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VLE Modern India Books Cultural changes and social and religious reform movements
Table of Contents Cultural changes, social and religious reform movements
6.5: Making of religious and linguistic identities
6.1: The advent of printing and its implications
Religious identities in pre-colonial India
6.2: Reform and revival: Brahmo Samaj; Prarthana Samaj; Ramakrishna and Vivekananda; Arya Samaj
In India, religious identities have been a deeply contentious issue. In pre-colonial India, while Hindu and Muslim religious identities existed, they
6.3: Reform and revival: Deoband, Aligarh and Singh Sabha movements
were not fixed over time, or all-embracing ‘communities’. Historians like Richard Eaton have argued that in the earlier period, there was considerable daily social intercourse between Hindus and Muslims and a relative malleability and fuzziness of religious and cultural boundaries. Scholars like Sudipto Kaviraj, Romila Thapar and Gyanendra Pandey argue that most pre-modern Indians lacked the notion of a uniform, religious community, readily identified and enumerable, as Hindu. Further, pre-colonial society was too fragmented by sub-caste and local loyalties to allow larger religious allegiances to predominate, or be sharply articulated.
6.4: Debates around gender 6.5: Making of religious and linguistic identities
What happened with colonialism?
6.6: Caste and colonialism: Sanskritizing and antiBrahmanical trends
There had been earlier religious differences between Hindus and Muslims, but growing fractures emerged in the colonial period, with a sharpening
Check Your Progress Summary Exercises Glossary References
of religious identities. There arose categories that encompassed all ‘Hindus’ and ‘Muslims’ by definition. These changes found their expression in everyday life, as well as in organized politics and religion. Their roots can be traced well into the 19th century when due to factors like development of communications, printing, reformist and revivalist movements, and emergence of certain individuals and organizations, there was a consolidation of religious identities. The British aided these processes through colonial urban morphology, municipal laws, orientalizing perceptions, missionary activities and the decennial census. We will examine here the growth of Hindu religious identities in the period in some detail, but before that we will briefly touch on the growing friction between a section of Hindus and Muslims. Increasing divide between Hindus and Muslims While common traditions and reference points for Hindus existed in the past, they had not necessarily solidified into the consolidated mass which resurgent Hinduism in the late 19th century came to signify, and which had new socio-political dimensions. Despite the existence of various strands and contradictory tendencies, there were attempts to unify Hinduism as never before. Hindu socio-religious reformism and political nationalism in the late 19th century developed in tandem with the strengthening of Hindu religious identities, symbolized also by revivalist trends within the movements. A context for Hindu revival was the emergence of a vital Hindu mercantile culture in various towns of India in the early 19th century. Temples mushroomed, novel processions appeared on the streets and the cow attained a new prominence as a focus of the Hindu community. Vaishnava reforms took new contours and shapes in this period, stressing higher caste status for many lower castes, and evolving a more aggressive Hinduism. There was a proliferation of religious rituals and celebrations and the activities of the Arya samaj, the Bharat Dharma Mahamandal (the organized body of orthodox Hindus) and the Hindu Sabha expanded considerably. Many Sanatan Dharma Sabhas (based on traditional and conservative Hindu praxis and belief), gaushalas and schools were established. In Allahabad for example, Prayag Hindu Samaj and Madhya Hindu Samaj were formed in the 1880s. Various members of the ruling Hindu aristocracy, landowners, priests and heads of Hindu societies sustained such bodies. These organizations played a key role in the formulation of Hindu nationalism. They helped upper caste, middle class Hindus to organize and publish and to use legal and other remedies to defend a view of themselves and their religion, which was both ancient and modern. Hindu assertions in this period were aided by the growth of Muslim revivalism, particularly in north India. In fact, there was a slow diffusion of revivalist streams of Hinduism and Islam in the period. Muslim revivalism was due to various reasons. Loss of state power by Muslim rulers and the divisive impact of colonialism and Hindu revivalism played a role. A substantial section of Muslim elites made efforts to preserve Islam, and to sustain and mobilize a Muslim community, leading to separatist Muslim identity politics. This resulted in the creation of what Gyanendra Pandey calls ‘new cohesion’ around existing foci of loyalty. Christophe Jaffrelot too contends that the establishment and later expansion of the militant Hindu movement was indeed a modern phenomenon. Hindu religious identities There were certain important texts and personalities which were critical for the development of Hindu religious identities in this period. Most of the writers of 19th century cannot be defined as ‘communal’. Ambiguity, ambivalences and contradictions were their characteristic hallmarks. But even though well intentioned and not using an exclusivist language, they often implicitly equated India with Hindu when defining Indian culture. The more unselfconscious this mentality, the more powerful and persistent was its hold upon the writers. It allowed an easy and spontaneous switch over from Indian to Hindu and back, as if these were interchangeable terms. There was an equation here of ‘Hindi-Hindu-Hindustan’. Notions like Hindustan is ours because we are Hindus or that he who inhabits Hindustan is a Hindu became a part of common sense. This was reflected in attempts to define the Indian nation primarily in terms of Hindu religious symbols, myths and history. 19th century Hindu tradition formed itself in the very process of negotiating the relationship to past idioms and classical texts in the light of present needs and claims, in order to project itself as a coherent and homogeneous entity. In doing so, it attempted to bypass and denigrate the long stretch of Muslim rule, and took pride in the construction of a mythic golden Hindu past. Bharatendu Harischandra played a significant role in the nationalization of Hindu traditions in north India and in consolidation of those traditions. He used the modern print media, combined with Vaishnava spirit, to articulate a homogenizing doctrinal core of Hindu nationalist identity. He countered the heterogeneity of Hinduism, which prevented the presentation of a united front and an effective ‘Hindu public opinion’. However, Bharatendu cannot be separated from the social, political and cultural movements in colonial India. Hindi writers like Pratapnarayan Misra and Badrinarayan Bhatt represented similar trends. In eastern and western India, efforts of Vivekananda were supplemented by those of Bhudeb Mukherjee, Bankimchandra Chatterjee, Tilak and others, who prolifically used Hindu Figure 6.ry and iconography in their writings and speeches. There developed a tendency, for example in Bengal, to legitimize any defence of Hindu traditions as respectable and acceptable. For Bankimchandra, neither Hindu faith nor Hindu nationalism offered any resolution for his dilemmas. Yet he did evoke the mythical figure of Krishna as a modern politician and national builder. In his later years, he appeared closer to a Hindu revivalist-nationalist agenda. His celebrated novel Anandamath, published in 1882, invented an icon for the nation, the Mother Goddess, identified with the motherland. His song Bande Mataram (Hail Mother) became the anthem of the nationalist movement in India, and was particularly invoked by Hindu nationalists. A recurring theme in the writings of this period was an anxiety over supposed Hindu weakness. It was claimed that Hindu society had to be defended against external weakness, caused by conversions to ‘foreign’ religion, and against the ‘internal’ weakness, caused by differences and conflicts amongst Hindus. In Maharashtra, