blancas se registra incluso la creación de este tipo de ocupación, que alcanzó poco más del 4%, en el periodo de septiembre/2008 a abril/2009. Ello nos permite suponer que la mayor precariedad de los emprendimientos femeninos y, entre estos, de aquellos cuyas dueñas son negras, sea el principal factor que explica las brechas observadas en este contexto de crisis internacional. Mientras tanto, para los trabajadores del sexo masculino el principal recorte de empleos después de septiembre de 2008 ocurrió precisamente en el grupo de los no remunerados, en casi 14%, intensificando el movimiento observado en los seis meses inmediatamente anteriores, cuando la reducción registrada en este tipo de ocupación fue del 3%. Hubo también una disminución significativa en el total de ocupados informales (-10,08%), que revierte la tendencia anterior al alza de este tipo de ocupación y, a diferencia de lo que se había observado para las ocupadas del sexo femenino, los puestos formales experimentaron un ligero crecimiento (0,82%), un poco más intenso que el registrado en los primeros ocho meses de 2008. De un modo general, de los datos de la PME y de la PED se desprende que la crisis de hecho tuvo impactos diferenciados por sexo y color/raza de los/las trabajadores/as. La estructura del mercado de trabajo brasileño, la manera como se segmenta por sexo y sus desigualdades determinan cómo el empleo para hombres y mujeres varía en contextos de contracción económica. A este respecto, al parecer existe un movimiento que frena la feminización del mercado de trabajo, caracterizado por un desplazamiento de las mujeres del mercado a la inactividad, mientras que los hombres siguen buscando empleo, contribuyendo de esta manera a la ampliación de sus tasas de desempleo. Además, se refuerza la precariedad del trabajo femenino, ya que los nuevos puestos generados en el contexto de crisis se concentran en el grupo de los no remunerados, mientras que para los hombres este tipo de trabajo disminuyó en el periodo. Cabe resaltar la importancia del empleo doméstico remunerado para la sociedad brasileña, ejercido por cerca del 17% de las mujeres ocupadas; aun en el escenario de crisis económica, prácticamente no hay variaciones en el nivel de ocupación de esta categoría, lo que reitera el carácter esencial de este trabajo para la reproducción de las familias y para el funcionamiento del país. La pérdida de empleo en la industria y la feminización de la construcción civil son también fenómenos que se observan en este contexto y merecen atención a lo largo de los próximos meses. Por último, cabe decir que los datos de las encuestas domiciliarias de empleo ponen en evidencia la brecha entre hombres y mujeres en materia de remuneración. Con la crisis, hubo una reducción general de los ingresos medios, pero no hay pruebas suficientes de que ésta haya sido más intensa para un grupo que para el otro.
CAPÍTULO 3
53
El mercado de trabajo formal: datos del Caged23
Los resultados presentados hasta aquí, basados en las encuestas domiciliarias de empleo, hicieron posible un análisis del mercado de trabajo global, es decir, tanto de las ocupaciones precarias y con poco vínculo y protección social, como de las que tienen más calidad y protección, incluso de la categoría de empleadores. No obstante, es interesante conocer en mayor detalle el funcionamiento del mercado de trabajo formal y cómo éste reacciona frente a una situación de crisis, ya que la destrucción de ocupaciones formales tiene consecuencias distintas tanto para trabajadores como para empresas, e incluso para el gobierno (menos impuestos y más gastos con, por ejemplo, la prestación por desempleo). Los datos del Caged permiten este tipo de análisis con mayor profundidad para el mercado formal, pues aportan datos sobre despidos y contrataciones para todos los trabajadores formales. A partir del cuadro 10, se observa claramente que los primeros efectos de la crisis internacional relacionados con el empleo formal fueron sentidos en la industria de transformación y en la construcción civil, lo que confirma el movimiento observado en los datos de la PME. Visto desde la perspectiva de género, este hecho merece suma atención. La industria de transformación y la construcción civil son, tradicionalmente, sectores de actividad económica masculinos. En este sentido, si hasta el momento los impactos de la crisis internacional sobre el empleo fueron observados con más intensidad en esos sectores, es normal, pues, que los hombres sean los más afectado. Tal como señala la PME, los datos del Caged confirman que, en términos absolutos, quienes más se vieron afectados por el desempleo en el sector industrial fueron los hombres. Como fue el sector más afectado por la crisis, los movimientos generales del empleo formal fueron determinados por el mismo. En ese contexto, en el periodo analizado se eliminaron 585.912 puestos de trabajo formales, de los cuales sólo 5.273 eran ocupados por mujeres (0,90%). En términos relativos, el stock de trabajadores hombres se redujo un 2,85% después del periodo de siete meses analizado, mientras que la reducción en el número de mujeres ocupadas en el mercado formal fue de sólo 0,05%. En ese sentido, se puede sugerir que existe una “feminización” del mercado de trabajo formal, en contraposición a la tendencia observada en el mercado metropolitano, a partir de la PME.
23. Los análisis relativos a los datos que provienen del Caged no contemplan la perspectiva de raza. Esto se debe a que el Caged es un registro administrativo que no aún no asegura el llenado adecuado del rubro color/raza.
impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
54
Cuadro 10
Variación absoluta y relativa* de puestos de trabajo formales, por subsectores de actividad económica, según sexo. Brasil, de oct/2007 a abril/2008 y de oct/2008 a abril/2009. Saldo CAGED - octubre/2007 a abril/2008 SUBSECTORES DE ACTIVIDAD ECONÓMICA
Hombre
Mujer
Saldo CAGED - octubre/2008 a abril/2009
Total
Hombre
Mujer
Total
Var. Absoluta
Var. Relativa1
Var. Absoluta
Var. Relativa1
Var. Absoluta
Var. Relativa1
Var. Absoluta
Var. Relativa1
Var. Absoluta
Var. Relativa1
Var. Absoluta
Var. Relativa1
Explotación minera
4.655
2,80%
984
5,55%
5.639
3,06%
-5.650
-3,17%
-268
-1,36%
-5.918
-2,99%
Industria manufacturera
-6,48%
71.637
1,40%
71.915
3,48%
143.552
2,00%
-397.992
-7,41%
-94.485
-4,22%
-492.477
Ind. productos minerales no metálicos
7.479
2,49%
1.348
3,54%
8.827
2,61%
-12.451
-3,91%
-329
-0,80%
-12.780
-3,55%
Ind. metalúrgica
34.180
5,51%
5.252
6,51%
39.432
5,63%
-67.032
-9,87%
-4.524
-4,95%
-71.556
-9,29%
Ind. Mecánica
28.791
7,18%
5.737
7,92%
34.528
7,29%
-41.745
-9,39%
-7.298
-8,73%
-49.043
-9,29%
Ind. material eléctrico y comunicación
8.210
4,71%
6.382
7,32%
14.592
5,58%
-16.262
-8,55%
-14.511
-14,62%
-30.773
-10,63% -11,03%
Ind. material transporte
23.212
5,38%
3.736
6,69%
26.948
5,53%
-53.203
-11,21%
-6.153
-9,71%
-59.356
Ind. madera y muebles
-8.251
-2,18%
1.463
1,82%
-6.788
-1,48%
-23.790
-6,39%
-3.618
-4,35%
-27.408
-6,02%
Ind. papel, editorial y gráfica
4.559
1,73%
3.389
3,18%
7.948
2,15%
-8.286
-3,04%
-2.632
-2,30%
-10.918
-2,82%
Ind. caucho, tabaco, pieles, asimilados
5.733
2,65%
3.725
4,00%
9.458
3,06%
-10.975
-4,94%
1.132
1,15%
-9.843
-3,07%
Ind. química, productos farmacéuticos, veterinarios, perfumería
8.026
1,66%
5.549
2,72%
13.575
1,97%
-22.747
-4,46%
-8.410
-3,84%
-31.157
-4,27%
Ind. textil, vestimenta y artefactos de tela
496
0,14%
10.306
1,80%
10.802
1,15%
-18.879
-5,00%
-24.400
-4,02%
-43.279
-4,40%
Ind. calzados
-254
-0,15%
7.023
4,30%
6.769
2,07%
-16.806
-9,83%
-15.770
-8,83%
-32.576
-9,32%
Ind. productos alimenticios, bebidas y alcohol etílico
-40.544
-3,12%
18.005
3,50%
-22.539
-1,24%
-105.816
-7,93%
-7.972
-1,43%
-113.788
-6,01%
Servicios industriales de utilidad pública
4.987
1,75%
1.376
2,50%
6.363
1,88%
-699
-0,24%
657
1,14%
-42
-0,01%
Construcción civil
125.251
8,34%
10.089
9,63%
135.340
8,43%
-63.082
-3,54%
3.745
2,96%
-59.337
-3,11%
Comercio
135.836
3,38%
111.732
4,25%
247.568
3,73%
5.855
0,14%
46.423
1,63%
52.278
0,74%
Comercio minorista
105.109
3,26%
97.191
4,20%
202.300
3,65%
3.909
0,11%
42.000
1,68%
45.909
0,78%
Comercio mayorista
30.727
3,86%
14.541
4,67%
45.268
4,09%
1.946
0,23%
4.423
1,29%
6.369
0,54%
Servicios
213.976
3,36%
185.418
3,63%
399.394
3,48%
27.537
0,41%
99.302
1,81%
126.839
1,03%
Instituciones de crédito, seguros y ahorros
7.599
2,27%
8.883
2,50%
16.482
2,39%
-1.436
-0,41%
-165
-0,04%
-1.601
-0,22%
Serv. com. y adm. inmuebles, valores mobiliarios, serv. Técnico
90.063
3,87%
80.771
6,57%
170.834
4,81%
-2.483
-0,10%
22.479
1,64%
19.996
0,52%
Serv. transportes y comunicación
33.135
2,12%
3.500
1,09%
36.635
1,94%
-1.495
-0,09%
7.094
2,12%
5.599
0,28%
Serv. de alojamiento, alimentación, reparación, mantenimiento
66.007
4,56%
55.180
3,39%
121.187
3,94%
15.823
1,02%
27.369
1,58%
43.192
1,31%
Serv. médicos, odontológicos y veterinarios
9.412
3,40%
25.917
2,98%
35.329
3,08%
9.205
3,11%
30.168
3,26%
39.373
3,23%
Serv. educación
7.760
1,82%
11.167
1,59%
18.927
1,68%
7.923
1,79%
12.357
1,69%
20.280
1,73%
Administración pública directa e indirecta
2.978
0,90%
7.346
1,59%
10.324
1,30%
-1.416
-0,42%
-1.186
-0,25%
-2.602
-0,32%
Agropecuaria
-72.207
-5,45%
-16.611
-7,24%
-88.818
-5,71%
-145.192 -10,71%
-59.461
-22,48% -204.653 -12,63%
Total
487.113
2,55%
372.249
3,49%
859.362
2,89%
-580.639
-5.273
-0,05%
-2,85%
-585.912
-1,84%
Fuente: MTE, CAGED. Elaboración: DISOC/IPEA. Nota: * La variación relativa se refiere al saldo neto de contrataciones y despidos del periodo analizado dividido por el stock estimado de trabajadores regidos por la CLT al inicio del mismo periodo. Para estimar el stock de trabajadores cuyo contratos son regidos por la CLT al inicio de octubre de cada año, se tomó el stock de trabajadores CLT en actividad en diciembre de 2007, obtenido de la RAIS, y se ajustó ese resultado en base al comportamiento de empleo del CAGED. Por ejemplo, el stock al inicio de octubre del 2007 equivale al stock de trabajadores activos cuyos contratos son regidos por la CLT en diciembre del 2007 restado al saldo neto del CAGED en el periodo de octubre del 2007 la diciembre de 2007.
CAPÍTULO 3
55
En los sectores de la industria de transformación y de construcción civil, se observa que las mujeres fueron menos afectadas en lo que se refiere al nivel de ocupación. A comienzos de octubre de 2008, el 70,58% de los puestos de trabajo de la industria de transformación estaban ocupados por hombres. Transcurridos siete meses desde que estalló la crisis internacional, la participación de los hombres en el sector bajó un 0,71%, lo que indica que el número de puestos de trabajo ocupados por mujeres en la industria disminuyó menos que proporcionalmente respecto a la reducción del número de puestos ocupados por hombres. En efecto, la reducción en el número de hombres ocupados en la industria fue del 7,41%, mientras que en el número de mujeres fue del 4,22%, como se puede observar en el cuadro a continuación. Este proceso de “feminización” del empleo formal es aun más curioso en la construcción civil. En el periodo analizado, el resultado neto de contrataciones menos despidos en el sector fue de -59.337. Desagregando este resultado por sexo, se observa que la reducción de puestos de trabajo ocupados por hombres fue de 63.082. Es decir, en el mismo periodo, el número de puestos ocupados por mujeres en la construcción civil aumentó en 3.745, una sustitución de hombres por mujeres como la que apuntaron los datos de la PME. En términos relativos, se observa una disminución de un 3,54% en el stock de hombres en la construcción civil, mientras que la ampliación en el número de mujeres ocupadas en el mismo fue de 2,96%. Sin embargo, estas conclusiones bastante generales no reflejan lo que ocurrió en todas las áreas de actividad de la industria. En la industria de material eléctrico y de comunicaciones, por ejemplo, el stock de mujeres ocupadas disminuyó un 14,62% entre octubre de 2008 y abril de 2009, mientras que el número de hombre ocupados bajó un 8,55%, lo que apunta a un movimiento inverso al observado en la industria de transformación. Además, se debe considerar que, pese a ser éste un sector prioritariamente masculino, en algunos subsectores las mujeres tienen una participación importante, lo que tal vez signifique un gran número de despidos de mujeres, aunque en menor proporción que la registrada para hombres. Eso fue lo que pasó en las industrias textil y de calzados, en las que respectivamente el 61,64% y el 51,10% del total de trabajadores, a comienzos de octubre de 2008, eran mujeres. En esos dos subsectores de la industria, en los últimos siete meses fueron eliminadas 40.170 plazas femeninas formales. Otro sector que presentó fuerte contracción en el stock de empleos formales en el periodo analizado fue el de la agropecuaria. En total, se perdieron 204.653 puestos de trabajo, de los cuales 59.461 (29,05%) eran ocupados por mujeres. Pero tal resultado no se debe atribuir sólo a la crisis internacional. Al menos buena parte de esa contracción del empleo formal se explica por factores estacionales,
56
impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
en especial la contraestación de la caña de azúcar. En el periodo comprendido entre octubre de 2007 y abril de 2008, el resultado registrado fue de -88.818 plazas. Es decir, aunque el resultado esperado para el sector agropecuario en ese periodo fuese negativo, su magnitud en los últimos siete meses fue bastante expresiva. Es interesante observar también que los recortes de este sector tampoco fueron imparciales respecto a la composición del empleo por sexo. La disminución del número de puestos de trabajo ocupados por mujeres (-22,48%) estuvo, en términos relativos, bastante por encima de la registrada para hombres (-10,71%). Con ello, en los siete últimos meses la participación de las mujeres en el empleo del sector agropecuario bajó un 1,84%. Los sectores terciarios (comercio y servicios) registraron un crecimiento del empleo formal en el periodo analizado. Sin embargo, ello no significa que estos no fueron afectados por la crisis internacional. Si comparamos los resultados de los últimos siete meses con los registrados entre octubre de 2007 y abril de 2008, se advierte que los primeros fueron bastante tímidos. En el comercio, es ese período fueron creados 247.568 puestos de trabajo, mientras que de octubre de 2008 a abril de 2009 esa cifra fue de sólo 52.278. En cambio, en los servicios fueron 399.394 contra 126.839. De todos modos, esos fueron los sectores con el mayor número de nuevos empleos en los últimos siete meses, en especial para mujeres. En el comercio, prácticamente todos los nuevos puestos de trabajo fueron ocupados por mujeres: 46.423 (88,80%) de un total de 52.278 nuevos puestos. En los servicios, del total de 126.839 nuevas plazas en los últimos siete meses, 99.302 (78,29%) fueron ocupadas por mujeres. En ese contexto, la participación de las mujeres en los sectores terciarios creció en el periodo (como esos sectores tienen un gran stock de puestos, la “feminización” del trabajo formal no provocó una alteración importante en la composición del empleo según sexo). En el comercio, la participación de las mujeres aumentó un 0,36%; en los servicios, un 0,34%. Los datos analizados hasta ahora revelan que la crisis internacional afectó al mercado de trabajo formal de manera distinta, con más intensidad en la industria de transformación y la construcción civil. En consecuencia, los trabajadores hombres fueron despedidos en mayor número, ya que esos sectores de actividad económica son tradicionalmente masculinos. Cabe resaltar que la crisis internacional no fue superada aún y que si se confirman las señales de estancamiento de la economía, la tendencia es que el empleo en otros sectores también sea afectado, incluso el servicio doméstico, predominantemente femenino. En este sentido, se debería hacer el seguimiento de los próximos acontecimientos en el mercado de trabajo formal, con un enfoque en las distinciones entre trabajadores por sexo.
CAPÍTULO 3
57
Las conclusiones que se sacaron hasta aquí sugieren también que hacer el seguimiento de la dinámica del mercado de trabajo en este contexto de crisis implica no sólo una reflexión sobre los niveles de ocupación y de desempleo, sino también una discusión sobre las estrategias del empresariado en relación con los criterios de despido y contratación de trabajadores. El ambiente de incertidumbre fruto de la crisis puede conducir a los empresarios a optar por empleos más precarios. En la práctica, eso puede representar, por ejemplo, una sustitución de salarios altos por salarios más bajos. La “feminización” del mercado de trabajo formal observada en el periodo analizado, en este sentido, puede ser una expresión de tal movimiento. No cabe duda de que se debe reconocer el mercado de trabajo brasileño se está “feminizando”, y de que este fenómeno representa, sobre todo, la emancipación de la mujer. No obstante, es bastante probable que la sustitución de trabajadores del sexo masculino por mujeres en la proporción observada en este estudio esté revelando una estrategia de precarización del empleo en el contexto de crisis. Como se sabe, la discriminación de mujeres sigue muy presente en el mercado de trabajo brasileño y se manifiesta principalmente en la forma de salarios más bajos que los de los hombres. Los datos del cuadro 11 confirman que, en el periodo de octubre de 2008 a abril de 2009, los salarios iniciales de las mujeres fueron claramente más bajos que los de los hombres para un mismo nivel de educación alcanzado, en cualquier sector/subsector de actividad de la economía, indistintamente de su composición predominantemente masculina o femenina. Tal brecha salarial se acentuó más aún con niveles de educación más elevados, en los que el salario inicial de las mujeres corresponde, en promedio, al 65,39% de lo que ganan inicialmente los hombres.
impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
58
Cuadro 11
Ratio entre el salario medio de las trabajadoras y de los trabajadores contratados formalmente, por subsectores de actividad económica, según el nivel de nivel de educación alcanzado. Brasil, oct/2008 a abril/2009. Salario Medio de los Trabajadores Contratados - Mujeres/ Hombres (em %) SUBSECTORES DE ACTIVIDAD ECONÓMICA "Hasta 8 años de estudio (ens. fundamental)"
Entre 9 y 11 años de estudio (medio completo)
12 o más años de estudio (carrera univ. iniciada)
Explotación minera
74,97%
82,67%
63,90%
Industria manufacturera
83,61%
76,84%
61,48%
Ind. productos minerales no metálicos
90,40%
90,98%
56,01%
Ind. metalúrgica
76,09%
78,70%
59,04%
Ind. Mecánica
63,21%
75,31%
62,87%
Ind. material eléctrico y comunicación
77,38%
79,33%
60,04%
Ind. material transporte
73,11%
80,40%
64,53%
Ind. madera y muebles
86,13%
87,46%
67,96%
Ind. papel, editorial y gráfica
81,62%
81,66%
75,53%
Ind. caucho, tabaco, pieles, asimilados
83,53%
80,79%
64,61%
Ind. química, productos farmacéuticos, veterinarios, perfumería
86,20%
82,22%
67,88%
Ind. textil, vestimenta y artefactos de tela
90,79%
89,33%
64,09%
Ind. calzados
87,26%
83,41%
65,66%
Ind. productos alimenticios, bebidas y alcohol etílico
89,90%
82,60%
65,00%
Servicios industriales de utilidad pública
86,92%
86,79%
67,04%
Construcción civil
79,83%
86,26%
63,42%
Comercio
87,38%
89,22%
70,58%
Comercio minorista
87,56%
90,40%
77,81%
Comercio mayorista
88,43%
89,53%
67,74%
Servicios
76,35%
82,26%
69,61%
Instituciones de crédito, seguros y ahorros
68,91%
85,50%
68,61%
Serv. com. y adm. inmuebles, valores mobiliarios, serv. Técnico
76,82%
80,95%
63,63%
Serv. transportes y comunicación
69,57%
79,25%
68,86%
Serv. de alojamiento, alimentación, reparación, mantenimiento
82,92%
82,96%
80,04%
Serv. médicos, odontológicos y veterinarios
86,99%
89,08%
72,23%
Serv. educación
86,24%
83,54%
85,35%
Administración pública directa e indirecta
76,35%
72,91%
60,93%
Agropecuaria Total
87,84%
82,46%
63,10%
80,63%
81,26%
65,39%
Fonte: MTE, CAGED. Elaboração: DISOC/IPEA.
Por lo tanto, el momento actual de crisis económica parece imponer más desafíos en lo que se refiere a la compatibilización del acceso de las mujeres al trabajo, paso éste que forma parte del proceso de emancipación femenina y que contrarresta las formas de dominación patriarcal en el espacio doméstico, con la eliminación de las desigualdades que existen en la división sexual del trabajo.
CAPÍTULO 4
59
4 Consideraciones finales En un contexto de economía mundializada, en el que inversiones, capitales, personas y empresas de decenas de países se relacionan directamente, se desplazan, se mezclan y se afectan, resulta difícil que una crisis financiera y económica detonada en un país central no sea sentida en muchos otros. La crisis actual que estalló en los Estados Unidos en 2008 comenzó a ser sentida en los últimos meses en Brasil. A pesar de un contexto interno que permite que esos efectos sean considerablemente menores que lo que nos podría ocurrir y de lo que está sucediendo a otras economías, nuestro mercado de trabajo está sufriendo sus impactos en diversos sectores. De manera general, se puede decir que los movimientos de expansión del empleo y de formalización que se estaban produciendo desde 2004 en el mercado de trabajo brasileño fueron frenados, y que los sectores primario y secundario de la economía fueron los más afectados. Varias instituciones han estado dedicándose a este tipo de análisis en los últimos meses. El objetivo del presente documento fue analizar los datos recientes desde la perspectiva de las relaciones de género. Considerando que hombres y mujeres tienen una participación bastante diferente en el mundo laboral, probablemente serán afectados en el contexto de crisis de distinta manera. Esta hipótesis inicial se confirmó con el examen de los datos de las encuestas mensuales de empleo y del registro de despidos y contrataciones del Ministerio del Trabajo y Empleo. Como se ha visto, se puso un freno al proceso de feminización del mercado de trabajo observado en los últimos años. Aunque los hombres sean más numerosos entre los despidos del sector formal, y esto porque los sectores de actividad de la economía más afectados –industria de la transformación y construcción civil– son tradicionalmente masculinos, de un modo general más mujeres salieron del mercado de trabajo. La población que se encuentra disponible en el mercado (ocupada o que busca trabajo) se masculinizó en el periodo en que sobrevinieron los principales impactos de la crisis. Cada sector de actividad económica tiene sus propios mecanismos de reacción, así como se comportan de distinta manera los sectores más o menos estructurados de la economía. A pesar de la limitación de los datos y de la propia naturaleza coyuntural del análisis, incapaz de captar todas las tendencias y movimientos existentes, las informaciones disponibles sugieren que puede estar produciéndose una precarización general del empleo a consecuencia de la crisis, la que se manifiesta en el aumento de la inactividad y también del número de mujeres en puestos más precarios, como trabajo no remunerado y trabajo informal. Por otra parte, cabe mencionar las pruebas del proceso en curso de “feminización” del mercado de trabajo formal, que si por un lado es positivo, por otro puede significar una estrategia del empresariado para contratar de forma más precaria.
60
impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
El periodo cubierto por este análisis aún es corto para una evaluación definitiva de las consecuencias sobre hombres y mujeres de este escenario de contracción económica. Es importante hacer el seguimiento del mercado de trabajo en los próximos meses para verificar si las tendencias señaladas aquí tendrán continuidad. En este sentido, aunque los sectores de la industria y de la construcción civil sean los más afectados en este primer momento, cabe señalar que la sucesión de efectos en la economía puede, en un futuro próximo, producir impactos también en otros sectores cuya presencia femenina es significativa, como en el de servicios o de comercio. En las últimas décadas, el sector de servicios fue el que más expandió el empleo y más contribuyó para la generación de puestos de trabajo, registrándose un crecimiento sistemático de su participación en el empleo urbano. Este proceso de terciarización de la economía brasileña estuvo marcado por la dualidad: se expandieron tanto los servicios tradicionales como los nuevos servicios, pero es indiscutible el significativo papel de estas actividades para el empleo. En tiempos de crisis económica, cabe destacar la característica de “colchón anticíclico” del sector de servicios. Sin embargo, se debe ser consciente de que la heterogeneidad que marca las distintas dinámicas de sus actividades implica desprotección laboral. Para las mujeres, este significado es todavía más fuerte, pues esta flexibilidad da lugar a una triste complementariedad entre el trabajo productivo de bienes materiales y el que es responsable de la reproducción de la vida, que cristaliza la invisibilidad del trabajo femenino. Muchos estudios internacionales han concluido que la igualdad entre mujeres y hombres es un elemento no solo de consolidación de los derechos de la ciudadanía, sino también de desarrollo económico y social24. A fin de promover la igualdad de género, es fundamental asegurar oportunidades para el acceso, permanencia y ascenso de hombres y mujeres en el mundo laboral. El trabajo de las mujeres debe ser valorizado en todas sus formas, y hombres y mujeres deben tener oportunidades y derechos iguales. En este sentido, es sumamente importante comprender los efectos diferenciados de la actual crisis económica en los distintos grupos de la población, puesto que vivimos en un escenario en el que peligran los logros –unos más tímidos, otros menos– de los últimos años en materia de reducción de la distancia existente entre hombres y mujeres. Es necesario, pues, evitar que los efectos de la crisis se agraven y malogren las victorias en el campo de la promoción de la igualdad y de la disminución de las injustificables discriminaciones contra las mujeres brasileñas en el mundo del trabajo. 24. Un reflejo de esto es la inclusión del objetivo “promover la igualdad entre los sexos y la autonomía de las mujeres” en los Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio, de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas, pactados por centenares de países en el año 2000.
CAPÍTULO 5
61
5 ReferEncias bibliográficas ABRAMO, Lais W. A inserção da mulher no mercado de trabalho: uma força de trabalho secundária? Tese (Doutorado em Sociologia) – Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas, Universidade de São Paulo. São Paulo, 2007. DIESSE/CESIT, Departamento Intersindical de Estatísticas e Estudos Socioeconômicos e Centro de Estudos Sindicais e de Economia e Trabalho/UNICAMP (orgs.). O trabalho no setor terciário: emprego e desenvolvimento tecnológico. São Paulo: DIESSE/ CESIT, 2005. GUTIERREZ, J.P. El crecimiento de los servicios: causas, repercusiones y políticas. Madrid: Alianje Editorial, 1993. INSTITUTO Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE). Pesquisa Mensal de Emprego: principais destaques da evolução do mercado de trabalho nas regiões metropolitanas abrangidas pela pesquisa, 2009 (mimeo). INSTITUTO de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada (IPEA). A crise internacional e as possíveis repercussões. Brasília: Ipea, 2009a. (Comunicados da Presidência, n. 16) INSTITUTO de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada (IPEA). Crise internacional: impactos sobre o emprego no Brasil e o debate para a constituição de uma nova ordem global. Brasília: Ipea, 2009b. (Comunicados da Presidência, n.21) MELO, Hildete Pereira de et alli. Os serviços no Brasil. Brasília: Ministério da Indústria, do Comércio e do Turismo, ANPEC, IPEA, FESESP, 1998. MELO, Hildete Pereira de & CASTILHO, Marta. O trabalho reprodutivo no Brasil: quem faz? Revista de Economia Contemporânea. IE/UFRJ, vol. 13, 2009. MELO, Hildete Pereira de & OLIVEIRA, André Barbosa. Mercado de Trabalho e Previdência Social: um olhar de gênero. Anais do Encontro Nacional de Estudos Populacionais (ABEP). Caxambu, MG, 2008. PÉREZ SEDEÑO, Eulália (ed.). Las mujeres en el sistema de ciencia y tecnología: estudios de casos. Cuadernos de Iberoamérica. Madrid: OEI, 2001. PINHEIRO, L.; FONTOURA, N.; QUERINO, A.; BONETTI, A.; ROSA, W. Retrato das desigualdades de gênero e raça. 3ª edição. Brasília: Ipea, SPM, Unifem, 2008, 36p.
CAPÍTULO 6
63
6 Anexo – Datos estadísticos Cuadro 1
Población ocupada de 10 años o más, por subsectores de servicios, según color/raza y sexo. Brasil, 2007. Subsectores de servicios
Color/raza Indígena
Blanca
Negra
Amarilla
Moreno
No decl.
Total
5.923
7.986.426
Homem Comercio
16.438
4.334.219
549.532
60.839
3.019.475
Transportes
10.275
1.544.375
228.446
11.280
1.207.085
0
3.001.461
Comunicaciones
217
229.274
32.739
1.309
130.097
0
393.636
Inst. financ.
632
369.806
24.535
7.017
97.965
0
499.955
Adm. pública
16.486
1.952.070
288.771
20.512
1.413.103
676
3.691.618
Técn. prof.
5.846
1.060.589
93.067
18.068
443.562
2.072
1.623.204
Serv. pr. empr.
7.999
1.284.830
302.178
11.288
1.115.542
869
2.722.706
Serv. sociales
3.379
1.022.892
144.612
16.221
537.212
1.167
1.725.483
Rep. y cons.
6.873
953.908
186.924
10.454
831.690
613
1.990.462
Aloj. y alim.
5.236
789.604
128.362
9.695
681.765
455
1.615.117
Dom. remun.
1.936
167.821
45.158
363
202.475
508
418.261
Serv. personales
7.021
376.705
68.495
3.579
280.148
411
736.359
Serv. distr.
764
117.199
29.856
1.528
91.398
0
240.745
Total
83.102
14.203.292
2.122.675
172.153
10.051.517
12.694
26.645.433
Comercio
13.252
3.536.052
361.361
53.883
2.268.190
2.572
6.235.310
Transportes
918
155.527
15.396
2.164
79.209
0
253.214
Comunicaciones
1.551
146.495
17.013
2.129
71.094
0
238.282
Inst. financ.
949
361.171
20.942
9.167
96.064
0
488.293
Adm. pública
14.004
3.081.053
374.495
32.314
1.876.617
0
5.378.483
Técn. prof.
1.132
809.487
70.165
10.000
287.639
993
1.179.416
Mujer
Serv. pr. empr.
5.803
601.807
81.708
4.371
317.196
451
1.011.336
Serv. sociales
11.312
2.120.665
234.204
24.135
961.001
1.328
3.352.645
Rep. y cons.
509
78.371
5.369
414
34.036
233
118.932
Aloj. y alim.
8.323
827.782
148.811
9.424
739.921
1.568
1.735.829
Dom. remun.
22.074
2.436.955
848.410
21.533
2.984.472
0
6.313.444
Serv. personales
10.773
1.297.728
215.840
22.687
945.439
233
2.492.700
Serv. distr.
0
44.674
4.309
0
15.865
0
64.848
Total
90.600
15.497.767
2.398.023
192.221
10.676.743
7.378
28.862.732
Total
impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
64
Color/raza
Subsectores de servicios
Indígena
Blanca
Negra
Amarilla
Moreno
No decl.
Total
Comercio
29.690
7.870.271
910.893
114.722
5.287.665
8.495
14.221.736
Transportes
11.193
1.699.902
243.842
13.444
1.286.294
0
3.254.675
Comunicaciones
1.768
375.769
49.752
3.438
201.191
0
631.918
Inst. financ.
1.581
730.977
45.477
16.184
194.029
0
988.248
Adm. pública
30.490
5.033.123
663.266
52.826
3.289.720
676
9.070.101
Técn. prof.
6.978
1.870.076
163.232
28.068
731.201
3.065
2.802.620
Serv. pr. empr.
13.802
1.886.637
383.886
15.659
1.432.738
1.320
3.734.042
Serv. sociales
14.691
3.143.557
378.816
40.356
1.498.213
2.495
5.078.128
Rep. y cons.
7.382
1.032.279
192.293
10.868
865.726
846
2.109.394
Aloj. y alim.
13.559
1.617.386
277.173
19.119
1.421.686
2.023
3.350.946
Dom. remun.
24.010
2.604.776
893.568
21.896
3.186.947
508
6.731.705
Serv. personales
17.794
1.674.433
284.335
26.266
1.225.587
644
3.229.059
Serv. distr.
764
161.873
34.165
1.528
107.263
0
305.593
Total
173.702
29.701.059
4.520.698
364.374
20.728.260
20.072
55.508.165
Fuente: PNAD/IBGE, microdatos, 2007. Elaboración propia. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
Cuadro 2
Población ocupada de 10 años o más, por subsectores de servicios, según edad y sexo. Brasil, 2007. Subsectores de servicios
Rangos de edad (en años) 10 a 14
15 a 17
18 a 24
25 a 29
30 a 39
40 a 49
50 a 59
60 a 64
65 o más
Total
Hombre Comercio
145.950
347.018 1.666.604 1.156.997 1.855.287 1.452.728 906.358
211.409
244.075 7.986.426
Transportes
23.434
45.845
342.681
361.716
813.000
776.941
480.878
95.802
61.164
3.001.461
Comunicaciones
0
5.701
92.455
81.242
107.055
66.084
37.861
1.869
1.369
393.636
Inst. financ.
0
6.752
94.360
92.200
116.665
129.041
49.020
8.179
3.738
499.955
Adm. pública
2.571
41.867
463.130
438.462
959.607
988.568
599.350
130.274
67.789
3.691.618
Técn. prof.
5.874
51.086
332.115
269.851
406.276
263.975
195.915
52.671
45.441
1.623.204
Serv. pr. empr.
24.935
52.385
399.744
373.082
737.426
613.218
357.207
84.724
79.985
2.722.706
Serv. sociales
13.072
42.354
294.338
257.432
420.100
340.860
221.901
66.917
68.509
1.725.483
Rep. y cons.
41.209
126.406
376.839
252.025
474.227
394.816
220.548
55.664
48.728
1.990.462
Aloj. y alim.
38.311
90.865
333.967
208.988
334.039
281.450
221.200
55.866
50.431
1.615.117
Dom. remun.
8.390
17.424
42.209
53.740
103.488
78.722
66.482
26.134
21.672
418.261
Serv. personales 11.000
24.795
143.557
118.006
183.435
127.414
76.530
25.208
26.414
736.359
5.371
42.403
39.682
69.298
53.379
22.830
2.897
4.661
240.745
Serv. distr.
224
Total
314.970
857.869 4.624.402 3.703.423 6.579.903 5.567.196 3.456.080 817.614
723.976 26.645.433
CAPÍTULO 6
Subsectores de servicios
65
Rangos de edad (en años) 10 a 14
15 a 17
18 a 24
25 a 29
30 a 39
40 a 49
50 a 59
60 a 64
65 o más
Total
Mujer Comercio
80.556
181.995 1.440.585 1.051.528 1.522.694 1.141.559 576.594
120.996
118.803 6.235.310
Transportes
949
8.750
48.148
42.055
71.463
61.630
17.460
1.930
829
253.214
Comunicaciones
949
3.621
81.450
58.661
57.583
26.385
7.596
1.812
225
238.282
117.471
92.518
30.580
Inst. financ.
0
17.328
140.179
88.638
1.127
452
488.293
Adm. pública
2.649
30.269
464.281
638.819 1.474.045 1.662.791 928.913
128.707
48.009
5.378.483
Técn. prof.
3.430
37.890
285.824
232.293
292.862
197.518
107.304
11.645
10.650
1.179.416
Serv. pr. empr.
4.330
19.616
171.367
157.205
282.608
225.267
119.778
17.411
13.754
1.011.336
Serv. sociales
13.169
70.088
591.692
563.799
910.455
728.662
353.420
65.458
55.902
3.352.645
Rep. y cons.
2.274
5.923
25.080
15.831
32.319
27.286
7.075
2.633
511
118.932
Aloj. y alim.
21.182
61.351
310.996
223.156
460.800
385.407
208.769
34.160
30.008
1.735.829
Dom. remun.
98.566
260.142
837.655
748.002 1.750.638 1.579.390 808.398
137.370
93.283
6.313.444
Serv. personales 18.943
67.077
333.681
299.197
642.683
554.564
383.170
98.395
94.990
2.492.700
554
21.763
14.199
14.075
8.121
4.874
619
643
64.848
Serv. distr.
0
Total
246.997
764.604 4.752.701 4.133.383 7.629.696 6.691.098 3.553.931 622.263
468.059 28.862.732
Total Comercio
226.506
529.013 3.107.189 2.208.525 3.377.981 2.594.287 1.482.952 332.405
362.878 14.221.736
Transportes
24.383
54.595
390.829
403.771
884.463
Comunicaciones
949
9.322
173.905
139.903
Inst. financ.
0
24.080
234.539
180.838
838.571
498.338
97.732
61.993
3.254.675
164.638
92.469
45.457
3.681
1.594
631.918
234.136
221.559
79.600
9.306
4.190
988.248
Adm. pública
5.220
72.136
927.411 1.077.281 2.433.652 2.651.359 1.528.263 258.981
115.798 9.070.101
Técn. prof.
9.304
88.976
617.939
502.144
461.493
303.219
64.316
56.091
2.802.620
Serv. pr. empr.
29.265
72.001
571.111
530.287 1.020.034 838.485
476.985
102.135
93.739
3.734.042
Serv. sociales
26.241
112.442
886.030
821.231 1.330.555 1.069.522 575.321
132.375
124.411 5.078.128
Rep. y cons.
43.483
132.329
401.919
267.856
506.546
422.102
227.623
58.297
49.239
2.109.394
Aloj. y alim.
59.493
152.216
644.963
432.144
794.839
666.857
429.969
90.026
80.439
3.350.946
Dom. remun.
106.956
277.566
879.864
801.742 1.854.126 1.658.112 874.880
163.504
114.955 6.731.705
Serv. personales 29.943
91.872
477.238
417.203
826.118
681.978
459.700
123.603
121.404 3.229.059
5.925
64.166
53.881
83.373
61.500
27.704
3.516
Serv. distr. Total
224
699.138
5.304
305.593
561.967 1.622.473 9.377.103 7.836.806 14.209.599 12.258.294 7.010.011 1.439.877 1.192.035 55.508.165
Fuente: PNAD/IBGE, microdatos, 2007. Elaboración propia. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
66
Cuadro 3
Población ocupada de 10 años o más, por subsectores de servicios, según nivel de educación alcanzado y sexo. Brasil, 2007. Grupos de nivel de educación alcanzado (en años de estudio)
Subsectores de servicios
0
1a4
5a8
9 a 11
Comercio
409.451
1.210.931
2.214.664
3.200.700
Transportes
142.918
680.735
1.044.366
966.792
81.084
Comunicaciones
2.412
18.983
52.084
203.333
52.101
12 a 14
15 o más
No det.
Total
468.172
32.413
7.986.426
76.144
9.422
3.001.461
62.503
2.220
393.636
Hombre 450.095
Inst. financ.
2.909
13.967
23.128
151.128
104.944
203.422
457
499.955
Adm. pública
105.872
342.446
471.565
1.433.691
415.091
912.713
10.240
3.691.618
Técn. prof.
20.677
63.965
159.999
591.151
200.176
585.688
1.548
1.623.204
Serv. prest. empr.
199.828
524.039
710.319
973.195
126.414
175.793
13.118
2.722.706
Serv. sociales
52.192
164.325
265.792
542.270
194.642
501.042
5.220
1.725.483
Rep. y cons.
89.896
390.903
786.962
644.537
37.451
30.050
10.663
1.990.462
Aloj. y alim.
86.813
327.664
524.297
565.309
59.064
46.319
5.651
1.615.117
Dom. remun.
69.972
153.320
126.376
63.959
1.851
411
2.372
418.261
Serv. personales
23.960
107.751
213.370
309.598
39.688
38.617
3.375
736.359
Serv. distr.
11.618
41.032
56.845
76.915
21.857
31.209
1.269
240.745
Total
1.218.518
4.040.061
6.649.767
9.722.578
1.784.458
3.132.083
97.968
26.645.433
Comercio
229.960
690.631
1.288.373
3.156.613
401.285
36.545
6.235.310
Mujer 431.903
Transportes
4.286
19.530
45.921
120.805
32.975
29.697
0
253.214
Comunicaciones
1.546
1.058
14.222
141.950
37.222
41.641
643
238.282
Inst. financ.
517
3.125
16.973
169.914
104.735
193.029
0
488.293
Adm. pública
89.380
307.939
437.540
1.733.191
868.795
1.918.331
23.307
5.378.483
Técn. prof.
10.790
27.048
85.719
486.251
179.501
386.683
3.424
1.179.416
Serv. prest. empr.
45.652
117.942
205.648
397.276
97.005
140.353
7.460
1.011.336
Serv. sociales
54.333
208.251
365.547
1.298.339
461.600
953.808
10.767
3.352.645
Rep. y cons.
3.563
9.713
28.443
63.719
6.007
6.202
1.285
118.932
Aloj. y alim.
95.698
322.326
569.773
622.178
59.784
54.140
11.930
1.735.829
Dom. remun.
590.751
1.904.196
2.396.188
1.331.533
24.884
10.276
55.616
6.313.444
Serv. personales
113.000
419.759
805.224
962.730
94.958
83.519
13.510
2.492.700
Serv. distr.
946
4.234
3.646
21.552
16.347
17.492
631
64.848
Total
1.240.422
4.035.752
6.263.217
10.506.051
2.415.716
4.236.456
165.118
28.862.732
Total
CAPÍTULO 6
67
Grupos de nivel de educación alcanzado (en años de estudio)
Subsectores de servicios
0
1a4
5a8
9 a 11
12 a 14
15 o más
No det.
Total
Comercio
639.411
1.901.562
3.503.037
6.357.313
881.998
869.457
68.958
14.221.736
Transportes
147.204
700.265
1.090.287
1.087.597
114.059
105.841
9.422
3.254.675
Comunicaciones
3.958
20.041
66.306
345.283
89.323
104.144
2.863
631.918
Inst. financ.
3.426
17.092
40.101
321.042
209.679
396.451
457
988.248
Adm. pública
195.252
650.385
909.105
3.166.882
1.283.886
2.831.044
33.547
9.070.101
Técn. prof.
31.467
91.013
245.718
1.077.402
379.677
972.371
4.972
2.802.620
Serv. prest. empr.
245.480
641.981
915.967
1.370.471
223.419
316.146
20.578
3.734.042
Serv. sociales
106.525
372.576
631.339
1.840.609
656.242
1.454.850
15.987
5.078.128
Rep. y cons.
93.459
400.616
815.405
708.256
43.458
36.252
11.948
2.109.394
Aloj. y alim.
182.511
649.990
1.094.070
1.187.487
118.848
100.459
17.581
3.350.946
Dom. remun.
660.723
2.057.516
2.522.564
1.395.492
26.735
10.687
57.988
6.731.705
Serv. personales
136.960
527.510
1.018.594
1.272.328
134.646
122.136
16.885
3.229.059
Serv. distr.
12.564
45.266
60.491
98.467
38.204
48.701
1.900
305.593
Total
2.458.940
8.075.813
4.200.174
7.368.539
263.086
55.508.165
12.912.984 20.228.629
Fuente: PNAD/IBGE, microdatos, 2007. Elaboración propia. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
Cuadro 4
Población ocupada de 10 años o más, por subsectores de servicios, según situación en el empleo y sexo. Brasil, 2007. Subsectores de servicios
Situación en el empleo Empl. formal
Empl. informal
Func. públ.
por cuenta propia
Empleador
No remun.
Total
Hombre Comercio
3.438.429
1.459.250
7.497
2.111.972
712.639
256.639
7.986.426
Transportes
1.313.957
436.540
20.063
1.140.465
74.679
15.757
3.001.461
Comunicaciones
261.484
52.596
40.516
27.633
9.657
1.750
393.636
Inst. financ.
377.067
54.954
45.707
13.634
7.980
613
499.955
Adm. pública
620.894
743.632
2.316.716
0
1.921
8.455
3.691.618
Técn. prof.
703.122
290.433
19.123
430.049
156.588
23.889
1.623.204
Serv. prest. empr.
1.569.032
510.895
28.001
468.287
94.015
52.476
2.722.706
Serv. sociales
838.902
455.315
75.026
199.809
106.720
49.711
1.725.483
Rep. y cons.
482.624
579.193
586
715.864
166.881
45.314
1.990.462
Aloj. y alim.
562.480
347.640
0
471.719
159.942
73.336
1.615.117
Dom. remun.
166.433
251.828
0
0
0
0
418.261
Serv. personales
107.158
176.924
5.869
376.231
56.924
13.253
736.359
Serv. distr.
114.411
62.284
2.615
54.448
6.377
610
240.745
Total
10.555.993
5.421.484
2.561.719
6.010.111
1.554.323
541.803
26.645.433
impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
68
Situación en el empleo
Subsectores de servicios
Empl. formal
Empl. informal
Func. públ.
por cuenta propia
Comercio
2.592.144
890.458
11.689
Transportes
153.224
44.500
Comunicaciones
195.664
26.831
Empleador
No remun.
Total
1.931.185
333.297
476.537
6.235.310
3.499
31.918
8.747
11.326
253.214
9.072
618
3.754
2.343
238.282
Mujer
Inst. financ.
375.669
70.401
32.685
5.600
2.569
1.369
488.293
Adm. pública
1.004.678
1.127.519
3.219.431
0
2.163
24.692
5.378.483
Técn. prof.
634.569
264.014
22.866
186.408
51.713
19.846
1.179.416
Serv. prest. empr.
629.437
171.006
13.172
121.454
39.012
37.255
1.011.336
Serv. sociales
1.855.191
689.609
182.485
385.139
94.228
145.993
3.352.645
Rep. y cons.
36.896
25.986
0
14.877
12.756
28.417
118.932
Aloj. y alim.
630.957
426.190
528
407.193
92.193
178.768
1.735.829
Dom. remun.
1.666.955
4.646.489
0
0
0
0
6.313.444
Serv. personales
230.999
398.132
6.036
1.714.061
98.774
44.698
2.492.700
Serv. distr.
40.242
16.383
2.081
915
3.371
1.856
64.848
Total
10.046.625
8.797.518
3.503.544
4.799.368
742.577
973.100
28.862.732
Comercio
6.030.573
2.349.708
19.186
4.043.157
1.045.936
733.176
14.221.736
Transportes
1.467.181
481.040
23.562
1.172.383
83.426
27.083
3.254.675
Comunicaciones
457.148
79.427
49.588
28.251
13.411
4.093
631.918
Inst. financ.
752.736
125.355
78.392
19.234
10.549
1.982
988.248
Adm. pública
1.625.572
1.871.151
5.536.147
0
4.084
33.147
9.070.101
Técn. prof.
1.337.691
554.447
41.989
616.457
208.301
43.735
2.802.620
Serv. prest. empr.
2.198.469
681.901
41.173
589.741
133.027
89.731
3.734.042
Serv. sociales
2.694.093
1.144.924
257.511
584.948
200.948
195.704
5.078.128
Rep. y cons.
519.520
605.179
586
730.741
179.637
73.731
2.109.394
Aloj. y alim.
1.193.437
773.830
528
878.912
252.135
252.104
3.350.946
Dom. remun.
1.833.388
4.898.317
0
0
0
0
6.731.705
Serv. personales
338.157
575.056
11.905
2.090.292
155.698
57.951
3.229.059
Total
Serv. distr.
154.653
78.667
4.696
55.363
9.748
2.466
305.593
Total
20.602.618
14.219.002
6.065.263
10.809.479
2.296.900
1.514.903
55.508.165
Fuente: PNAD/IBGE, microdatos, 2007. Elaboración propia. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
CAPÍTULO 6
69
Cuadro 5
Población ocupada de 10 años o más, por subsectores de servicios, según ingresos del trabajo principal y sexo. Brasil, 2007. Grupo de ingresos del trabajo principal (en salarios mínimos)
Subsectores de servicios
0
Comercio
260.556
Transportes
15.757
448.597
922.374
Comunicaciones
3.005
31.993
132.842
Entre0 a 1 Entre1 a 2 Entre2 a 4 Entre4 a 6
Entre 6 a 10
Entre 10
No def.
Total
Hombre 1.801.677 2.810.751 1.806.681
441.197
401.061
312.950
151.553
7.986.426
1.092.431
228.749
150.913
92.669
49.971
3.001.461
132.548
37.316
21.243
24.244
10.445
393.636
Inst. financ.
613
19.974
81.765
132.685
74.660
86.843
83.388
20.027
499.955
Adm. pública
9.290
575.419
880.006
1.007.436
469.165
354.194
320.529
75.579
3.691.618
Técn. prof.
24.721
189.904
413.827
384.838
141.067
184.191
217.076
67.580
1.623.204
Serv. prest. empr.
53.981
550.583
1.106.055
639.283
95.281
106.353
108.812
62.358
2.722.706
Serv. sociales
56.325
321.128
523.085
411.919
117.502
109.423
142.195
43.906
1.725.483
Rep. y cons.
45.314
514.758
704.018
535.871
83.536
48.869
24.766
33.330
1.990.462
Aloj. y alim.
74.762
438.080
583.389
337.287
56.594
50.249
32.968
41.788
1.615.117
Dom. remun.
3.953
224.999
147.917
32.343
1.530
1.577
218
5.724
418.261
Serv. personales
13.253
189.741
219.691
186.398
56.279
28.732
24.755
17.510
736.359
Serv. distr.
610
63.907
66.913
54.298
14.556
11.854
15.794
12.813
240.745
Total
562.140
5.370.760 8.592.633 6.754.018 1.817.432 1.555.502 1.400.364
592.584
26.645.433
Comercio
480.587
2.021.318 2.359.756
Transportes
11.631
41.857
Comunicaciones
2.753
33.354 52.474
124.598
154.837
Mujer
Inst. financ.
1.979
Adm. pública
25.867
913.180
169.300
127.039
69.790
94.340
6.235.310
96.156
57.173
15.689
15.060
10.850
4.798
253.214
122.370
47.260
9.534
9.209
7.211
6.591
238.282
1.088.552 1.710.012 1.440.180
54.746
50.184
30.383
19.092
488.293
503.432
343.147
192.557
74.736
5.378.483
Técn. prof.
19.846
207.742
409.986
262.530
85.202
90.841
65.489
37.780
1.179.416
Serv. prest. empr.
37.559
234.050
418.273
177.708
43.737
42.582
31.640
25.787
1.011.336
Serv. sociales
153.861
797.970
1.228.759
693.816
158.371
145.240
94.067
80.561
3.352.645
Rep. y cons.
28.828
26.497
37.091
15.535
4.526
2.466
916
3.073
118.932
615.941
681.646
Aloj. y alim.
180.127
161.120
31.113
22.211
16.940
26.731
1.735.829
Dom. remun.
25.424
4.437.651 1.616.923
179.138
4.588
0
0
49.720
6.313.444
Serv. personales
44.698
1.161.077
778.491
362.027
48.067
32.261
22.316
43.763
2.492.700
1.856
13.973
16.577
14.106
7.808
859
64.848
Serv. distr. Total
1.015.016 10.732.456 9.600.638 4.478.610 1.136.113 Total
3.788
5.881
884.028
548.040
467.831 28.862.732
impacto DE La crisis sobre las mujeres
70
Grupo de ingresos del trabajo principal (en salarios mínimos)
Subsectores de servicios
0
Entre0 a 1 Entre1 a 2 Entre2 a 4 Entre4 a 6
Comercio
741.143
Transportes
27.388
3.822.995 5.170.507 2.719.861 490.454
Comunicaciones
5.758
65.347
255.212
179.808
46.850
Inst. financ.
2.592
72.448
206.363
287.522
129.406
Adm. pública
35.157
972.597
Técn. prof.
44.567
397.646
823.813
647.368
226.269
Serv. prest. empr.
91.540
784.633
1.524.328
816.991
Serv. sociales
210.186
1.018.530 1.149.604
1.663.971 2.590.018 2.447.616
1.119.098 1.751.844 1.105.735 741.109
Entre 10
No def.
Total
610.497
528.100
382.740
245.893 14.221.736
244.438
165.973
103.519
54.769
3.254.675
30.452
31.455
17.036
631.918
137.027
113.771
39.119
988.248
697.341
513.086
150.315
9.070.101
275.032
282.565
105.360
2.802.620
139.018
148.935
140.452
88.145
3.734.042
275.873
254.663
236.262
124.467
5.078.128
Rep. y cons.
74.142
551.406
88.062
51.335
25.682
36.403
2.109.394
Aloj. y alim.
254.889
1.054.021 1.265.035
498.407
87.707
72.460
49.908
68.519
3.350.946
Dom. remun.
29.377
4.662.650 1.764.840
211.481
6.118
1.577
218
55.444
6.731.705
Serv. personales
57.951
1.350.818
998.182
548.425
104.346
60.993
47.071
61.273
3.229.059
Serv. distr.
2.466
77.880
83.490
68.404
22.364
15.642
21.675
13.672
305.593
Total
541.255
Entre 6 a 10
1.577.156 16.103.216 18.193.271 11.232.628 2.953.545 2.439.530 1.948.404 1.060.415 55.508.165
Fuente: PNAD/IBGE, microdatos, 2007. Elaboración propia. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
Ipea – Instituto de Investigación Económica Aplicada
Editorial Editorial Njobs Comunicação Patricia Dantas (diseñadora gráfica) Eduardo Grisoni (diseñador gráfico) Revisión Luana Nery Moraes Traducción español y inglés Adof traduções e serviços Librería Ipea SBS – Quadra 1 – Bloco J – Ed. BNDES, Térreo 70076-900 – Brasília – DF Tel.: (61) 3315 5336
[email protected]
Federal Government Secretariat for Strategic Affairs, Presidency of the Republic Minister Daniel Barcelos Vargas (interim)
Special Secretariat of Policies for Women – SPM
Institute of Applied Economic Research – IPEA
Special Secretary Nilcéa Freire Deputy Secretary Teresa Cristina Nascimento Souza
President Marcio Pochmann
Undersecretary of Institutional Articulation Sônia Malheiros Miguel
Admin-Finance Director Fernando Ferreira
Undersecretary of Monitoring and Thematic Actions Aparecida Gonçalves
Macroeconomic Director João Sicsú Social Studies Director Jorge Abrahão de Castro Regional and Urban Studies Director Liana Maria da Frota Carleial Sectorial Studies Director Márcio Wohlers de Almeida Cooperation and Development Director Mário Lisboa Theodoro
Undersecretary of Planning of Policies for Women Lourdes Maria Bandeira Special Advisor Odisséia Pinto de Carvalho Head of Office Cíntia Rodrigues Dias Gouveia National Council of the Rights of Women Susana Cabral - Executive Secretary
Head of Office Persio Marco Antonio Davison
International Labour Organization
Communication Advisor Daniel Castro
Director of the Brazilian Office Laís Abramo
URL: http://www.ipea.gov.br Ombudsman: http://www.ipea.gov.br/ouvidoria
Programme Officer for the Promotion of Gender and Race Equality in Labour – ILO/ Brazil Solange Sanches Project Officer – ILO/Brazil Marcia Vasconcelos Senior Assistant – ILO/Brazil Rafaela Egg
© Institute of Applied Economic Research – ipea 2009 Technical Team Luana Pinheiro – Special Secretariat of Policies for Women Marcelo Galiza – Institute of Applied Economic Research Natália de Oliveira Fontoura – Institute of Applied Economic Research Hildete Pereira de Melo – Federal University of the State of Rio de Janeiro Alberto Di Sabbato – Federal University of the State of Rio de Janeiro Solange Sanches – International Labour Organization Márcia Vasconcelos – International Labour Organization Roberto Gonzalez – Institute of Applied Economic Research Indicators and special tabulations Ana Sabóia – Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics Cimar Azevedo – Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics
Impact of the crisis on women / Brazil Gender Equality Observatory.- Brasília: Ipea: SPM: OIT, 2009. 70 p.: il. Includes bibliographical references ISBN 857811031-5 1 .Women. 2. Women Workers. 3. Gender Iquality. 4. Economic Recession. 5. Brazil. I. Brazil Gender Equality. Observatory. II. Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada. III. Brasil. Secretaria Especial de Políticas para as Mulheres. IV. Organização Internacional do Trabalho. CDD 305.42
The authors are responsible for the choice and presentation of the facts contained in this document and for the opinions expressed therein, which are not necessarily those of the institutions involved. This document may be reproduced, in part or in whole, as long as the source is properly cited Reproduction for commercial purposes is forbidden.
SUMMARY 1 Introduction.................................................................................................... 7 2 The subject: the international crisis and its impacts throughout the world................................................................................................................ 9 3 The crisis sen from a gender perspective................................................ 13 3.1. Structural indicators of the female labor market ..................................................... 13 3.2 The services sector: the “female” space in the Brazilian economy................................ 22 3.2.1 Household work............................................................................................. 38 3.3 The recent impacts of the crisis in the Brazilian labor market: a gender perspective .. 41 3.3.1 The general impacts of the crisis in the Brazilian economy............................... 41 3.3.2 Recent results of the labor market from a gender perspective ......................... 44 4 Final Considerations.................................................................................... 59 5 Bibliographic references............................................................................ 61 6 Statistical Annex........................................................................................... 63
iNTRODUCTION
7
The economic crisis and its (possible) impacts on women’s lives1 1. Introduction
In Brazil, as in the rest of the world, the last nine months have been marked by abundant and dense discussions on the economic and financial crisis that struck the global economy. The news articles produced by the media in general and by the specialized press increased as the months went by, as did meetings aimed at discussing the causes, impacts and (possible) governmental responses to counter the crisis that has left millions of men and women across every continent sleepless and jobless. As the crisis entered decisively into the national agenda its consequences on the Brazilian labor market received incraeasing attention. Special emphasis has been placed in shifts in the unemployment rates, occupation levels and the wage sum, almost always based on an analysis of the impacts on the different economic sectors and metropolitan regions (or federative units, when possible). The large information bases that make this type of conjunctural monitoring possible are the Monthly Employment Survey (Pesquisa Mensal de Emprego - PME), the General File of the Employed and Unemployed (Cadastro Geral de Empregados e Desempregados - CAGED) and the Employment and Unemployment Survey (Pesquisa de Emprego e Desemprego - PED) produced every month by the Brazilian Institute for Geography and Statistics (Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística - IBGE), by the Ministry of Labor and Employment (Ministério do Trabalho e Emprego - MTE) and by the Inter Trade Union Department of Statistics and Socio-Economic Studies (Departamento Intersindical de Estatística e Estudos Socioeconômicos - DIEESE)/Seade Foundation 2 respectively, in partnership with regional research and statistical institutions. The main discussions on the topic in the media and specialized forums have nevertheless failed to take into account the differentiated impacts of the crisis on the supply and quality of jobs by sex or race/color. The analyses produced in this context thus consider workers as a homogeneous set, whose different identity markers have no interference whatsoever in their insertion and participation in the labor market. 1. This article is the result of an integrated effort of the various organizations that integrate the crisis monitoring working group within the Brazil Gender Equality Observatory. This study was prepared with the contribution of the technical staff of the Institute of Applied Economic Research (IPEA) - Natália Fontoura, Marcelo Galiza and Roberto Gonzalez; International Labour Organization (ILO) - Solange Sanches and Márcia Vasconcelos; Brazilian Institute for Geography and Statistics (IBGE) - Ana Sabóia and Cimar Pereira; Universidade Federal Fluminense (UFF) - Hildete Pereira de Melo and Alberto Di Sabbato; and of the Special Secretariat for Women's Policies (SPM) - Luana Pinheiro. We are also grateful to Nina Madsen and Fábia Souza, also of the SPM, for their careful reading and suggestions. 2. Within the framework of the agreement with MTE/Worker Support Fund.
8
impact of the crisis on women
This is exactly the approach that this paper seeks to oppose and which was at the basis of the creation of the working group to monitor the impacts of the crisis on women within the context of the Brazil Gender Equality Observatory. The Observatory is an initiative of the Special Secretariat for Women’s Policies of the Office of the President of the Republic (Secretaria Especial de Políticas para as Mulheres da Presidência da República - SPM), in partnership with other public institutions, international organizations and civil society organizations, which aims to give visibility, strengthen and broaden the actions of the Brazilian State for the promotion of gender equality and women’s rights. The Observatory was originally structured around four working groups: Indicators, Public Policies, Media and Legislation Monitoring and Legislative. Nonetheless, as the international crisis unraveled and the impacts began to be felt in Brazil, a decision was made to link yet another working group to the Observatory, this time an ad hoc group in charge of identifying and monitoring the distinct impacts of the crisis on men and women. Thus arose the crisis WG formed by representatives of the SPM, which coordinates the group, IPEA, IBGE and the ILO, in addition to renowned male and female researchers in the area of gender and the labor market. In this first moment, the main goal of the Observatory is to monitor the participation of men and women in the Brazilian labor market – also taking into account the ethnic-racial perspective – so as to a identify the different impacts of the crisis on each of the social groups. In order to contribute to this debate in the national scenario this article is structured in three sections, in addition to this brief introduction. The following section presents a brief overview of the international crisis. This is followed by a discussion that deepens the relation between crisis and gender based on an analysis that portrays the context in which the crisis is developing - with data on the structure of the female labor market and especially on the services sector - and also the first results of the conjunctural monitoring of the PME, PED and CAGED indicators from that perspective. Finally, the paper presents a number of final considerations that emphasize the need to analyze the economic crisis from a gender approach based on a social and economic development perspective.
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9
2 The subject: the international crisis and its impacts throughout the world The current crisis can be considered the greatest global crisis since 1929, both in terms of its scope and in the depth of its impacts. According to an Ipea study, “2009 begins with a forecasted fall in global trade, the first since 1982 and possibly the greatest since the Great Depression” (Ipea, 2009a). The origins of the global crisis remount to a process of growing deregulation of the financial systems throughout the world that resulted in the bankruptcy of and loss of confidence in the banking institutions of developed countries, which produced “contagious effects in the main financial markets of the world and demanded economic policy actions in multiple countries to try to contain the impacts on the productive system” (Ipea, 2009a). It is important to note, however, that this crisis differs from the previous ones inasmuch as it began in the center of capitalism and only then spread to poor and developing countries. Previous crises, on the contrary, began with bankruptcies in poor or developing countries. Examples are those experienced first in Mexico in 1982 and 1994-95; Asia, in 1997-98; and Russia, in 1999 (See Box 1).
Box 1
Economic crisis timeline since 1980 Year
Countries
1982
Foreign debt crisis in Latin America, with onset in Mexico.
1990
Japanese speculative bubble.
1992-93 Speculative attacks to the currencies in the European exchange rate mechanisms 1994-95 Mexican economic crisis, 1994: speculative attack and default in Mexico. 1997-98 Asian financial crisis : devaluation and baking crisis in various countries of Asia. 1998-99 Russian financial crisis: devaluation of the ruble and default in Russia. 2001-02 Economic crisis of Argentina: crash of the banking system. Source: Luc Laeven and Fabian Valencia (2008), ‘Systemic banking crises: the new database’. International Monetary Fund Working Paper 08/224.
10
impact of the crisis on women
The crisis thus began in the US financial segment and spread following the bankruptcy of the investment bank Lehman Brothers at the end of 2008. Once the crisis was announced, the first sign that the banking institutions of the central countries had been working at risky debt levels came through the increased insolvency of the so-called subprime loans. In broad terms, a subprime is a risk credit granted to a borrower that does not offer sufficient guarantees to benefit from a more advantageous interest rate. In a stricter sense, the term is used to designate a type of mortgage credit in the real estate industry that was created in the United States for borrowers that carry greater risk. This real estate credit was secured by the borrower’s residence and was often coupled to credit card issuance or car rental.3 As such, while the crisis first set in as a financial crisis - causing a strong credit crunch due to the lack of confidence in the quality of financial assets - it rapidly became a crisis in the real productive sector of the economy. This brought on strong impacts like the close down of large companies, banks and financial institutions and tremendous damages in the industry, import and export sectors throughout the world. So far the crisis has affected regions in different degrees: very intensely in the central countries and a few Asian ones such as Japan, and with varying intensity in developing countries like China and India, and certain Latin American ones like Brazil, Argentina, Chile and Mexico (See Box 2). “The turbulence in the international economy affects countries with a lower development level differently, but impacts countries with a greater dependence on international demand the hardest, especially those biased towards primary exports. On the whole, however, its immediate impact was a reduced international liquidity, with scarcer and more expensive credit lines. This occurred because international investors grew more averse to risk and sought assets with greater liquidity and lower risk. The effects of the crisis for the developing word in the medium and long term depends on the duration and intensity of the effects of the financial crisis in the USA” (Ipea, 2009a).
3. Wikipedia, accessed on 26 June 2009.
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11
Box 2
Economic situation of the countries: estimates of December 2008.
Source: International Monetary Fund.
In Brazil the crisis has had different impacts than in the past, since the country’s economic and social situation is quite different today from what it was in prior crises: the Brazilian economy presents low inflation, a high amount of reserves, no significant foreign debt (on the contrary, the country is a dollar creditor) and a controlled internal debt. Brazil’s public debt is at approximately 3% of the GDP, while in the USA it has reached the 12%. The crisis reached Brazil in the last months of 2008 and affected the economic sectors at different times and intensity levels. Although the Brazilian foreign accounts were affected, the macroeconomic balance for 2008 did not close in a negative position because the crisis was restrictred to the last three months of the year, which problaby allowed the results to remain positive. Despite the contraction, the Brazilian GDP has been decreasing less than in central countries and the country’s financial soundness indicators are good. The country risk has been falling and, after a period of rise, the dollar has been losing value before the real since the first quarter of 2009.
12
impact of the crisis on women
The country is nevertheless suffering the effects of the global crisis, with the strongest impacts being felt in the export and industry sectors, which has substantial impacts on employment. In fact, the crisis has interrupted the positive trajectory of the Brazilian labor market indicators. Unemployment rates are once again rising, occupation growth is slowing down and the number of formal work positions offered is falling, as will be seen in the following sections. Most governments initially chose to respond to the crisis through more vigorous action in the fiscal and credit arenas. The central banks have in a first moment sought to revert losses involving subprime operations and later to reestablish confidence in the financial system. In Brazil the measures adopted seek to achieve a sounder macroeconomic situation and more concrete prospects of social inclusion. Given these facts, the following measures deserve special emphasis: i) reduction of the primary surplus, in 2009, from 4.3% to 3.8%; ii)·injection of dollars by the Central Bank; iii) acquisition of shares of the banks in crisis by state banks; iv) incentives for exports; iv) anticipated disbursement for agriculture to the order of R$ 5 billion; v) civil construction financing to the order of R$ 3 billion (working capital); vi) R$ 4 billion credit for the automotive industry by Banco do Brasil; vii) fiscal policy aimed at maintaining investments (Program for the Acceleration of Growth –PAC, and Pre-salt Oil Extraction- Pre-sal), social programs and containment of government overhead cost. (Ipea, 2009a). It is not yet possible to assess the impacts of the crisis on economies and society in general. However, it is important for economic and social policies to be jointly managed so as to avoid an even more unfavorable scenario in terms of macroeconomic and social indicators. These overall policies to counter the crisis must also incorporate specific strategies for the different population groups, as each one of them has been affected differently by the economic context. The following sections will show this fact based on disaggregated indicators of workers by sex and color/race.
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13
3 The crisis seen from a gender perspective Ever since the first effects of the crisis made themselves felt in the country, discussion and dialogue forums, especially of feminist movements and women, began to ponder the (possible) existence of impacts on women’s lives or differentiated impacts depending on the sex of the worker. Until now, however, no study had analyzed the matter by systematizing information based on the available indicators and showing the differentiated consequences of the crisis on men and women. There are those who argue that the crisis may damage the female population more intensely due to their more precarious insertion in the labor market. However, in light of the data available others argue that the crisis has initially had greater impacts on men, as it has concentrated in the industry sector which is mostly occupied by the male population. Even so, because of the linkages in the productive chain the crisis may reach the trade and services sector as well as household employment, in which case its effects will be felt most intensely by women. As such, this article will analyze these scenarios based on the indicators available. Considering the fact that women and men - like white and black persons - do not occupy the same positions and spaces in the labor market, and the fact that there is a greater concentration of women and black persons in the worst quality jobs (with the lowest level of social protection and worst pay), it is essential for government agencies to be aware of which are the most strongly affected groups - in terms of their participation in the world of work - at each moment of the economic and international crisis. In this sense, this paper seeks to offer important input to identify and propose anticyclic governmental action alternatives that are adapted to the labor situation of each social group. 3.1 Structural indicators of the female labor market
The effects of the international crisis on the female and male labor markets basically depend on how men and women participate therein. Factors such as the availability of opportunities to enter the market, probability of landing a position, quality of the post occupied and sectors and positions reached determine the greater or lesser intensity of the consequences felt by male and female workers in a context of crisis such as the global crisis in place since the end of 2008. In view of the above, this section brings an overview of the male and female labor market structure - always taking into account the racial perspective, since the groups are not homogeneous - as a necessary contextualization to understand the effects of the international economic scenario.
14
impact of the crisis on women
Initially, one must consider that “the field of professional activity is of fundamental importance for self-determination, identity construction, social recognition and access to consumables, among other material and symbolic dimensions that have become increasingly important in 21st century societies” (Pinheiro et al., 2008). It is also in this space that discrimination and inequality processes become even more evident, leading to consequences that can be clearly perceived by analyzing the indicators produced on an annual basis by IBGE. Social inequities are exacerbated by ethnic-racial and gender inequalities, thus contributing towards the construction of a hierarchy that repeats itself in practically all the indicators analyzed: men and white persons are generally better inserted in the labor market than women and black persons. Another significant data to be considered in this analysis concerns the fact that women are more extensively and better inserted in education. As a matter of fact, throughout the 20th century school access was gradually expanded to the various population groups priorly excluded from the country’s formal education process. This offered women the chance to study, which today is reflected in their leading position in most education indicators. However, this advantage has yet to be reflected in the labor market. Even though much progress has been made to insert women into this potential economic and social autonomy providing space, there is still much to be done in terms of ensuring equalitarian conditions of professional entry, permanence and ascension in the market, as well as regarding adequate remuneration for the activities developed. The last fifteen years have testified the rise of a phenomenon that could be called the feminization of the labor market: a significant increase in the participation of women in this sphere can be observed since the beginning of the 1990s. In fact, in the last years the market was strongly affected by the feminist revolution that demystified the disgraceful situation created by the masculine and feminine roles that relegated women to the sacred position of mothers, housewives and/or secondary workers, thus producing changes in the value assigned to the roles and positions set aside for women (Abramo, 2007). Other important factors also helped to drive the entry of women in the job market, particularly important among which are decreased fertility rates - especially with the advent of the birth control pill - and increased female education levels. As such, while in 1996 52.2% of women 16 years and over where active, that is, employed or looking for a job, this number rose to 58.6% in 2007, a significant increase if we consider that the activity level for men in the same period showed a downward trend. Nonetheless, it is important to note that although the activity level of women increased it is still much lower than that of men: 81.6% in 2007 (See Table 1).
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15
Table 1
Activity level of persons aged 16 and over, by sex. Brazil, 1996 and 2007. Year
Female
Male
Total
1996
52.2%
83.3%
67.1%
2007
58.6%
81.6%
69.6%
Source: Pinheiro et al., 2008, based on PNAD/IBGE microdata.
Two important factors contribute to this disparity. The first refers to the fact that unpaid household work, the type engaged in by housewives, is not accounted for. Despite their exhaustive and continuous work, decisive contribution to the reproduction of social life and generation of wealth for the national economy, today these women are still portrayed as inactive in the country’s official statistics. If they were accounted for the distances in the activity rates would be certain to drop. The second important factor concerns the persistent occupational segregation by sex that forces women to take on an excessive burden in household obligations, where taking care of the house and children hinders their insertion in the labor market. IBGE data show that while in 2007 90% of active women dedicated themselves to household chores a significantly lower percentage of men (50.7%) were in the same condition, which points to an undeniable double shift for the female population.4 The intensity with which they dedicate themselves to these chores also differs: women spend about 27 hours a week looking after their homes and families, while men that perform these tasks spend a little over 10 hours a week. In addition to the difficulty in entering the labor market this overload also determines the type of activity that is feasible for these women to engage in, if we consider that in many cases the only alternative they have is to take jobs with less hours and less pay. As such, while in 2007 only 18.6% of the men habitually worked less than 40 hours a week, this percentage rose to a significant 41% for workers of the female sex. If women are significantly less available to participate in the labor market than men, it is important to realize that the decision to enter the market is not effected with equal intensity by male and female workers. Graph 1 clearly portrays this situation: while the male unemployment rate was 5.1% in 2007, the 4. It is important to note that although modest, there is a move towards greater equality between men and women in household chores. Between 1996 and 2007 there was a 6 percent increase in the number of men that declared performing household chores and an almost 3 percent decrease in the number of women in the same situation.
impact of the crisis on women
16
female rate reached 9.8%, which represents a mass of nearly 1.3 million more unemployed women than men. Despite the trend towards lower unemployment between 2004 and 2007, these inequalities remain. In this sense, even after this drop in 2007 white men presented an unemployment rate of 5.3% against 12.2% for black women. If on the one hand black women are excluded from a series of jobs because they are women, on the other they are also excluded from many jobs considered female, such as client services, because they are black. Graph 1
Unemployment rate for persons aged 16 and over, by sex and color/race. Brazil, 2004 and 2007. 5.3%
6.4%
9.2%
12.2%
6.0%
7.4%
10.1%
13.2%
White men
Black men
White women
Black women
2007 2004
Source: Pinheiro et al., 2008, based on PNAD/IBGE microdata.
When they manage to enter the labor market, women concentrate in spaces that differ greatly from those occupied by men, both in terms of economic activity sectors and in terms of status in employment. In this process the jobs occupied by female black persons tend to be more vulnerable than those occupied by male white persons, and to be endowed with less or no social protection. As to the positions occupied by women and men in the labor market, Table 2 presents the distribution by population according to status in employment for the years 1996 and 2007. An analysis of the information shows that the occupational segmentation between men and women does not change over time. Thereby, women concentrate in positions usually referred to as informal and which offer little or no social protection: 43% of the employed female population are occupied in informal jobs such as household work (where over 70% do not have formal work contracts) or unpaid jobs (identified in the table under “other”).
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17
Only 26.3% of occupied men hold these positions, which indicates greater quality and security in the workplace for men than for women. Profound inequalities can also be found among women: in 2007 36.5% of white women were employed in jobs here defined as informal, a percentage that rose to an impressive 50.6% for black women. Finally, this more precarious insertion for the female population is not just a passing or conjunctural phenomenon. As shown in Table 2, the distribution of male and female workers by the different categories of employment remained almost unaltered in the last 12 years, which indicates that the labor market is structured upon inequality or gender and race-based occupational segmentation, thus laying the grounds for an unequal, hierarchical and discriminatory structure. Table 2
Distribution of employed persons aged 16 and over, by sex and by status in employment. Brazil, 1996 and 2007. Status in Employment
Male
Female
1996
2007
1996
2007
Civilian and military civil servant
5.4
5.3
9.7
9.4
With formal contract
33.8
38.1
25.0
28.7
Without formal contract
20.7
19.8
11.5
13.4
Own-account
27.8
25.3
16.5
16.4
Employer
5.0
4.9
2.1
2.4
Household employee
0.8
0.8
17.1
16.3
Other*
6.5
5.7
18.1
13.3
Total
100.0
100.0
100,0
100.0
Source: Pinheiro et al., 2008, based on PNAD/IBGE microdata. Note: * This category includes unpaid employed male and female workers and those employed in production or construction for own household consumption and use and therefore also unpaid.
impact of the crisis on women
18
Another significant aspect to be considered, especially in the context of the ongoing international crisis, refers to the distribution of male and female workers across the different economic sectors. A rapid analysis of Table 3 below shows an extremely unequal participation of men and women in the social services, household services and civil construction sectors. In the case of the latter, the profile of the sector is predominantly male, concentrating 11% of employed men and only 0.5% of women. A traditionally male activity, the civil construction sector only recently opened up to female participation, which today represents no more than 3% of the total workers employed in this area. The activities performed in the services sector are in the opposite end of the spectrum. If we consider only the social and household services category which is directly related to stereotypes on female capabilities and skills and to occupational segregation by sex - we find that over one third of employed women are in this sector against only 4.5% of men.5. If we add to these percentages the participation of male and female workers in the other services sector and other activities (also mostly composed of service provision activities) we find that 52% of women are employed in this sector against a reduced 26% of men. Because of its importance for women, the services sector was the object of a special study whose results are found in Item 3.1.2 of this text. Table 3
Distribution of employed persons aged 16 and over, by sex and by branch of economic activity. Brazil, 2007. (in %) Economic Activity
Male
Female
Public Administration
5.5
4.6
Agriculture
20.4
13.4
Trade
19.0
16.5
Social and household services*
4.5
33.6
Civil Construction
11.5
0.5
Industry
17.4
12.7
Other services**
10.4
6.1
Other activities***
11.3
12.6
100.0
100.0
Total
Source: Pinheiro et al., 2008, based on PNAD/IBGE microdata Notes: * Includes education, health, social and household services. ** Includes accommodation, food and transportation services *** Includes storage and communication, other collective, social and personal services and other activities.
5. In 2007 nearly 85% of the total workers of this sector were women.
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19
It is also important to highlight female participation in the industry sector, a relatively more important area for men than for women: about 17% and 12% of them respectively were employed in this branch. Nevertheless, the predominantly male profile of the workers becomes more evident upon observing the distribution of industry workers by sex. In fact, in 2007 65% were men against 35% of women, who concentrate in specific industry areas such as textiles and footwear manufacturing. The segregation verified in the general context is thus reproduced within this specific sector. These differences in terms of insertion in the labor market coupled with the existence of discriminatory mechanisms and prejudice based on stereotypes such as women’s inability to lead or to perform certain tasks result in lower monthly wages for women, particularly for black women, than for men (white). As presented above, not only are the positions occupied by women more vulnerable and insecure, but they are also less prestigious and less valued socially, which impacts decisively on the average wage attained by each group. This is the case for teachers, executives in financial institutions, social assistants and systems analysts, for example. Despite the importance of each of these categories for individual development and for the national economy, their status in society – which can be estimated by their remuneration - is fairly unequal. The result of this set of factors is that in 2007 employed women received 65% less pay on average than men, and black persons only close to half of the wages received by white persons, as shown in Table 4 below.6 The data show the double discrimination suffered by black women in the labor market. While white women earn 62% on average of what white men earn, black women earn 67% of what men in the same racial group earn and only 34% of the average earnings of white men.
6. These data do not control for differences in level of educational attainment, region, occupation, hours of work or any other variable except for sex and race/color of workers. Wage differences between the groups are known to decrease when these attributes are controled for. However, in what this study is concerned the data as presented here is sufficiently relevant to portray the existent inequalities, even though it does not make it possible to ascertain the extent to which this is due to discrimination in the workplace or to other factors (which may also harbor discriminatory processes).
impact of the crisis on women
20
Table 4
Average monthly wage of main employment, by sex and race/color. Brazil, 1996 and 2007. 1996
2007
1,009.1
961.2
589.4
630.3
White persons
1,095.1
1,065.6
Black persons
506.9
563.0
White men
1,326.1
1,278.3
Black men
599.0
649.0
White women
753.3
797.1
Black women
357.9
436.5
Men Women
Source: Pinheiro et al., 2008, based on PNAD/IBGE microdata.
Despite the persistent inequalities verified, it is important to note that the wage gap between the groups analyzed herein has been decreasing throughout the years. In fact, from 1996 to 2007 alone the wage gap between white and black persons and between men and women dropped by 13% and 10% respectively. In this period there was a decline in the average wage of the Brazilian population. Its recovery starting in 2004 was enough to make female wages higher than in 1996, but did not allow the same to happen for male wages, which have yet to achieve the same level as in the beginning of the series. A last point to be emphasized in this section is the difficulty that women find in achieving positions of power and decision-making in the workplace. This is the situation imposed on both private and public sector female workers. These advancement difficulties that produce what is known as the “glass ceiling” are often based on stereotypical and biased views regarding the availability and interest of this population in occupying top positions in the hierarchy of an organization. As such, it is commonly thought that women do not establish the achievement of an important position as a career objective and would be unable to hold such a position anyway due to their “caretaking” tasks, that is, to their childcare-related absences or inability to engage in professional travel as a result of household commitments. In addition to its strong discriminatory nature, the “glass ceiling” is also a determining factor in maintaining the gender wage gap. Graph 2 presents an approximate distribution of women in management positions based on an analysis of female participation in the different wage ranges. High-wage labor categories offer a good approximation of high-ranking positions, since the higher the position the greater the salary. As such, although fe-
CHAPTER 3
21
male workers are the majority in unpaid work (60%) their participation decreases as we rise in the salary scale: only 20% of workers with a monthly income of over 20 minimum wages in 2006 were women. Graph 2
Distribution of employed persons by monthly income* and by sex. Brazil, 2006. More than 20 minimum wages
79.94%
From 10 to 20 minimum wages
20.06%
72.75%
27.25%
From 5 to 10 minimum wages
67.93%
32.07%
From 3 to 5 minimum wages
67.33%
32.67%
From 2 to 3 minimum wages
69.10%
30.90%
From 1 to 2 minimum wages Up to 1 minimum wage No income
60.51%
39.49%
50.30%
49.70%
40.33%
59.67% Men
Women
Source: PNAD/IBGE, Apud. Melo and Oliveira, 2008. Note: * Refers to the income of all occupations.
The meager numbers and colorful graphs show that the country is working towards closing the gap, albeit not as fast as might be desired. Nonetheless, the progress made must not be allowed to conceal the challenges that remain. Gender and race inequalities in the labor market remain abundant and intense, and, due to their structural characteristics, difficult to overcome. Any variable selected to clarify the issue will show that gender gaps present with a reasonable statistical regularity. Gender inequalities on the whole take on two basic forms that are strongly determined by discrimination: hierarchical inequality, which refers to the underrepresentation of women in high-ranking positions, regardless of their massive participation in the activity; and territorial inequality, which concerns the fact that economic activities seem to be segregated by sex, with women having a stronger participation in certain activities and being excluded from others according to their gender culture (Pérez Sedeño, 2001). Any study on the female labor market - and even more so in the case of a study that aims to shed light on the impacts of the crisis on this market - requires the analysis of two central aspects: i) occupational segregation, as clearly depicted by the overwhelming presence of female workers in the services sector and their limited participation in other areas; and ii) the large concentration of women in paid household work, the main female employment and considered vulnerable and low quality work. In this sense, the following sections will briefly discuss
22
impact of the crisis on women
these two mostly female professional spaces in which the impacts of an eventual deterioration of the crisis are likely to be felt most intensely by women. 3.2 The services sector: the “female” space in the Brazilian economy
As presented previously, the services sector is particularly important for women employed in the labor market. This section will therefore analyze this sector and its different activities through the variables sex, race/color, age, level of educational attainment, status in employment and wage. In a context of crisis, knowing the characteristics of the services sector evolution is essential to determine the agenda for State interventions, including public policies to encourage the maintenance and creation of jobs. The last decades were marked by changes in the labor market caused as much by an intensified urbanization process and increase in the population employed in non-agricultural activities, particularly in services, as by the changes in female participation.7. In this process it is important to note the extensive participation that tertiary activities achieved in the Brazilian economy. This growth became more accentuated in the last 26 years: while in 1985 the services sector responded for 49.3%, in 1995 it increased to 54.5% and in 2007 it reached 61% of employed male and female workers (Melo et alli, 1998). Rather than being an exclusive characteristic of Brazilian society, the increased participation of the services sector in employment is a global phenomenon. Whether due to the contraction in the agriculture sector or to that of industry, employment in the services sector grew extraordinarily in all economies (Gutierrez, 1993, p. 86). In Brazil the industrialization and urbanization processes observed after the Second World War (1945) caused an flow of workers to those activities, particularly to the ones requiring less qualification. This characterized the services sector as an important absorber of unskilled urban labor. The literature explains this behavior both by increases in the distribution of goods and financial services, which are responsible for modern services, and by the development of industrial and agricultural activities characterized by low labor intensity. In this sense the population “expelled” by the new activities finds employment in urban areas in civil construction and services. In fact, the absorption of unskilled migrant workers that flocked to the city took place fundamentally in traditional trade and personal service provision activities (Melo et alli, 1998).
7. Two thirds of the national labor force is currently employed in predominantly urban activities, with no significant differences in distribution by sex (women 81.6% and men 78%).
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23
Another important aspect of these activities regards the anticyclic nature of services. This is a globally observed behavior in developed and underdeveloped economies. A certain degree of stability is seen in the services sector with regard to the oscillations in the economic situation. This is in part due to employment in the public administration, which depends more on political than on economic conditions, and partly to the market characteristics of the other service activities. In other words, because many of its activities serve as a refuge for the unemployed, whether as a result of the economic crisis or of productive restructuring, the services sector constitutes a type of cushion to buffer the economic cycle.
As to women, note must be made of the importance of these activities for female employment, particularly when compared to the male population. Table 5 portrays the differences in the share of men and women employed in the services sector: while the sector employs 75.1% of female workers, this percentage drops to 50.9% for men. This shows that although these activities are naturally also significant for men, they are considerably more relevant for women. As such, if the economic context has a negative impact on the services sector women will certainly stand to lose the most, whether due to job loss or to falling wages. Table 5
Employed persons aged 10 and over, by economic sector and by sex. Brazil, 2007 Sectors
Absolute number
Distribution by sex
Distribution by sector
Men
Women
Total
Men
Women
Total
Men
Women
Total 17.6
Agriculture
10,742,333
5,247,884
15,990,217
67.2
32.8
100.0
20.5
13.7
Mining and quarrying
342,933
35,569
378,502
90.6
9.4
100.0
0.7
0.1
0.4
Manufacturing
8,259,105
3,993,117
12,252,222
67.4
32.6
100.0
15.8
10.4
13.5
Civil Construction
5,920,875
186,151
6,107,026
97.0
3.0
100.0
11.3
0.5
6.7
PUIS*
279,015
61,443
340,458
82.0
18.0
100.0
0.5
0.2
0.4
Services
26,818,938 28,898,656
55,717,594
48.1
51.9
100.0
51.2
75.2
61.4
Total
52,363,199 38,422,820
90,786,019
57.7
42.3
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009. Note: *Public utility and industrial services, namely: production and distribution of electricity, and water supply.
An analysis of the total universe of workers in the services sector shows a predominance of women, which represent almost 52% of the total. This is very similar to the demographic profile of the national population. This enhanced participation of the female labor force in the services sector is due, among other factors, to the ease of entry into these activities as a result of their flexibility and informality. The only large economic sector in which women represent at least half of the persons employed is the services sector; in agriculture and manufacturing they come close, but remain below the 50% (See Table 5).
impact of the crisis on women
24
Upon examining the economic structure by race/color one finds that the labor market on the whole presents the same racial distribution than the national population: black and white persons represent over 90% of the Brazilian population and also of national employed male and female workers. However, this design does not succeed in hiding the existing inequalities: the sectors characterized by vulnerable employment as represented by low earnings, level of educational attainment and status in employment are also those with a greater participation of black persons, such as agriculture, civil construction and mining and quarrying (See Graph 3). Graph 3
Distribution of employed persons aged 10 and over by economic sector, by sex and color/race. Brazil, 2007. 100% 90% 80% 70% 60%
Other Brown Black White
50% 40% 30% 20% 10%
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
0%
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.. Note: *Public utility and industrial services, namely: production and distribution of electricity, and water supply.
Structure of the services sector by subsectors
Having finished this brief contextualization of the significance of the services sector for women in the national economic context it is time to analyze the sector in depth so as to subsidize the debate on the international crisis and its possible future impacts on men and women. Let us begin by noting that the services sector is marked by a great heterogeneity, which may be one of the reasons why these activities have been relatively “forgotten” in the socioeconomic research agenda. There are tremendous difficulties involved in analyzing such disparate activities as those linked to production (such as financial, computer technology, engineering and advertising services); distributive services (like transportation,
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25
trade and communication); and personal services (which cater to individual needs, such as social services, and include health, teaching and community services). Table 6 presents the thirteen subsectors that compose the services sector, aggregated in six large subcategories: 1) trade; 2) transportation; 3) communication; 4) financial institutions; 5) public administration; and 6) other services, which incorporate technical professional services rendered to companies, social services, maintenance and repair services, accommodation and food services, paid household services, and personal and distributive services. It is clear that this broad set of activities contains socially and technologically structured segments that live side by side with segments that are technologically delayed and socially archaic. Table 6
Employed persons aged 10 and over by services subsector and by sex. Brazil, 2007. Subsetores de Serviços
Men
Women
Total
Trade
7,986,426
6,235,310
Transportation
3,001,461
Communication
% M/F
% s/ total
Men
Women
Men
Women
Total
14,221,736
56.2
43.8
30
21.6
25.6
253,214
3,254,675
92.2
7.8
11.3
0.9
5.9
393,636
238,282
631,918
62.3
37.7
1.5
0.8
1.1
Financial Institutions
499,955
488,293
988,248
50.6
49.4
1.9
1.7
1.8
Public Administration
3,691,618
5,378,483
9,070,101
40.7
59.3
13.9
18.6
16.3
Other Services
Total
11,072,337
16,269,150
27,341,487
40.5
59.5
41.6
56.4
49.3
Technical Professional
1,623,204
1,179,416
2,802,620
57.9
42.1
6.1
4.1
5.0
Services Provided to Companies
2,722,706
1,011,336
3,734,042
72.9
27.1
10.2
3.5
6.7
Social Services
1,725,483
3,352,645
5,078,128
34.0
66.0
6.5
11.6
9.1
Maintenance and Repair
1,990,462
118,932
2,109,394
94.4
5.6
7.5
0.4
3.8
Accommodation and Food
1,615,117
1,735,829
3,350,946
48.2
51.8
6.1
6.0
6.0
Paid Household
418,261
6,313,444
6,731,705
6.2
93.8
1.6
21.9
12.1
Personal Services
736,359
2,492,700
3,229,059
22.8
77.2
2.8
8.6
5.8
Distributive Services
240,745
64,848
305,593
78.8
21.2
0.9
0.2
0.6
26,645,433
28,862,732
55,508,165
48.0
52.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
The data show that trade, the most ancient activity of the sector, is still the main absorber of labor. In 2007 trade employed 25.6% of the total persons employed in services. The second most important occupation was the public administration, with 16.3% of the total participation of the sector (which includes administration itself, but also education, public health and social security) followed by paid household services with 12.1%, and social services with 9.1% (private
26
impact of the crisis on women
health and education services and community services). These are followed by: services provided to companies (among them, auxiliary services to agriculture, to transportation, rental services, real estate services, security and surveillance), accommodation and food, transportation, personal services, technical-professional, maintenance and repair, financial and communication services. Disaggregating the data by sex shows that even though the services sector is typically female there is an occupational segregation between males and females with an overrepresentation of employed females in the public administration and other services subsectors,8 and underrepresentation in the communication, trade and especially transportation subsectors (See Table 6). Careful scrutiny of Table 3 shows that women in the services sector are employed mainly in paid household activities (21.9%) – and that these activities represent the greatest number of female workers in Brazil – followed by trade (21.6%) and the public administration (18.6%): these occupations responded for 62.1% of female employment in the sector in 2007. Men, on the other hand, seem to be better distributed: in trade (30%), followed by public administration (13.9%) and transportation(11.3%). These three occupations represent 55.2% of male employment in the area. This table thus suggests that women are assigned to activities characterized as an extension of reproductive work (caretaking) - in addition to the above: social services, personal services and accommodation and food. Men predominate in activities associated to the production of goods: they are the majority in technical professional services, services provided to companies, maintenance and repair services, and distributive services (storage, television and news agencies). One thing that stands out is the feminization that took place in the financial institutions subsector: today the participation rate for men and women is almost equal. The distribution of employment across the different services subsectors portrays the intense feminization of this market, but also the definitions established by society to distinguish between male and female roles, which are so adequately represented in this occupational structure. The transportation subsector, typically male, is the counterpoint of paid household services, which is markedly female. Both present very similar participation rates, and over 90% when analyzed by sex. This division in truth remits to the very gender gap present in society. Women who entered the labor market in the last thirty years found the doors of tertiary activities open, first because of their traditional niche - “paid household services: where women belong” – and second because gaining admission to the public administration requires a public entrance examination, which certainly allowed younger and more educated females to invade this job market at the end 8. There is therefore a feminization of these activities, probably due to the flexibility that they offer in more vulnerable market structures and less trade union organization.
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27
20th century. Melo et alli (1998) found this trend by comparing data for 1985, 1990 and 1995, and the gradual increase of female employment in this services subsector. Note should be made of the fact that this information shows a certain crystallization of male and female roles. A comparison of the work developed by Melo et alli (1998) with the information contained in the 1995 PNAD/IBGE survey shows that the distribution of employment in “other services” by subsectors presented a very similar distribution to that of 2007. Activities considered male and female activities remained as such. Jobs that have always been and still are considered to be male are maintenance and repair activities - which include vehicle mechanics and household appliances repair –; services provided to companies – corresponding to security and surveillance, janitorial services, activities related to the production of goods, rental and others –; and to a lesser degree distributive services, that is, radio and television-related services in which male participation increased when compared to 1995. Paid household services, social services and personal services have always been and still are mostly female. The latter experienced an increased male participation when compared to 1995 that is probably due to services related to the body (See Graph 4).
impact of the crisis on women
28
Graph 4
Distribution of employed persons aged 10 and over, by segments of the “Other” services subsector and by sex. Brazil, 1995 and 2007. 100% 90% 80% 70% 60%
Women
50%
Men
40% 30% 20% 10% 0% 1995 2007 1995 2007 1995 2007 1995 2007 1995 2007 1995 2007 1995 2007 1995 2007 Technical Prof.
Serv. Prov. to Companies
Social Serv.
Repair & Constr.
Accom. & Food
Paid Household
Personal Serv.
Distributive Serv.
Source: PNAD/IBGE, microdata, 1995 and 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
The employment distribution by race/color symbolizes the discrimination that still marks Brazilian society (Graphs 5A and 5B, and Table 1 of the Annex). In these graphs the activities of the services sector and those known as “other services” are side by side. The most modern and dynamic services subsectors clearly present a majority of white female workers. The case of financial institutions is particularly curious, as 74% of male and female workers in these institutions declared themselves white. It is known that this participation rate is not justified by level of educational attainment alone, as the share of black persons in the economically active population with the level of educational attainment required to enter these institutions is much higher than the share of black persons employed in the establishments of the sector, which shows the existence of a certain bias in the selection of employees. Over 60% of those employed in the technical-professional and social services subsectors are also white males and females. These market structures have a greater segmentation, which may lead to an increased higher education requirement in these jobs. As shown in the graphs below, participation rates in the public administration are very similar to the general population, but household work is mostly represented by black persons.
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29
Graph 5A
Distribution of the male population employed in the services subsectors, by color/ race. Brazil, 2007. 100% 90% 80% 70% Other Brown Black White
60% 50% 40% 30% 20%
Distr. Serv.
Pers. Serv.
Paid Hous.
Acc. & Food
Rep. & Constr.
Social Serv.
Serv. Prov. Comp.
Tech. Prof.
Public Adm.
Fin. Inst.
Communication
Transportation
0%
Trade
10%
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
Graph 5B
Distribution of the female population employed in the services subsectors, by color/ race. Brazil, 2007. 100% 90% 80% 70% Other Brown Black White
60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10%
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
Distr. Serv.
Pers. Serv.
Paid Hous.
Acc. & Food
Rep. & Constr.
Social Serv.
Serv. Prov. Comp.
Tech. Prof.
Public Adm.
Fin. Inst.
Communication
Transportation
Trade
0%
impact of the crisis on women
30
The services subsector structure by age range
The age range variable complements the profile of the services sector employees and does not present great changes when compared to 1985 and 1995 (Melo et alli, 1998). It is interesting to see that there was a decrease in the participation of persons aged 60 and over in the sector, heading towards the rate verified in 1985: in 2007 workers in this age range presented a 4.7% participation rate, which dropped to 4.6% and 5.6% in 1985 and 1995, respectively. Still analyzing the structure of the economy, we see that agriculture and services account for close to 83.5% of workers aged 10/17, distributed as follows: 46.5% in the services sector and 37% in agriculture. Separating the age ranges into 10/14 and 15/17 years old changes participation in these large economic sectors: agriculture accounts for 54% of child workers (10/14) and services for 35%; and if we consider youths/adolescents aged 15/17 we have the inverse situation: services employ 52.4% and agriculture 28.3% of these youths. An analysis of the services subsectors by age shows that in 1995 there was a reduction of child labor and that in the lower age groups there is a greater participation of males. Men concentrate in maintenance/repair services and women in paid household services. The situation of women remains identical to that of the 1990s, but that of men has changed due to the replacement of child and juvenile labor in trade-related activities. As in 1995, it is interesting to note the age distribution of public employees, which does not follow the same pattern as in the other subsectors; that is, the participation rate of youths is greater in the private sector (See Graph 6 and Table 2 of the Annex).
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31
Graph 6
Distribution of persons employed in the services subsectors, by age range. Brazil, 2007. 100% 90%
65 and over 60 to 64 50 to 59 40 to 49 30 to 39 25 to 29 18 to 24 15 to 17 10 to 14
80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% Distr. Serv.
Pers. Serv.
Paid Hous.
Acc. & Food
Rep. & Constr.
Social Serv.
Serv. Prov. Comp.
Tech. Prof.
Public Adm.
Fin. Inst.
Communication
Transportation
Trade
0%
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
The services subsector structure by level of educational attainment
A review of the data on level of educational attainment once again depicts the diversity of the services sector. On the one hand, there are subsectors in which over 20% of the male and female workers have had up to 4 years of education: transportation, services provided to companies, maintenance/repair, accommodation/food and paid household activities. On the other, there are segments in which over 40% of workers have received over 12 years of schooling, such as: financial institutions, technical-professional, public administration and social services. This qualification requirement remained unaltered in the new global times; it is practically the same as in 1995 (See Table 3 of the Annex). Because of the importance of paid household services in female employment, Graph 7 shows the level of educational attainment of male and female workers in this category. It is interesting to note that although women hold the most vulnerable jobs in this subsector they are the ones with the highest level of education, following the education pattern for the country as a whole. As such, 39% of female household employees had up to 4 years of schooling and 21% had over 8 years. These percentages were of 53% and 16% respectively for male workers in this subsector.
impact of the crisis on women
32
Graph 7
Distribution of persons employed in paid household services, by sex and years of schooling. Brazil, 2007.
Women 0 1 to 4 5 to 8 9 to 11 12 to 14 15 and over Undet. Men
0%
10 %
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
The services subsector structure by status in employment
The “status in employment” variable makes it possible to analyze the conditions in which the population is inserted in the economy based on a reflection on the “quality” of employment. The 20th century saw the progressive increase in employment with single employers and full-time contracts of indeterminate duration. This situation became widespread and still remains in most countries, although the last 20 years saw the rise of other forms of work contracts that combine greater vulnerability with outsourcing. This has also been the case in Brazil and since the country never did promote homogeneous labor relations, globalization deepened the gap. As in other countries, in Brazil this type of work contract was driven by the industrialization process that spread throughout the 20th century and was defined in the country by formal work contracts in the form of signed official work booklets, pursuant to the labor legislation in force. Nevertheless, other types of employment relations persist and grew in the past decade, namely: workers without formal contract, own-account/self-employed workers, employers and unpaid workers. The quality of predominant employment is quite disparate across all Brazilian economic sectors. The first finding concerns the differences between urban and rural employment, as evidenced by the low number of workers with formal
CHAPTER 3
33
work contracts in agriculture.9 The second is that most salaried work contracts are found in the industry sector, as can be seen in the table: nearly 70% of the its workers have formal work contracts. The third is the vulnerability of the services sector: its heterogeneous activities permit a great degree of flexibility in work relations, which partly explains the increased participation of the sector in total employment and income. Note that only 33.3% of workers in the services sector have formal work contracts. The hiring of workers outside of the legal system in order to avoid paying labor charges is quite common in Brazilian society: these are workers without formal contracts (signed work booklets) or unprotected. It is interesting to note that this form of employment relation permeates all economic sectors. This is partly due to the lack of inspection, which helps this type of subcontracting to spread. Another flexible form of employment is own-account work, which is also found across all economic sectors. It expresses a current business strategy, associated to the context of growing unemployment, of escaping the obligations attached to work contracts by forcing workers to adopt the legal statute of ownaccount workers. The deceleration of growth in the Brazilian economy starting in 1980 is understood to have aggravated this situation, thus leading to a growing vulnerability in employment. The quality of employment in the various segments of the services sector is portrayed in Graphs 8A and 8B below.10 The strong differences in the various activities is immediately evident: in 2007 more than 50% of workers with formal work contracts were in the communication, financial institutions, services provided to companies, social services and distributive services segments. Together with civil servants, these are the workers in decent secure employment. On the opposite end are unprotected male and female workers without formal employment agreements, such as those in household activities, and the host of informal laborers who work for their own-account in the personal services, transportation, maintenance/repair and trade segments. The heterogeneous profile of tertiary activities is thus consecrated, with a number of highly formalized subsectors and others that present a very low degree of formalization.11 A disaggregation of the data by sex shows a number of important situations that can be seen in Graphs 8A and 8B. Initially, one can see a large share of women who despite being employed are not paid for the work they perform. 9. The agriculture sector, for reasons that are specific to the type of work relations established therein, does not completely incorporate salaried work relations. 10. See also Table 4 of the Annex. 11. Note that the participation rate of employees with formal work contracts and civil servants amounts to 44.3% of the total for the sector. It is important to point out that 19.5% of male and female workers in these activities are informal and 16.8% are "without formal contract", which amounts to 36.3% of vulnerable employment in the services sector.
impact of the crisis on women
34
This situation is found in many segments, but especially in trade, maintenance/ repair and accommodation/food. Graph 8A, however, shows that this situation is almost nonexistent for employed male workers, and even where unpaid work exists, it is significantly less than for women. In certain subsectors there is an alternation between women with formal work contracts and own-account male workers. This is the case of the transportation sector, for instance, in which there is a greater share of female workers with formal work contracts and own-account male workers. The “own-account” category is also quite heterogeneous, as it includes everything from popcorn vendors who work with their own carts to medical doctors. In all instances this form of employment requires seed capital to invest in equipment, which is more difficult to come by for women. As such, they tend to seek employment in companies and therefore appear less as own-account and more as wage and salaried workers. Finally, although both male and female workers face vulnerable employment in household services the situation is worse for women: 60% of men occupied in this subsector do not have formal work contracts against 73% of women. Graph 8A
Distribution of employed men, by services subsector and by status in employment. Brazil, 2007. 100% 90% 80%
Unpaid
70%
Employer
60% 50%
Own-account
40%
Civil Servant
30%
Withou Formal Contract
20%
With Formal Contract
10%
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
Distr. Serv.
Pers. Serv.
Paid Hous.
Acc. & Food
Rep. & Constr.
Social Serv.
Serv. Prov. Comp.
Tech. Prof.
Public Adm.
Fin. Inst.
Communication
Transportation
Trade
0%
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35
Graph 8B
Distribution of employed women, by services subsector and by status in employment. Brazil, 2007. 100% 90% 80%
Unpaid
70%
Employer
60%
Own-account
50% 40%
Civil Servant
30%
Withou Formal Contract
20%
With Formal Contract
10%
Serv. Distr.
Serv. Pessoais
Dom. Remun.
Hosp. e Alim.
Rep. e Cons.
Serv. Sociais
Serv. Prest. Empr.
Técn. Prof.
Adm. Pública
Inst. Financ.
Comunicações
Transportes
Comércio
0%
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
The services subsector structure by wage range
The services sector functions as an important absorber of labor expelled from other sectors. As such, investigating the wages paid to its employees provides knowledge on the internal dynamics of these activities. Graph 912 shows the intrinsic heterogeneity of the sector for which the income variable, here analyzed by segment, presents the matter categorically: in line with the other characteristics of the sector it includes both badly paid and well paid activities.
12. See also Table 5 of the Annex.
impact of the crisis on women
36
Graph 9
Distribution of employed persons by service subsector, by wage range for main work (in minimum wages). 100% 90% 80%
Undet.
70%
Over than 10
60%
More than 6 up to 10
50%
More than 4 to 6
40%
More than 2 to 4
30%
More than 1 to 2
20%
More than 0 to 1
10%
0
Distr. Serv.
Pers. Serv.
Paid Hous.
Acc. & Food
Rep. & Constr.
Social Serv.
Serv. Prov. Comp.
Tech. Prof.
Public Adm.
Fin. Inst.
Communication
Transportation
Trade
0%
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
This information also make it possible to conclude that the Brazilian economy is characterized by low wages: 69.7% of the country’s employed persons receive up to two minimum wages; in the services sector this share is 64.6%. Upon examining the gender gap one finds that women concentrate in jobs that pay up to two minimum wages: 74% of them work in the tertiary sector against 54.5% of men.13 (Table 7). Table 7
Distribution of employed persons by service subsector, by wage range for main work and by sex (in minimum wages). Subsectors Services
0
More
More
More
More
More
More
Não
than 0 up to 1
than 1 up to 2
than 2 up to 4
than 4 up to 6
than 4 up to 6
than 6 up to 10
def
Total
Men Trade
3,3
22,6
35,2
22,6
5,5
5,0
3,9
1,9
100,0
Transportation
0,5
14,9
30,7
36,4
7,6
5,0
3,1
1,7
100,0
Communication
0,8
8,1
33,7
33,7
9,5
5,4
6,2
2,7
100,0
Fin. Inst.
0,1
4,0
16,4
26,5
14,9
17,4
16,7
4,0
100,0
Public Adm.
0,3
15,6
23,8
27,3
12,7
9,6
8,7
2,0
100,0
Tech. Prof.
1,5
11,7
25,5
23,7
8,7
11,3
13,4
4,2
100,0
Serv. Prov. Comp.
2,0
20,2
40,6
23,5
3,5
3,9
4,0
2,3
100,0
Social Serv.
3,3
18,6
30,3
23,9
6,8
6,3
8,2
2,5
100,0
13. These numbers reflect the terrible wages in the paid household services, personal services, accomodation/food, trade and maintenance/repair subsectors.
CHAPTER 3
Subsectors Services
37
0
More
More
More
More
More
More
Não
than 0 up to 1
than 1 up to 2
than 2 up to 4
than 4 up to 6
than 4 up to 6
than 6 up to 10
def
Total
Main. & Rep.
2,3
25,9
35,4
26,9
4,2
2,5
1,2
1,7
100,0
Acc. & Food
4,6
27,1
36,1
20,9
3,5
3,1
2,0
2,6
100,0
Paid Hous.
0,9
53,8
35,4
7,7
0,4
0,4
0,1
1,4
100,0
Pers. Serv.
1,8
25,8
29,8
25,3
7,6
3,9
3,4
2,4
100,0
Distr. Serv.
0,3
26,5
27,8
22,6
6,0
4,9
6,6
5,3
100,0
Total
2,1
20,2
32,2
25,3
6,8
5,8
5,3
2,2
100,0
Trade
7,7
32,4
37,8
14,6
2,7
2,0
1,1
1,5
100,0
Transportation
4,6
16,5
38,0
22,6
6,2
5,9
4,3
1,9
100,0
Women
Communication
1,2
14,0
51,4
19,8
4,0
3,9
3,0
2,8
100,0
Fin. Inst.
0,4
10,7
25,5
31,7
11,2
10,3
6,2
3,9
100,0
Public Adm.
0,5
20,2
31,8
26,8
9,4
6,4
3,6
1,4
100,0
Tech. Prof.
1,7
17,6
34,8
22,3
7,2
7,7
5,6
3,2
100,0
Serv. Prov. Comp.
3,7
23,1
41,4
17,6
4,3
4,2
3,1
2,5
100,0
Social Serv.
4,6
23,8
36,7
20,7
4,7
4,3
2,8
2,4
100,0
Main. & Rep.
24,2
22,3
31,2
13,1
3,8
2,1
0,8
2,6
100,0
Acc. & Food
10,4
35,5
39,3
9,3
1,8
1,3
1,0
1,5
100,0
Paid Hous.
0,4
70,3
25,6
2,8
0,1
0,0
0,0
0,8
100,0
Pers. Serv.
1,8
46,6
31,2
14,5
1,9
1,3
0,9
1,8
100,0
Distr. Serv.
2,9
21,5
25,6
21,8
12,0
5,8
9,1
1,3
100,0
Total
3,5
37,2
33,3
15,5
3,9
3,1
1,9
1,6
100,0
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
Also interesting is the fact that this phenomenon can be observed in all the sectors analyzed - regardless of the share of women or proportion of higher quality jobs. The differences in the presence of women and men in the lower income ranges (up to 2 minimum wages) reach the 22 percentage points in the case of the personal services subsector (predominantly female) and 17 points in accommodation and food. The smallest differences appear in the services provided to companies and household employment subsectors. In the latter 90% of men and 96% of women receive up to 2 minimum wages, which shows the overall vulnerability that marks the activity. The only segment in which there are more men in this wage range than women is distributive services, which is predominantly occupied by men.
impact of the crisis on women
38
3.2.1 Household work
As previously presented, in the bosom of the activities developed in the “services” sector lies a basically female subcategory, both in terms of numbers and in what has been construed as typically female in modern societies: paid household work. Much of the speculations concerning the possible impacts of the international financial crisis regard this category. On the one hand there are those who argue that in a context of reduced income and increased unemployment a large portion of female household employees would be fired. Others argue that household work is a good that cannot be waived as easily or quickly. In this sense, it is possible that there would be an impact on the level of employment in this category, but not in the intensity defended by others. Nevertheless, because the future of the global economy is unknown, as is the way in which household employment will respond to variations in the wages earned by employers, at this point in time any analysis made would be mere speculation. It is therefore important to get to know the structure of this occupational subsector so as to identify possible future impacts and respond to the different macroeconomic scenarios. To this extent it is essential to begin by emphasizing the importance of paid household work for women in the labor market. In fact, in 2007 a little over 16% of female workers were employed in this branch, which represents a contingent of 6.3 million women.14 For men the percentage was merely 0.8% or almost 418 thousand employed workers. Beyond the numbers there is a known difference in the household activities performed by each sex: the traditional niche for women is inside the homes of employers, taking care of the house and children; for men the prevalent occupations are housekeeper, gardener and driver. Occupational segregation by sex therefore exists even in such a notoriously female occupation. Household work is moreover known to have a racial bias, which becomes evident upon comparing the total number of white women employed in this subsector (13.4% in 1996 and 12.1%, in 2007) with black women (23% in 1996 and 21.4% in 2007). That is, despite the “small drop in both numbers during the decade, the fact persists that paid household work in Brazil is an activity traditionally performed by black women (...) [and] portrays a continuity of the most perverse features of slavery and patriarchy. As will become clear, the data show that this situation of inequality persists due to an injunction of these two ideological systems that founded Brazilian society. A situation that is on the whole considered natural, as shown by the unequal treatment received by this category 14. Even though a discrete decrease occurred (1 p.p.) in relation to 1996 the pattern remained: paid household work in Brazil is still mostly performed by women
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39
of workers alone in the Federal Constitution of 1988 under still fashionable arguments that hide the interference of this heritage” (Pinheiro et al., 2008). Because of its historical roots and characteristics household work was never regarded in the same way as other labor relations, which take place in public. It thus became increasingly vulnerable, as shown in Tables 8 and 9 below. The number of female household workers endowed with State protection in the form of formal work contracts and social security is still very low: in 2007 there were no more 27% and 30%, respectively. This means that a large number of female workers currently lack any form of social protection; they are subject to long hours and low wages and perform work that is known to be exhaustive. In addition to being unprotected in their productive years, their informal work conditions also leave them unprotected in old age. Two aspects deserve special emphasis in this analysis: the first refers to increases in these rates throughout the year, which shows that governmental initiatives have had a certain impact in encouraging formalization and social security affiliation for household workers, and augmenting not only their rights, but also their awareness of these rights. The second concerns the significant differences found in these numbers if we take into account the race/color of the workers. While 30.5% of white women had formal work contracts and 34.3% contributed to social security, this share dropped to 25.2% and 30.4% respectively for black women. It is also worth noting that despite the growing shares over the years the distances between white and black women remain, which shows that discriminatory processes remain strong..
Table 8
Table 9
Share of female household workers with formal contract, by race/color. Brazil, 1996 and 2007.
White
Black
Total
1996
23.6
18.7
20.9
2007
30.5
25.2
27.2
Source: Pinheiro et al., 2008, based on PNAD/IBGE microdata.
Share of female household workers with social security, by race/color. Brazil, 1996 and 2007.
White
Black
Total
1996
24,6
19,2
21,6
2007
34,3
28,0
30,4
Source: Pinheiro et al., 2008, based on PNAD/IBGE microdata.
40
impact of the crisis on women
In the last years there has been an important change in the structure of the household labor market: the growing number of day workers that have replaced traditional monthly workers. In 2007 the share of women working in more than one household reached 25% of the total, a 7.5 percentage point increase in the short period of one decade. Interestingly the share of white and black women in this case is inverted: if black women represent the majority of household workers, among day workers it is white women who take the lead - 26.7% against 24.1% of black women. The peculiar aspect of the day work regime is that although it tends to promote even more vulnerability in terms of formal employment conditions15it may allow women to receive higher earnings. As a result, in contexts of crisis such as the current one household day workers - whose participation in the economy has been growing rapidly and sustainably - may come to be strongly affected by unemployment, since more than monthly workers they lack formal employment ties that ensure their rights in case of dismissal. Other indicators could be used to reaffirm the situation of vulnerability and social exclusion to which workers are subject, such as those that point to excessively long hours and low earnings. Even though the indicators presented herein do show positive movements through the years, these changes were unable to alter the structure of the household labor market because of its strong roots in Brazilian society. 3.3 The recent impacts of the crisis in the Brazilian labor market: a gender perspective
Having the structure of the female labor market and the differences found upon comparing this market to that occupied by men as a backdrop, this section aims to present conjunctural data on employment and unemployment to permit an initial assessment of the impacts of the international economic and financial crisis on men and women. To this extent conjunctural indicators on employment and unemployment will be presented and analyzed to show the initial impacts of the crisis on participation in the world of work and on male and female employment. The indicators used were those produced by the Caged/MTE, and PME/IBGE surveys and to a certain extent by the PED/Dieese-Seade. The Caged is an administrative record produced by the MTE that provides monthly information on all establishments having carried out any type of movement (admission, dismissal or transfer) in 15. In May 2009 a ruling of the Labor Court of Appeals determined that day workers working up to three days a week in the same household would not have their labor rights ensured, as this would not characterize a formal work relationship.
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41
employees with contracts governed by the Brazilian Labor Code (CLT) . It therefore allows a conjunctural evaluation of the country’s formal labor market, that is, only of workers with formal work contracts. The IBGE PME, on the other hand, is a household survey conducted on a monthly basis in the six main metropolitan regions (MRs) of the country (Recife, Salvador, Belo Horizonte, Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo and Porto Alegre). It offers conjunctural information inter alia on activity conditions, employment conditions and possession of a formal work contract, thus covering the total population employed or looking for work instead of just salaried workers with formal work contracts. The PED works in the same molds as the PME and covers the MRs of Recife, Salvador, Belo Horizonte, Federal District, São Paulo and Porto Alegre. An analysis of these different sources - a census restricted to the formal labor market and others that cover the market as a whole but are limited to samples and metropolitan regions - offers a broader picture of the Brazilian economy and especially of the female workers that are proportionately more represented in the informal economy. 3.3.1 The general impacts of the crisis in the Brazilian economy
Ever since 2004 the available data on the Brazilian labor market point to an upward trend in employment in the country, particularly in terms of formal work. This period of virtuous formalization of the labor market was made possible both by the dynamic characteristics of international trade and by the internal market upturn. As of September 2008, however, the situation changed dramatically. The crisis in the subprime mortgage market in the United States gained international proportions, spreading lack of confidence in financial markets and unleashing a liquidity crisis with serious effects on production, employment and income throughout the world. The first signs of the international crisis in the Brazilian labor market seem to have appeared in October 2008, when a deceleration in the drop of the unemployment rate begins followed, starting in January, by a proportionately higher increase in the unemployment rates than would be expected from seasonal variations. According to data of the PME, in the seven months that followed the onset of the crisis (October/2008 to April/2009) the percentage of unemployed workers rose from 7.5% to 8.9%, a 1.4 percentage point increase. The opposite trend was verified in the same period of the previous years (October/2007 to April/2008), with a 0.2 percentage point reduction in the unemployment rate measured in the country’s six main metropolitan regions (See Graph 10).
impact of the crisis on women
42
Graph 10
Unemployment rate in the six metropolitan regions, by sex. 2007 to 2009.
10,9 9,4
8,9
7,5
7,2
Total
abr/09
fev/09
mar/09
jan/09
dez/08
nov/08
set/08
out/08
jul/08
ago/08
jun/08
abr/08
Women
mai/08
fev/08
mar/08
jan/08
dez/07
nov/07
set/07
out/07
jul/07
ago/07
jun/07
abr/07
mai/07
fev/07
mar/07
jan/07
5,9
Men
Source: Monthly Employment Survey/IBGE.
Starting in October there was also a clear decline in the creation of new work positions in formal employment, as measured by the Caged and shown in Graph 11. If the average number of jobs with formal work contracts created in October 2004 and 2007 was approximately 146 thousand, in October 2008 this number fell to a mere 61 thousand. November shows a drop in the number of jobs with formal contracts in the country, which is also seen in December 2008 and January 2009. It is true that the unfavorable results in these months, particularly in December, are not justified by the international crisis alone. Seasonal factors associated to the sugarcane cycle with impacts on the ethanol production complex, as well as rightsizing in the industry sector to adapt the number of jobs offered to a market no longer influenced by the end of the year boom, among other factors, also contributed to the elimination of CLT-governed work positions. At any rate, Graph 11 clearly shows that the extent of the decline in December was significantly greater in 2008 than in previous years.
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43
Graph 11
Net employment with formal work contract (Admissions - Dismissals). Brazil: 20042009. 450.000
250.000
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
Apr
Mar
Feb
Jan
Dec
Nov
Oct
Sep
Aug
Jul
Jun
May
Apr
Mar
Feb
Jan
Dec
Nov
Oct
Sep
Aug
Jul
Jun
May
Apr
Mar
Feb
Jan
Dec
Nov
Oct
Sep
Aug
Jul
Jun
May
Apr
Mar
Feb
Jan
Dec
Nov
Oct
Sep
Aug
Jul
Jun
May
Apr
Mar
Feb
Jan
Dec
Nov
Oct
Sep
Aug
Jul
Jun
May
Apr
Mar
Feb
Jan
50.000
2009
-150.000
-350.000
-550.000
-750.000
Source: MTE, General File of the Employed and Unemployed. Prepared by: DISOC/IPEA.
Graph 11 also shows an increase in the number of formal work positions in February and April 2009. Even though the results are positive, they are much lower than those verified in the same months of previous years. As such, it is still impossible to tell whether the complete effects of the crisis on the job market have already been felt. This slight recovery does not by itself indicate that the trend will from now on be towards a reestablishment of the previous accelerated growth in formal employment. The threat of unemployment and informality persists, however, as the rate in which new CLT work positions were created in the last three months, as observed in the Caged, is still slow. In this sense, the concern with the evolution of formal jobs is justified for at least two reasons: the direct impact on the living conditions of male and female workers and the fact that one of the main components of internal demand is the wage sum (determined by the level of employment and wages) – as such, the evolution of formal employment can either contribute to soften the effects of the crisis or to expand them (IPEA, 2009b). 3.3.2 Recent results of the labor market from a gender perspective
Considering these two relevant dimensions of employment it would be a good idea to analyze the information available on how the Brazilian labor market responded to the first months of the international crisis with greater attention to try to understand its effects and identify which groups of workers were or may
impact of the crisis on women
44
still be affected. Many studies have already been conducted on the effects of the crisis on the labor market based on such variables as income range, age rage, years in employment, activity sector, federative unit, level of educational attainment and type of municipality. Studies with a gender approach with focus on the different effects of the crisis on male and female workers, however, are inexistent. In order to inform the national debate on the impacts of the economic crisis, this section proposes to analyze the data of the PME, PED and Caged based on the sex variable, whenever possible crossing this variable with the racial dimension. We will initially present data of the PME and PED, which cover all forms of insertion in the labor market and the unemployed, but only for a number of metropolitan areas. Subsequently we will focus on formal employment based on the Caged data, which includes the jobs with the highest quality and best level of social protection. Metropolitan labor market: PME and PED data
The information produced by the PME and PED surveys offers a broad view of the Brazilian labor market in terms of coverage, as it includes formal employment - with formal work contracts and therefore with State protection against the risks faced by male and female workers - and informal employment, which covers own-account work (self-employed), employment without formal contract (with emphasis on female household workers), workers who despite being employed are not paid for their work and also employers. The PED also permits a deeper analysis of the labor market and offers results that reiterate the findings of IBGE. In the eight months that followed the first effects of the crisis in the country (September-2008 to April-2009) the growth of the female economically active population 16 (EAP) was smaller that the growth of the male EAP in all the MRs surveyed by the PED. There was a decrease in the female EAP in Salvador (-3.0%), Belo Horizonte (-1.5%), Porto Alegre (-2.3%) and São Paulo (-1.9%), while for men no EAP decrease was found in the MRs. This shows a reversal of the situation found in previous years, when there was a slight upward trend in the female EAP with regard to the male EAP, thus offering evidence that the economic crisis withdrew more women from the labor market than men. In other words, the economic slowdown seems to have pushed women towards inactivity.17 The information on the participation of men and women in the labor market contained in the PED makes it easier to see this trend that, despite discrete, is clear and predictable inasmuch as it expresses traces of our patriarchal culture. In 16. Refers to persons employed in the market or unemployed but looking for a job. These are therefore individuals that are available in the market. 17. Share of the Working Age Population that is neither employed nor looking for a job.
CHAPTER 3
45
situations of job loss within the family nucleus (with a consequent loss of monthly income) there is a greater probability that women will return to their homes and take responsibility for household activities than men. This is either because they worked in small family enterprises that did not survive the crisis or because the decreased family income made it impossible to continue paying the persons hired to perform the tasks that they will now have to perform themselves - while the dismissed female household workers return to being “inactive”. Men are usually left to continue in the labor market looking for jobs and income to continue to support their families, thus remaining economically active. As such, between September/2008 and April/2009 the participation rate of women dropped more than that of men in all the MRs surveyed. The data show a drop in the male participation rate in metropolitan regions, but this is invariably less accentuated than the female rate (See Graph 12). Graph 12
Participation rate variation from September 2008 to April 2009, by metropolitan region and by sex. 0%
-1.8%
-0.3%
-1.7%
-1.3%
-0.7%
-0.3%
-1.1%
-2.5%
-0.9%
-0.7%
-1.4%
-10% -20% -30% -3.4%
-40%
-4.2%
-50% -60%
-1.2%
-2.6%
-1.9%
-1.3%
-70% -80% -90% -100%
Belo Horizonte
Distrito Federal
Porto Alegre Total
Recif e Men
Salvador
São Paulo
Women
Source: Employment and Unemployment Survey/Dieese.
Regarding the level of employment, as noted before in Brazil the economic crisis reverted the trend towards decreased unemployment and increased job creation, especially in the formal sector. Graph 13 shows the inflection in the unemployment rates in the eight months following the crisis compared to the eight months that precede it based on data of the PME. Thus, while from January
impact of the crisis on women
46
to August 2008 unemployment falls in all the groups surveyed, except for black women who presented zero variation, from September/2008 to April/09 unemployment increases significantly across the Brazilian population in general. Graph 13
Unemployment rate variation in selected periods, by sex and color/race. Metropolitan Regions, 2008 and 2009. 4.1%
24.1% 11.2% 21.3%
-
- 4.8%
-5.0%
-12.5%
Men
Women
White women
Aug08 / Jan08
0.0%
Black women
April09 / Sep08
Source: Monthly Employment Survey/IBGE.
Female unemployment rates have historically always been much higher than those of men, a trend confirmed by data of the PME and PED, as can be observed in Graph 10. In a context of crisis, however, there seems to be a different movement in which male unemployment rates tend to grow more in relative terms. As such, if we take the period covered by the months immediately after the crisis we see a 24% increase in the unemployment rate for men in the six metropolitan regions surveyed by the PME against 11.2% for women (See Graph 13). Among them white women presented the greatest increase in unemployment in the period (21.3%). At the same time, it is important to analyze the data on employment, which after September 2008 on the whole presented negative variations for men and women, again with slightly higher variations for women (-3.13% against -1.57%). In previous years, female employment grew relatively more than male employment. That is, the crisis seems to have stalled the feminization of the labor market evidenced up to that point. An analysis of female workers by race/color shows that black women lost proportionately less jobs in the period, thus confirming the data on unemployment (See Graph 14).
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47
Graph 14
Variation in the level of employment in selected periods, by sex and color/race. Metropolitan Regions, 2008 and 2009. 4.0%
1.6%
3.3% 3.0%
- 1.6%
- 3.1%
Men
Women Ago08 / Jan08
- 4.5%
- 1.8%
White women
Black women
Abril09 / Set08
Source: Monthly Employment Survey/IBGE.
Employment and unemployment data seem to show a contradiction, because if there is a greater drop in employment among women one would expect to see a greater increase in unemployment for women than for men. However, what justifies the smaller increase in unemployment among women seems to be the inactivity that affects them more intensely in periods of crisis. As such, female workers that lose their jobs do not necessarily become unemployed, as they give up looking for a job and become inactive. These women therefore do not contribute to unemployment rate calculations, causing male rates to appear higher than female rates. Disaggregating the data by economic activity branch shows that the largest relative declines in female employment occurred in: mining and quarrying, manufacturing, and electricity, gas and water production and distribution (-8.38%); as well as in trade, and repair of vehicles and personal objects (-5.82%). Among men the greatest relative decrease took place in household services (-5.66%) as well industry (-4.81%) (See Graph 15). The industry sector was actually the most affected in this first moment of crisis, as pointed out in various studies conducted based on data of the Caged and household surveys on employment. It would therefore be expected for this sector to present the greatest number of dismissals for both men and women. It is interesting to note, however, that although industry is a highly masculine field of work, it was female workers who proportionately lost
impact of the crisis on women
48
the most jobs in this sector. And among them, black women were slightly more affected in the loss of industrial employment: a - 9.96% rate compared to -7.73% for white women. In other words, the crisis led to a growingly white male profile in Brazilian industry.18 Graph 15
Variation in employment from September/2008 to April/2009, by sex and sector of activity. Metropolitan Regions.
- 4.8%
17.5%
3.0%
- 3.2%
- 5.8%
-1,3% 4.3% -1.3%
2.3%
0.7% -
- 5.7%
- 4.6%
- 3.0% - 8.4%
-
- 0.9% Electricity, gas and water supply
Civil construction
Trade, vehicle repair, etc.
Financial intermediation, real estate activities
Men
Public Adm., health, education, etc.
Househould services
Other services
Women
Source: Monthly Employment Survey/IBGE.
Another aspect that deserves to be highlighted regards household work, which as seen in Graph 15 dismissed proportionately many more men than women: -5.66% and -0.89% respectively19. What this data seems to show is that household work performed by men does not classify as a first necessity for families and can be more easily dispensed with than that of women. This is due to the differentiated structure of the female and male labor markets in which the activities performed by male and female household workers are intrinsically different: while men have occupations such as gardener, housekeeper and driver, women take care of the house and children, which are essential activities in the daily lives of families. To waive the work performed by these women therefore seems to be 18. According to the 2007 PNAD 17.4% of male and 12.7% of female workers were employed in the industry sector. Considering the racial dimension we find that 11.4% of black women and 13.9% of white women were in this group. 19. The drop in household employment for women concentrated completely in those of the white color/race. PME data shows a 2.52% decrease in employment for this group, while black women remained stable in the total employed in the sector with a slight increase of 0.06% in the period after September 2008.
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49
“costlier” for families, but especially for women, for whom “reproductive” work imposes longer and more intense daily hours and impacts decisively on their opportunities to enter and remain in the labor market. Finally, it is clear that in the seven months following its onset the economic crisis produced a certain degree of replacement of male labor by female labor in civil construction. In fact, the PME data points to a slightly greater than 3% drop in the total positions occupied by men in this sector while female employment rose by 17%. This feminization movement in civil construction had already been felt in previous periods: from January to August 2008 there was a greater than 23% increase in the total number of women employed in the sector against only 6% in men. This phenomenon was therefore not reverted by the crisis, which reduced the employment growth rate for both men and women, but more intensely for men. It is also worthwhile to mention the existence of movements in the opposite direction for white and black female workers in the civil construction sector. In the first eight months of 2008 there was a significantly more intense increase in the employment rate for white females than for black females: 32.40% and -12.23% respectively. This “whitening” process of the female labor force in civil construction was more intense in the post-September period, when there was a rise in employment for white women (47.6%) and fall for black women (-13.76%). Disaggregation of the data by status in employment is even more revealing. Unemployment hit male and female workers in the worst quality jobs the hardest, which shows the vulnerability of jobs without formal work contracts in contexts of economic crisis (See Graph 16). The greatest decrease in female employment occurred in workers of the private sector without formal contracts (-13.53%),20which provides elements to justify an apparent divergence in the results of the PME and Caged surveys and points to a slight feminization trend in the formal labor market after September 2008, as will be shown below.21 That is, the dismissals faced by women during the crisis affected especially those that did not have a formal work contract.
20. Among black women this percentage reaches the 17.17% against 12% for white women. 21. It should be noted that the divergence persists, however, since PME data reveal an increase in employment with formal contract among men and a decrease among women, a difference that can be explained, for example, by the fact that the Caged considers the total national territory and not just metropolitan regions.
impact of the crisis on women
50
Graph 16
Variation in employment from September/2008 to April/2009, by sex and status in employment. Metropolitan Regions.
- 5.7%
0.2%
0.8%
- 3.7%
-0.6%
8.9% -10.1%
-2.2%
-0.9%
-13.7%
-2.7%
-3.4%
-13.5%
- 0.9%
Household work
Civilian and military civil service
With formal contract
Without formal contract Men
Own-account
Employer
Unpaid
Wom
Source: Monthly Employment Survey/IBGE.
In the same period there was an increase in unpaid female work, which indicates that in the context of this economic crisis the work positions that opened up for women were of the most vulnerable kind, without remuneration. One of the hypotheses is that women previously employed in other activities, unemployed or inactive were forced to enter family enterprises as collaborators who work, but do not have their own income - maybe substituting workers that had to be dismissed. This scenario which was already typical for women22was intensified, going back to the trend found before the downturn (from January to August 2008 there was a nearly 17% decrease in this kind of occupation and an increase in greater quality employment – female civil servants and workers with formal contract) thus reaffirming the sexist values that underpin Brazilian society. Among male and female workers in the category of employers, that is, persons who own their own business, a reduction was observed in the level of employment for both men and women, more intensely for the latter, of -0.94% and -2,75% respectively. Among black female employers this decrease reached a 22. As shown in Section 3.1 of this article.
CHAPTER 3
51
significant 26.5%, while among white ones a certain amount of businesses were even started, a little over 4% in period of September/2008 to April/2009. One can imagine that the greater vulnerability of female enterprises, and particularly of those belonging to black females, is the main factor that explains the inequalities verified in this context of international crisis. For male workers, on the other hand, the main decrease in the number of jobs after September 2008 was in unpaid jobs, for which an almost 14% reduction was observed. This intensified the movement verified in the previous six months when a 3% drop in this type of employment was noticed. There was also a significant reduction in the total persons employed without formal contract (-10.08%), thus reverting the preceding upward trend in this kind of employment. Unlike for female employees, a slight increase was seen in the number of positions with formal contract offered to males (0.82%), a slightly greater intensity than in the first eight months of 2008. On the whole the PME and PED data make it possible to infer that the crisis does produce differentiated impacts on workers depending on their sex and color/race. The Brazilian labor market structure, its segmentation by sex and its inequalities determine variations in male and female employment in contexts of economic downturn. In this sense, there seems to be a break in the feminization of the labor market, characterized by the withdrawal of women from the market towards inactivity while men continue to seek employment, thus contributing towards the growing female unemployment rates. This situation furthermore reinforces the vulnerability of female employment, since the new positions created in the crisis context concentrate in unpaid work while for men this type of work decreases. It is also interesting to note the importance that paid household work, engaged in by close to 17% of employed women, has for Brazilian society. Despite the economic crisis scenario there are practically no variations in the level of employment in this category, which reiterates how essential this work is for family reproduction and for the functioning of the country. Also present in this context are job loss in industry and feminization in civil construction, phenomenons that deserve to be monitored in the coming months. Finally, it should be mentioned that household employment surveys confirm the unequal wages received by men and women. The crisis led to an overall average decrease in earnings, there being no evidence of a greater intensity for one group than for the other.
impact of the crisis on women
52
The formal work market: Caged data 23
The results presented thus far based on household surveys on employment permitted an analysis of the global labor market, that is, both vulnerable occupations with low formality and social protection and those of higher quality and protection, including the employers category. It would be interesting to analyze the formal labor market and its reactions to the crisis in greater detail, as the destruction of formal employment has different consequences for workers, companies and even for the government, which collects less revenues and is faced with greater spending in wages as a result of unemployment insurance benefits, for instance. Because it includes information on dismissals and admissions for all workers with formal work contracts, the Caged data provides for a deeper analysis of the formal labor market. Table 10 clearly shows that the first effects of the international crisis on formal employment were felt in the manufacturing and civil construction sectors, which confirms the trend verified by the PME data. This fact deserves careful analysis from a gender perspective. The manufacturing and civil construction sectors are traditional areas of male economic activity. In this sense, if the impacts of the international crisis on employment have so far been most strongly felt in these sectors it would be expected for men to have been affected the most. As shown by the PME and confirmed by the Caged, in absolute terms it was men who lost the most jobs in the industry sector. Because it was the most affected by the crisis, the general movements in formal employment were determined by this sector. In this context, 585,912 formal jobs were eliminated in the period analyzed, of which only 5,273 were occupied by women (0.90%). In relative terms, the stock of male workers fell by 2.85% following the seven month period analyzed, while the number of women occupied in the formal market fell by only 0.05%. In this sense, in contrast with the tendency verified in the metropolitan market analysis based on PME data, one could suggest the existence of a “feminization” process in the formal labor market.
23. Because it is an administrative record that does not ensure adequate filling in of the race/color field, the racial perspective is not analyzed through the Caged data.
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53
Table 10
Absolute and relative variation* in jobs with formal work contracts, by subsector of economic activity and by sex. Brazil, Oct./2007 to April/2008 and Oct./2008 to April/2009. Saldo CAGED - Outubro/07 a Abril/08 SUSETORES DE ATIVIDADE ECONÔMICA
Homem
Mulher
Saldo CAGED - Outubro/08 a Abril/09
Total
Homem
Mulher
Total
Var. Absoluta
Var. Relativa1
Var. Absoluta
Var. Relativa1
Var. Absoluta
Var. Relativa1
Var. Absoluta
Var. Relativa1
Var. Absoluta
Var. Relativa1
Var. Absoluta
Var. Relativa1
Extrativa mineral
4.655
2,80%
984
5,55%
5.639
3,06%
-5.650
-3,17%
-268
-1,36%
-5.918
-2,99%
Indústria de Transformação
71.637
1,40%
71.915
3,48%
143.552
2,00%
-397.992
-7,41%
-94.485
-4,22%
-492.477
-6,48%
Ind. produtos minerais não metálicos
7.479
2,49%
1.348
3,54%
8.827
2,61%
-12.451
-3,91%
-329
-0,80%
-12.780
-3,55%
Ind. metalúrgica
34.180
5,51%
5.252
6,51%
39.432
5,63%
-67.032
-9,87%
-4.524
-4,95%
-71.556
-9,29%
Ind. mecânica
28.791
7,18%
5.737
7,92%
34.528
7,29%
-41.745
-9,39%
-7.298
-8,73%
-49.043
-9,29%
Ind. material elétrico e comunicaçoes
8.210
4,71%
6.382
7,32%
14.592
5,58%
-16.262
-8,55%
-14.511
-14,62%
-30.773
-10,63% -11,03%
Ind. material transporte
23.212
5,38%
3.736
6,69%
26.948
5,53%
-53.203
-11,21%
-6.153
-9,71%
-59.356
Ind. madeira e mobiliário
-8.251
-2,18%
1.463
1,82%
-6.788
-1,48%
-23.790
-6,39%
-3.618
-4,35%
-27.408
-6,02%
Ind. papel, editorial e gráfica
4.559
1,73%
3.389
3,18%
7.948
2,15%
-8.286
-3,04%
-2.632
-2,30%
-10.918
-2,82%
Ind. borracha, fumo, couros, peles, similares
5.733
2,65%
3.725
4,00%
9.458
3,06%
-10.975
-4,94%
1.132
1,15%
-9.843
-3,07%
Ind. química, produtos farmacêuticos, veterinários, perfumaria
8.026
1,66%
5.549
2,72%
13.575
1,97%
-22.747
-4,46%
-8.410
-3,84%
-31.157
-4,27%
Ind. têxtil, vestuário e artefatos de tecidos
496
0,14%
10.306
1,80%
10.802
1,15%
-18.879
-5,00%
-24.400
-4,02%
-43.279
-4,40%
Ind. calçados
-254
-0,15%
7.023
4,30%
6.769
2,07%
-16.806
-9,83%
-15.770
-8,83%
-32.576
-9,32%
Ind. produtos alimentícios, bebidas e álcool etílico
-40.544
-3,12%
18.005
3,50%
-22.539
-1,24%
-105.816
-7,93%
-7.972
-1,43%
-113.788
-6,01%
Serviços industriais utilidade pública
4.987
1,75%
1.376
2,50%
6.363
1,88%
-699
-0,24%
657
1,14%
-42
-0,01%
Construção civil
125.251
8,34%
10.089
9,63%
135.340
8,43%
-63.082
-3,54%
3.745
2,96%
-59.337
-3,11%
Comério
135.836
3,38%
111.732
4,25%
247.568
3,73%
5.855
0,14%
46.423
1,63%
52.278
0,74%
Comércio varejista
105.109
3,26%
97.191
4,20%
202.300
3,65%
3.909
0,11%
42.000
1,68%
45.909
0,78%
Comércio atacadista
30.727
3,86%
14.541
4,67%
45.268
4,09%
1.946
0,23%
4.423
1,29%
6.369
0,54%
Serviços
213.976
3,36%
185.418
3,63%
399.394
3,48%
27.537
0,41%
99.302
1,81%
126.839
1,03%
Instituiçoes crédito, seguros e capitalizaçao
7.599
2,27%
8.883
2,50%
16.482
2,39%
-1.436
-0,41%
-165
-0,04%
-1.601
-0,22%
Serv. com. e adm. imóveis, valores mobiliários, serv. técnico.
90.063
3,87%
80.771
6,57%
170.834
4,81%
-2.483
-0,10%
22.479
1,64%
19.996
0,52%
Serv. Transportes e comunicaçoes
33.135
2,12%
3.500
1,09%
36.635
1,94%
-1.495
-0,09%
7.094
2,12%
5.599
0,28%
Serv. de alojamento, alimentaçao, reparaçao, manutençao
66.007
4,56%
55.180
3,39%
121.187
3,94%
15.823
1,02%
27.369
1,58%
43.192
1,31%
Serv. médicos, odontológicos e veterinários
9.412
3,40%
25.917
2,98%
35.329
3,08%
9.205
3,11%
30.168
3,26%
39.373
3,23%
Serv. Ensino
7.760
1,82%
11.167
1,59%
18.927
1,68%
7.923
1,79%
12.357
1,69%
20.280
1,73%
Administraçao pública direta e autárquica
2.978
0,90%
7.346
1,59%
10.324
1,30%
-1.416
-0,42%
-1.186
-0,25%
-2.602
-0,32%
Agropecuária
-72.207
-5,45%
-16.611
-7,24%
-88.818
-5,71%
-145.192 -10,71%
-59.461
-22,48% -204.653 -12,63%
Total
487.113
2,55%
372.249
3,49%
859.362
2,89%
-580.639
-5.273
-0,05%
-2,85%
-585.912
-1,84%
Source: MTE, CAGED. Prepared by: DISOC/IPEA. Note: * The relative variation refers to the net balance of admissions and dismissals in the period analyzed divided by the estimated stock of CLT workers at the beginning of the period. In order to estimate the stock of CLT workers at the start of October of each year, the stock of active CLT workers in December 2007 was used, obtained through the Annual List of Social Information (RAIS). These results were adjusted according to the movements in employment shown in the Caged. For example, the stock at the beginning of October 2007 is equal to the stock of active CLT workers in December 2007 deducted from the net balance of the Caged in the period of October to December 2007.
54
impact of the crisis on women
In the manufacturing and civil construction sectors one finds that women were less affected in terms of level of employment. At the beginning of October 2008 70.58% of the jobs in manufacturing were held by men. Seven months after the international crisis the participation of men in the sector dropped 0.71 percentage point, indicating that the number of jobs occupied by women decreased proportionately less than by men. In fact, the reduction in the number of men employed in industry was of 7.41% aginst 4.22% for women, as seen in the table below. This “feminization” process in formal employment is even more curious than in civil construction. In the period analyzed the net balance between admissions and dismissals in this sector was -59,337. Disaggregating this result by sex shows that the number of jobs occupied by men fell by 63,082. That is, in the same period the number of jobs occupied by women in civil construction increased by 3,745. This shows that there was a replacement of men by women, as can be seen in the PME data. In relative terms, we see that the number of men employed in civil construction decreased by 3.54% while the number of women increased by 2.96%. These are general findings, however, and do not reflect what took place in all the areas of the industry sector. In the electrical supplies and communication sector, for instance, the stock of women employed dropped by 14.62% between October 2008 and April 2009, while the number of men employed fell by 8.55%, indicating a movement in the opposite direction than in the manufacturing sector in general. It is also important to consider that although this is a traditionally male sector, women have a substantial participation in certain subsectors of the manufacturing industry. This can result in a great number of dismissals of women, albeit in a lesser scale that verified for men. That is the case of the textile and footwear industries, in which at the beginning of October 2008 61.64% and 51.10% of the total workers respectively were women. In these two subsectors 40,170 female positions with formal contract were eliminated in the past seven months. Another sector that presented a large decrease in the number of formal jobs in the period analyzed was agriculture. A total of 204,653 jobs were eliminated in this sector, of which 59,461 (29.05%) were occupied by women. However, this result cannot be attributed to the international crisis alone. A large part of the decline in formal employment can be explained by seasonal factors, particularly to the sugarcane off-season. Note that in the period of October 2007 to April 2008 the balance was of -88,818 vacancies. Even if the negative result in agriculture in the period was to be expected, its extent in the last seven months was substantial.
CHAPTER 3
55
Still in agriculture, it is interesting to note that job cuts were not always gender neutral in the sector. The reduction in the number of jobs occupied by women (-22.48%), in relative terms, was much higher than for men (-10.71%). As such, in the last seven months female participation in agriculture dropped by 1.84 percentage points. The tertiary sectors (trade and services) registered growth in formal employment in the period analyzed. Nevertheless, this does not mean that they were not affected by the international crisis. A comparison of the results of the last seven months with those obtained in the period of October/2007 to April/2008 shows that the former were quite weak. In trade, 247,568 jobs were created from October 2007 to April 2008, while from October 2008 to April 2009 this number fell to 52,278. In services the numbers were 399,394 against 126,839. Nevertheless, these were the sectors that employed the most in the past seven months, particularly women. In trade almost all the new jobs were occupied by women: 46,423 (88.80%) from a total of 52,278 positions opened. In services 99,302 (78.29%) of the total 126,839 vacancies created in the past seven months were occupied by women. In this context female participation in the tertiary sectors grew in the period (since this sector offers a large number of jobs the “feminization” of formal employment did not bring about a percentile change in the composition of employment by sex. In trade female participation increased 0.36%; in services, 0.34%. The data analyzed so far shows that the international crisis affected the formal labor market in different degrees, with greater intensity in the manufacturing and civil construction sectors. As a result male workers were the most affected by dismissals, since these economic activity branches are traditionally male. Note that the international crisis has not yet abated, however, and if the signs of economic stagnation are confirmed other sectors of the economy are also likely to be affected, including the predominantly female household work. In this sense it seems important to monitor the next movements in the formal labor market keeping a gender perspective. The findings described so far also suggest that this should involve not only a reflection on the level of employment and unemployment, but also a discussion of business sector strategies and criteria to admit and dismiss workers. The climate of uncertainty caused by the crisis may lead businessmen to offer more vulnerable employment. In practical terms this may mean, for instance, replacing high salaries by lower ones.
56
impact of the crisis on women
In this sense the “feminization” of the formal labor market verified in the period analyzed can be considered an expression of this movement. The “feminization” of the Brazilian labor market is a recognizedly an ongoing process that above all represents the emancipation of women. However, it is quite likely that the replacement of male workers by females in the levels verified in this study reflects a strategy of increasing employment vulnerability in the context of the crisis. Discrimination against women is still known to be quite common in the Brazilian labor market, manifested especially through lower wages for women than for to men. The data shown in Table 11 below confirms that in the period of October 2008 to April 2009 admission wages for women were invariably lower than for men, having controlled for level of educational attainment, in all sectors/subsectors of economic activity, whether predominantly male or female. This wage gap was even more accentuated in the highest levels of education, where women were admitted with an initial salary that corresponds to 65.39% of the initial salary of men, on average.
CHAPTER 3
57
Table 11
Average wage ratio for female and male workers admitted with formal work contract, by subsector of economic activity and by level of education. Brazil, Oct./2008 to April/2009. Average Wage of Admitted Workers - Women/Men (em %) SUBSECTORS OF ECONOMIC ACTIVITY "Up to 8 years of schooling (basic education)"
Between 9 and 11 years of schooling (middle education)
12 or more years of schooling (higher education init.)
Mining and quarrying
74,97%
82,67%
63,90%
Manufacturing
83,61%
76,84%
61,48%
Non-metallic mineral
90,40%
90,98%
56,01%
Basic metal products
76,09%
78,70%
59,04%
Repair
63,21%
75,31%
62,87%
Electronic materials and communication equipment
77,38%
79,33%
60,04%
Other transportation equipment
73,11%
80,40%
64,53%
Wood and furniture
86,13%
87,46%
67,96%
Paper, printing and publishing
81,62%
81,66%
75,53%
Rubber, tobacco, leather, similar
83,53%
80,79%
64,61%
Chemical, pharmaceutical, veterinary, hygiene
86,20%
82,22%
67,88%
Textile, clothing and cloth articles
90,79%
89,33%
64,09%
Footwear
87,26%
83,41%
65,66%
Food products, beverages, and ethil alcohol
89,90%
82,60%
65,00%
Public utility services
86,92%
86,79%
67,04%
Civil construction
79,83%
86,26%
63,42%
Trade
87,38%
89,22%
70,58%
Retail trade
87,56%
90,40%
77,81%
Wholesale trade
88,43%
89,53%
67,74%
Services
76,35%
82,26%
69,61%
Credit, insurance and savings institutions
68,91%
85,50%
68,61%
Real estate and business services, real estate Technical services
76,82%
80,95%
63,63%
Transportation and communication services
69,57%
79,25%
68,86%
Accomodation, food, repair and maintenance
82,92%
82,96%
80,04%
Medical, dental and veterinary services
86,99%
89,08%
72,23%
Education services
86,24%
83,54%
85,35%
Direct and indirect public administration
76,35%
72,91%
60,93%
Agriculture
87,84%
82,46%
63,10%
80,63%
81,26%
65,39%
Total
Source: MTE, CAGED. Prepared by: DISOC/IPEA.
The current economic crisis therefore seems to increase the challenges involved in providing equal access conditions to the labor market for women, which is part of the female emancipation process and minimizes the patriarchal dominance in the home with the elimination of existent inequalities in the division of labor by sex.
CHAPTER 4
59
4 Final Considerations In the context of a globalized economy, where investments, capital, people and companies in dozens of countries are in direct contact, move, affect each other and mingle, it is highly unlikely than an economic and financial crisis that begins in a central country will not be felt in many others. In the last months the effects of the current crisis that began in the United States in 2008 have begun to make themselves felt. Despite an internal context that has made it possible for these effects to be considerably smaller than they could have been and are in other economies, our labor market has suffered the consequences in several sectors. On the whole it is possible to say that the expansion and formalization of employment that had been taking place in Brazil since 2004 has slowed down, and that the primary and secondary sectors have been the hardest hit. In the last months several institutions have been conducting this type of analysis. This paper aimed to analyze the recent data from a gender perspective. If men and women have quite differentiated insertions in the world of work, it is likely that they will suffer equally diverse impacts in a context of crisis. This initial hypothesis is confirmed by the data of the monthly survey on employment and by the record of admissions and dismissals of the Ministry of Labor and Employment. As we have demonstrated, the feminization process observed in the labor market in the last years was stalled. Although men lost more jobs than women in the formal sector - because the hardest hit economic branches were manufacturing and civil construction, traditionally male - women on the whole withdrew more from the labor market. Amidst the worse impacts of the crisis there was a masculinization in the population available in the market - persons employed or looking for a job. Every economic activity branch has its own reaction mechanisms, just as the various more or less structured sectors of the economy behave in different manners. Despite the limited data and the conjunctural nature of the analysis which does not allow all tendencies and movements to be reflected, the information available suggests that employment in general is possibly becoming more vulnerable due to the crisis, which shows in the growing inactivity and increased number of women in vulnerable jobs such as unpaid and informal labor. On the other hand, there is evidence of a “feminization” of the formal labor market, which is positive, but may express a strategy in the business sector of opting for insecure employment. The period analyzed in this paper is too short for a definitive assessment of the consequences of this economic downturn scenario for men and women. It
60
impact of the crisis on women
will be important to monitor its effects on the labor market in the coming months so as to determine whether the tendencies pointed out in this paper remain. In this sense it is important to consider that although in this first moment the most affected sectors have been industry and civil construction, the chain effects on the economy may in the near future impact on other sectors with a significant female participation such as services and trade. In the last decades the services sector was responsible for the greatest increase in employment; the participation of the sector in urban employment has been growing systematically. The increasingly tertiary nature of the Brazilian economy was marked by duality: both traditional and new services grew and the importance of these activities for employment is undeniable. In these times of economic crisis attention must be called to the “anticyclic cushion” characteristic of the services sector. However, it is important to keep in mind that the heterogeneity that marks the sector translates into vulnerable employment. For women this is even more significant, as this flexibility results in a sad complementariness between work that produces goods and services and that which is responsible for the reproduction of life, and which crystallizes the invisibility of female labor. Many international studies have concluded that equality between men and women is not only an element in the consolidation of citizen rights, but also in economic and social development.24 In order to promote gender equality it is essential to ensure access, permanence and ascension opportunities for men and women in the workplace. Female work needs to be valued in all its forms and men and women need to be given equal rights and opportunities. In this sense, because the current scenario places at risk the advances made in the last years in reducing the gender gap - some more discrete, others less so -, it is tremendously important to understand the differentiated effects of the current economic crisis on the different population groups. We must not allow the effects of the crisis to deepen and throw to waste the victories obtained in promoting gender equality and reducing the unjustifiable discrimination suffered by Brazilian women in the workplace.
24. This is reflected by the inclusion of the goal to "promote gender equality and empower women" in the United Nations Millennium Development Goals, ratified by hundreds of countries in the year 2000.
CHAPTER 5
61
5 Bibliographic references ABRAMO, Lais W. A inserção da mulher no mercado de trabalho: uma força de trabalho secundária? Tese (Doutorado em Sociologia) – Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas, Universidade de São Paulo. São Paulo, 2007. DIESSE/CESIT, Departamento Intersindical de Estatísticas e Estudos Socioeconômicos e Centro de Estudos Sindicais e de Economia e Trabalho/UNICAMP (orgs.). O trabalho no setor terciário: emprego e desenvolvimento tecnológico. São Paulo: DIESSE/ CESIT, 2005. GUTIERREZ, J.P. El crecimiento de los servicios: causas, repercusiones y políticas. Madrid: Alianje Editorial, 1993. INSTITUTO Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE). Pesquisa Mensal de Emprego: principais destaques da evolução do mercado de trabalho nas regiões metropolitanas abrangidas pela pesquisa, 2009 (mimeo). INSTITUTO de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada (IPEA). A crise internacional e as possíveis repercussões. Brasília: Ipea, 2009a. (Comunicados da Presidência, n. 16) INSTITUTO de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada (IPEA). Crise internacional: impactos sobre o emprego no Brasil e o debate para a constituição de uma nova ordem global. Brasília: Ipea, 2009b. (Comunicados da Presidência, n.21) MELO, Hildete Pereira de et alli. Os serviços no Brasil. Brasília: Ministério da Indústria, do Comércio e do Turismo, ANPEC, IPEA, FESESP, 1998. MELO, Hildete Pereira de & CASTILHO, Marta. O trabalho reprodutivo no Brasil: quem faz? Revista de Economia Contemporânea. IE/UFRJ, vol. 13, 2009. MELO, Hildete Pereira de & OLIVEIRA, André Barbosa. Mercado de Trabalho e Previdência Social: um olhar de gênero. Anais do Encontro Nacional de Estudos Populacionais (ABEP). Caxambu, MG, 2008. PÉREZ SEDEÑO, Eulália (ed.). Las mujeres en el sistema de ciencia y tecnología: estudios de casos. Cuadernos de Iberoamérica. Madrid: OEI, 2001. PINHEIRO, L.; FONTOURA, N.; QUERINO, A.; BONETTI, A.; ROSA, W. Retrato das desigualdades de gênero e raça. 3ª edição. Brasília: Ipea, SPM, Unifem, 2008, 36p.
CHAPTER 6
63
6 Statistical Annex Table 1
Employed population aged 10 and over by services subsector, by race/color and by sex. Brazil, 2007. Services Subsector
Color/race Indigenous
White
Black
Yellow
Brown
Undeclared
Total
5.923
7.986.426
Men Trade
16.438
4.334.219
549.532
60.839
3.019.475
Transportation
10.275
1.544.375
228.446
11.280
1.207.085
0
3.001.461
Communication
217
229.274
32.739
1.309
130.097
0
393.636
Fin. Inst.
632
369.806
24.535
7.017
97.965
0
499.955
Public Adm.
16.486
1.952.070
288.771
20.512
1.413.103
676
3.691.618
Tech. Prof.
5.846
1.060.589
93.067
18.068
443.562
2.072
1.623.204
Serv. Prov. Comp.
7.999
1.284.830
302.178
11.288
1.115.542
869
2.722.706
Social Serv.
3.379
1.022.892
144.612
16.221
537.212
1.167
1.725.483
Main. & Rep.
6.873
953.908
186.924
10.454
831.690
613
1.990.462
Acc. & Food
5.236
789.604
128.362
9.695
681.765
455
1.615.117
Paid Hous.
1.936
167.821
45.158
363
202.475
508
418.261
Pers. Serv.
7.021
376.705
68.495
3.579
280.148
411
736.359
Distr. Serv.
764
117.199
29.856
1.528
91.398
0
240.745
Total
83.102
14.203.292
2.122.675
172.153
10.051.517
12.694
26.645.433
Trade
13.252
3.536.052
361.361
53.883
2.268.190
2.572
6.235.310
Transportation
918
155.527
15.396
2.164
79.209
0
253.214
Communication
1.551
146.495
17.013
2.129
71.094
0
238.282
Fin. Inst.
949
361.171
20.942
9.167
96.064
0
488.293
Public Adm.
14.004
3.081.053
374.495
32.314
1.876.617
0
5.378.483
Tech. Prof.
1.132
809.487
70.165
10.000
287.639
993
1.179.416
Women
Serv. Prov. Comp.
5.803
601.807
81.708
4.371
317.196
451
1.011.336
Social Serv.
11.312
2.120.665
234.204
24.135
961.001
1.328
3.352.645
Main. & Rep.
509
78.371
5.369
414
34.036
233
118.932
Acc. & Food
8.323
827.782
148.811
9.424
739.921
1.568
1.735.829
Paid Hous.
22.074
2.436.955
848.410
21.533
2.984.472
0
6.313.444
Pers. Serv.
10.773
1.297.728
215.840
22.687
945.439
233
2.492.700
Distr. Serv.
0
44.674
4.309
0
15.865
0
64.848
Total
90.600
15.497.767
2.398.023
192.221
10.676.743
7.378
28.862.732
Total
impact of the crisis on women
64
Color/race
Services Subsector
Indigenous
White
Black
Yellow
Brown
Undeclared
Total
Trade
29.690
7.870.271
910.893
114.722
5.287.665
8.495
14.221.736
Transportation
11.193
1.699.902
243.842
13.444
1.286.294
0
3.254.675
Communication
1.768
375.769
49.752
3.438
201.191
0
631.918
Fin. Inst.
1.581
730.977
45.477
16.184
194.029
0
988.248
Public Adm.
30.490
5.033.123
663.266
52.826
3.289.720
676
9.070.101
Tech. Prof.
6.978
1.870.076
163.232
28.068
731.201
3.065
2.802.620
Serv. Prov. Comp.
13.802
1.886.637
383.886
15.659
1.432.738
1.320
3.734.042
Social Serv.
14.691
3.143.557
378.816
40.356
1.498.213
2.495
5.078.128
Main. & Rep.
7.382
1.032.279
192.293
10.868
865.726
846
2.109.394
Acc. & Food
13.559
1.617.386
277.173
19.119
1.421.686
2.023
3.350.946
Paid Hous.
24.010
2.604.776
893.568
21.896
3.186.947
508
6.731.705
Pers. Serv.
17.794
1.674.433
284.335
26.266
1.225.587
644
3.229.059
Distr. Serv.
764
161.873
34.165
1.528
107.263
0
305.593
Total
173.702
29.701.059
4.520.698
364.374
20.728.260
20.072
55.508.165
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
Table 2
Employed population aged 10 and over by services subsector, by age and by sex. Brazil, 2007. Services Subsectors
Age ranges (in years) 10 to 14
15 to 17
18 to 24
25 to 29
30 to 39
40 to 49
50 to 59
60 to 64
65 or over
Total
Men Trade
145.950
347.018 1.666.604 1.156.997 1.855.287 1.452.728 906.358
211.409
244.075 7.986.426
Transportation
23.434
45.845
342.681
361.716
813.000
776.941
480.878
95.802
61.164
3.001.461
Communication
0
5.701
92.455
81.242
107.055
66.084
37.861
1.869
1.369
393.636
Fin. Inst.
0
6.752
94.360
92.200
116.665
129.041
49.020
8.179
3.738
499.955
Public Adm.
2.571
41.867
463.130
438.462
959.607
988.568
599.350
130.274
67.789
3.691.618
Tech. Prof.
5.874
51.086
332.115
269.851
406.276
263.975
195.915
52.671
45.441
1.623.204
Serv. Prov. Comp. 24.935
52.385
399.744
373.082
737.426
613.218
357.207
84.724
79.985
2.722.706
Social Serv.
13.072
42.354
294.338
257.432
420.100
340.860
221.901
66.917
68.509
1.725.483
Main. & Rep.
41.209
126.406
376.839
252.025
474.227
394.816
220.548
55.664
48.728
1.990.462
Acc. & Food
38.311
90.865
333.967
208.988
334.039
281.450
221.200
55.866
50.431
1.615.117
Paid Hous.
8.390
17.424
42.209
53.740
103.488
78.722
66.482
26.134
21.672
418.261
Pers. Serv.
11.000
24.795
143.557
118.006
183.435
127.414
76.530
25.208
26.414
736.359
5.371
42.403
39.682
69.298
53.379
22.830
2.897
4.661
240.745
Distr. Serv.
224
Total
314.970
857.869 4.624.402 3.703.423 6.579.903 5.567.196 3.456.080 817.614
723.976 26.645.433
CHAPTER 6
Services Subsectors
65
Age ranges (in years) 10 to 14
15 to 17
18 to 24
25 to 29
30 to 39
40 to 49
50 to 59
60 to 64
65 or over
Total
Mulher Trade
80.556
181.995 1.440.585 1.051.528 1.522.694 1.141.559 576.594
120.996
118.803 6.235.310
Transportation
949
8.750
48.148
42.055
71.463
61.630
17.460
1.930
829
253.214
Communication
949
3.621
81.450
58.661
57.583
26.385
7.596
1.812
225
238.282
117.471
92.518
30.580
Fin. Inst.
0
17.328
140.179
88.638
1.127
452
488.293
Public Adm.
2.649
30.269
464.281
638.819 1.474.045 1.662.791 928.913
128.707
48.009
5.378.483
Tech. Prof.
3.430
37.890
285.824
232.293
292.862
197.518
107.304
11.645
10.650
1.179.416
Serv. Prov. Comp. 4.330
19.616
171.367
157.205
282.608
225.267
119.778
17.411
13.754
1.011.336
70.088
591.692
563.799
910.455
728.662
353.420
65.458
55.902
3.352.645
Social Serv.
13.169
Main. & Rep.
2.274
5.923
25.080
15.831
32.319
27.286
7.075
2.633
511
118.932
Acc. & Food
21.182
61.351
310.996
223.156
460.800
385.407
208.769
34.160
30.008
1.735.829
Paid Hous.
98.566
260.142
837.655
748.002 1.750.638 1.579.390 808.398
137.370
93.283
6.313.444
Pers. Serv.
18.943
67.077
333.681
299.197
642.683
554.564
383.170
98.395
94.990
2.492.700
Distr. Serv.
0
554
21.763
14.199
14.075
8.121
4.874
619
643
64.848
Total
246.997
764.604 4.752.701 4.133.383 7.629.696 6.691.098 3.553.931 622.263
468.059 28.862.732
Total Trade
226.506
529.013 3.107.189 2.208.525 3.377.981 2.594.287 1.482.952 332.405
362.878 14.221.736
Transportation
24.383
54.595
390.829
403.771
884.463
Communication
949
9.322
173.905
139.903
Fin. Inst.
0
24.080
234.539
180.838
Public Adm.
5.220
72.136
927.411 1.077.281 2.433.652 2.651.359 1.528.263 258.981
Tech. Prof.
9.304
88.976
617.939
502.144
461.493
303.219
64.316
56.091
2.802.620
Serv. Prov. Comp. 29.265
72.001
571.111
530.287 1.020.034 838.485
476.985
102.135
93.739
3.734.042
838.571
498.338
97.732
61.993
3.254.675
164.638
92.469
45.457
3.681
1.594
631.918
234.136
221.559
79.600
9.306
4.190
988.248
699.138
115.798 9.070.101
Social Serv.
26.241
112.442
886.030
821.231 1.330.555 1.069.522 575.321
132.375
124.411 5.078.128
Main. & Rep.
43.483
132.329
401.919
267.856
506.546
422.102
227.623
58.297
49.239
2.109.394
Acc. & Food
59.493
152.216
644.963
432.144
794.839
666.857
429.969
90.026
80.439
3.350.946
Paid Hous.
106.956
277.566
879.864
801.742 1.854.126 1.658.112 874.880
163.504
114.955 6.731.705
Pers. Serv.
29.943
91.872
477.238
417.203
826.118
681.978
459.700
123.603
121.404 3.229.059
Distr. Serv.
224
5.925
64.166
53.881
83.373
61.500
27.704
3.516
Total
5.304
305.593
561.967 1.622.473 9.377.103 7.836.806 14.209.599 12.258.294 7.010.011 1.439.877 1.192.035 55.508.165
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
impact of the crisis on women
66
Table 3
Employed population aged 10 and over by services subsector, by level of education and by sex. Brazil, 2007. Level of educational attainment (by years of schooling)
Services Subsectors
0
1 to 4
5 to 8
9 to 11
Trade
409.451
1.210.931
2.214.664
Transportation
142.918
680.735
Communication
2.412
Fin. Inst.
12 to 14
15 or over
Undetermined
Total
3.200.700
450.095
468.172
32.413
7.986.426
1.044.366
966.792
81.084
76.144
9.422
3.001.461
18.983
52.084
203.333
52.101
62.503
2.220
393.636
2.909
13.967
23.128
151.128
104.944
203.422
457
499.955
Public Adm.
105.872
342.446
471.565
1.433.691
415.091
912.713
10.240
3.691.618
Tech. Prof.
20.677
63.965
159.999
591.151
200.176
585.688
1.548
1.623.204
Serv. Prov. Comp.
199.828
524.039
710.319
973.195
126.414
175.793
13.118
2.722.706
Social Serv.
52.192
164.325
265.792
542.270
194.642
501.042
5.220
1.725.483
Men
Main. & Rep.
89.896
390.903
786.962
644.537
37.451
30.050
10.663
1.990.462
Acc. & Food
86.813
327.664
524.297
565.309
59.064
46.319
5.651
1.615.117
Paid Hous.
69.972
153.320
126.376
63.959
1.851
411
2.372
418.261
Pers. Serv.
23.960
107.751
213.370
309.598
39.688
38.617
3.375
736.359
Distr. Serv.
11.618
41.032
56.845
76.915
21.857
31.209
1.269
240.745
Total
1.218.518
4.040.061
6.649.767
9.722.578
1.784.458
3.132.083
97.968
26.645.433
Women Trade
229.960
690.631
1.288.373
3.156.613
431.903
401.285
36.545
6.235.310
Transportation
4.286
19.530
45.921
120.805
32.975
29.697
0
253.214
Communication
1.546
1.058
14.222
141.950
37.222
41.641
643
238.282
Fin. Inst.
517
3.125
16.973
169.914
104.735
193.029
0
488.293
Public Adm.
89.380
307.939
437.540
1.733.191
868.795
1.918.331
23.307
5.378.483
Tech. Prof.
10.790
27.048
85.719
486.251
179.501
386.683
3.424
1.179.416
Serv. Prov. Comp.
45.652
117.942
205.648
397.276
97.005
140.353
7.460
1.011.336
Social Serv.
54.333
208.251
365.547
1.298.339
461.600
953.808
10.767
3.352.645
Main. & Rep.
3.563
9.713
28.443
63.719
6.007
6.202
1.285
118.932
Acc. & Food
95.698
322.326
569.773
622.178
59.784
54.140
11.930
1.735.829
Paid Hous.
590.751
1.904.196
2.396.188
1.331.533
24.884
10.276
55.616
6.313.444
Pers. Serv.
113.000
419.759
805.224
962.730
94.958
83.519
13.510
2.492.700
Distr. Serv.
946
4.234
3.646
21.552
16.347
17.492
631
64.848
Total
1.240.422
4.035.752
6.263.217
10.506.051
2.415.716
4.236.456
165.118
28.862.732
Total
CHAPTER 6
67
Level of educational attainment (by years of schooling)
Services Subsectors
0
1 to 4
5 to 8
9 to 11
12 to 14
15 or over
Undetermined
Total
Trade
639.411
1.901.562
3.503.037
6.357.313
881.998
869.457
68.958
14.221.736
Transportation
147.204
700.265
1.090.287
1.087.597
114.059
105.841
9.422
3.254.675
Communication
3.958
20.041
66.306
345.283
89.323
104.144
2.863
631.918
Fin. Inst.
3.426
17.092
40.101
321.042
209.679
396.451
457
988.248
Public Adm.
195.252
650.385
909.105
3.166.882
1.283.886
2.831.044
33.547
9.070.101
Tech. Prof.
31.467
91.013
245.718
1.077.402
379.677
972.371
4.972
2.802.620
Serv. Prov. Comp.
245.480
641.981
915.967
1.370.471
223.419
316.146
20.578
3.734.042
Social Serv.
106.525
372.576
631.339
1.840.609
656.242
1.454.850
15.987
5.078.128
Main. & Rep.
93.459
400.616
815.405
708.256
43.458
36.252
11.948
2.109.394
Acc. & Food
182.511
649.990
1.094.070
1.187.487
118.848
100.459
17.581
3.350.946
Paid Hous.
660.723
2.057.516
2.522.564
1.395.492
26.735
10.687
57.988
6.731.705
Pers. Serv.
136.960
527.510
1.018.594
1.272.328
134.646
122.136
16.885
3.229.059
60.491
98.467
Distr. Serv.
12.564
45.266
Total
2.458.940
8.075.813
12.912.984 20.228.629
38.204
48.701
1.900
305.593
4.200.174
7.368.539
263.086
55.508.165
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
Table 4
Employed population aged 10 and over by services subsector, by status in employment and by sex. Brazil, 2007. Services Subsectors
Status in employment With formal contract
Without formal contract
Civil Servant
Own-account
Trade
3.438.429
1.459.250
7.497
Transportation
1.313.957
436.540
Communication
261.484
52.596
Employer
Non-paid
Total
2.111.972
712.639
256.639
7.986.426
20.063
1.140.465
74.679
15.757
3.001.461
40.516
27.633
9.657
1.750
393.636
Men
Fin. Inst.
377.067
54.954
45.707
13.634
7.980
613
499.955
Public Adm.
620.894
743.632
2.316.716
0
1.921
8.455
3.691.618
Tech. Prof.
703.122
290.433
19.123
430.049
156.588
23.889
1.623.204
Serv. Prov. Comp.
1.569.032
510.895
28.001
468.287
94.015
52.476
2.722.706
Social Serv.
838.902
455.315
75.026
199.809
106.720
49.711
1.725.483
Main. & Rep.
482.624
579.193
586
715.864
166.881
45.314
1.990.462
Acc. & Food
562.480
347.640
0
471.719
159.942
73.336
1.615.117
Paid Hous.
166.433
251.828
0
0
0
0
418.261
impact of the crisis on women
68
Services Subsectors
Status in employment With formal contract
Without formal contract
Civil Servant
Own-account
Employer
Non-paid
Total
Pers. Serv.
107.158
176.924
5.869
376.231
56.924
13.253
736.359
Serv. Distr.
114.411
62.284
2.615
54.448
6.377
610
240.745
Total
10.555.993
5.421.484
2.561.719
6.010.111
1.554.323
541.803
26.645.433
Women Trade
2.592.144
890.458
11.689
1.931.185
333.297
476.537
6.235.310
Transportation
153.224
44.500
3.499
31.918
8.747
11.326
253.214
Communication
195.664
26.831
9.072
618
3.754
2.343
238.282
Fin. Inst.
375.669
70.401
32.685
5.600
2.569
1.369
488.293
Public Adm.
1.004.678
1.127.519
3.219.431
0
2.163
24.692
5.378.483
Tech. Prof.
634.569
264.014
22.866
186.408
51.713
19.846
1.179.416
Serv. Prov. Comp.
629.437
171.006
13.172
121.454
39.012
37.255
1.011.336
Social Serv.
1.855.191
689.609
182.485
385.139
94.228
145.993
3.352.645
Main. & Rep.
36.896
25.986
0
14.877
12.756
28.417
118.932
Acc. & Food
630.957
426.190
528
407.193
92.193
178.768
1.735.829
Paid Hous.
1.666.955
4.646.489
0
0
0
0
6.313.444
Pers. Serv.
230.999
398.132
6.036
1.714.061
98.774
44.698
2.492.700
Distr. Serv.
40.242
16.383
2.081
915
3.371
1.856
64.848
Total
10.046.625
8.797.518
3.503.544
4.799.368
742.577
973.100
28.862.732
Total Trade
6.030.573
2.349.708
19.186
4.043.157
1.045.936
733.176
14.221.736
Transportation
1.467.181
481.040
23.562
1.172.383
83.426
27.083
3.254.675
Communication
457.148
79.427
49.588
28.251
13.411
4.093
631.918
Fin. Inst.
752.736
125.355
78.392
19.234
10.549
1.982
988.248
Public Adm.
1.625.572
1.871.151
5.536.147
0
4.084
33.147
9.070.101
Tech. Prof.
1.337.691
554.447
41.989
616.457
208.301
43.735
2.802.620
Serv. Prov. Comp.
2.198.469
681.901
41.173
589.741
133.027
89.731
3.734.042
Social Serv.
2.694.093
1.144.924
257.511
584.948
200.948
195.704
5.078.128
Main. & Rep.
519.520
605.179
586
730.741
179.637
73.731
2.109.394
Acc. & Food
1.193.437
773.830
528
878.912
252.135
252.104
3.350.946
Paid Hous.
1.833.388
4.898.317
0
0
0
0
6.731.705
Pers. Serv.
338.157
575.056
11.905
2.090.292
155.698
57.951
3.229.059
Distr. Serv.
154.653
78.667
4.696
55.363
9.748
2.466
305.593
Total
20.602.618
14.219.002
6.065.263
10.809.479
2.296.900
1.514.903
55.508.165
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
CHAPTER 6
69
Table 5
Employed population aged 10 and over by services subsector, by wage in main employment and by sex. Brazil, 2007. Wage ranges in main employment (in minimum wages)
Services Subsectors
0
Trade
260.556
Transportation
15.757
448.597
922.374
Communication
3.005
31.993
132.842
More than More than More than More than More than 0 up to 1 1 up to 2 2 up to 4 4 up to 6 6 up to 10
More than 10
Undef.
Total
Men 1.801.677 2.810.751 1.806.681
441.197
401.061
312.950
151.553
7.986.426
1.092.431
228.749
150.913
92.669
49.971
3.001.461
132.548
37.316
21.243
24.244
10.445
393.636
Fin. Inst.
613
19.974
81.765
132.685
74.660
86.843
83.388
20.027
499.955
Public Adm.
9.290
575.419
880.006
1.007.436
469.165
354.194
320.529
75.579
3.691.618
Tech. Prof.
24.721
189.904
413.827
384.838
141.067
184.191
217.076
67.580
1.623.204
Serv. Prov. Comp.
53.981
550.583
1.106.055
639.283
95.281
106.353
108.812
62.358
2.722.706
Social Serv.
56.325
321.128
523.085
411.919
117.502
109.423
142.195
43.906
1.725.483
Main. & Rep.
45.314
514.758
704.018
535.871
83.536
48.869
24.766
33.330
1.990.462
Acc. & Food
74.762
438.080
583.389
337.287
56.594
50.249
32.968
41.788
1.615.117
Paid Hous.
3.953
224.999
147.917
32.343
1.530
1.577
218
5.724
418.261 736.359
Pers. Serv.
13.253
189.741
219.691
186.398
56.279
28.732
24.755
17.510
Distr. Serv.
610
63.907
66.913
54.298
14.556
11.854
15.794
12.813
240.745
Total
562.140
5.370.760 8.592.633 6.754.018 1.817.432 1.555.502 1.400.364
592.584
26.645.433
Trade
480.587
2.021.318 2.359.756
Transportation
11.631
41.857
Communication
2.753
33.354 52.474
124.598
154.837
Women 913.180
169.300
127.039
69.790
94.340
6.235.310
96.156
57.173
15.689
15.060
10.850
4.798
253.214
122.370
47.260
9.534
9.209
7.211
6.591
238.282
Fin. Inst.
1.979
Public Adm.
25.867
54.746
50.184
30.383
19.092
488.293
503.432
343.147
192.557
74.736
5.378.483
Tech. Prof.
19.846
207.742
409.986
Serv. Prov. Comp.
262.530
85.202
90.841
65.489
37.780
1.179.416
37.559
234.050
418.273
177.708
43.737
42.582
31.640
25.787
1.011.336
1.088.552 1.710.012 1.440.180
Social Serv.
153.861
797.970
1.228.759
693.816
158.371
145.240
94.067
80.561
3.352.645
Main. & Rep.
28.828
26.497
37.091
15.535
4.526
2.466
916
3.073
118.932
Acc. & Food
180.127
615.941
681.646
161.120
31.113
22.211
16.940
26.731
1.735.829
Paid Hous.
25.424
4.437.651 1.616.923
179.138
4.588
0
0
49.720
6.313.444
Pers. Serv.
44.698
1.161.077
778.491
362.027
48.067
32.261
22.316
43.763
2.492.700
1.856
13.973
16.577
14.106
7.808
859
64.848
Distr. Serv. Total
1.015.016 10.732.456 9.600.638 4.478.610 1.136.113 Total
3.788
5.881
884.028
548.040
467.831 28.862.732
impact of the crisis on women
70
Wage ranges in main employment (in minimum wages)
Services Subsectors
0
More than More than More than More than More than 0 up to 1 1 up to 2 2 up to 4 4 up to 6 6 up to 10
More than 10
3.822.995 5.170.507 2.719.861
Trade
741.143
Transportation
27.388
490.454
Communication
5.758
65.347
255.212
179.808
46.850
Fin. Inst.
2.592
72.448
206.363
287.522
129.406
Public Adm.
35.157
972.597
Tech. Prof.
44.567
397.646
823.813
647.368
226.269
Serv. Prov. Comp.
91.540
784.633
1.524.328
816.991
Social Serv.
210.186
1.018.530 1.149.604
1.663.971 2.590.018 2.447.616
1.119.098 1.751.844 1.105.735 741.109
Total
610.497
528.100
382.740
245.893 14.221.736
244.438
165.973
103.519
54.769
3.254.675
30.452
31.455
17.036
631.918
137.027
113.771
39.119
988.248
697.341
513.086
150.315
9.070.101
275.032
282.565
105.360
2.802.620
139.018
148.935
140.452
88.145
3.734.042
275.873
254.663
236.262
124.467
5.078.128
Main. & Rep.
74.142
551.406
88.062
51.335
25.682
36.403
2.109.394
Acc. & Food
254.889
1.054.021 1.265.035
498.407
87.707
72.460
49.908
68.519
3.350.946
Paid Hous.
29.377
4.662.650 1.764.840
211.481
6.118
1.577
218
55.444
6.731.705
Pers. Serv.
57.951
1.350.818
998.182
548.425
104.346
60.993
47.071
61.273
3.229.059
Distr. Serv.
2.466
77.880
83.490
68.404
22.364
15.642
21.675
13.672
305.593
Total
541.255
Undef.
1.577.156 16.103.216 18.193.271 11.232.628 2.953.545 2.439.530 1.948.404 1.060.415 55.508.165
Source: PNAD/IBGE microdata, 2007. Own production. Melo & Di Sabbato, 2009.
Ipea – Institute of Applied Economic Research
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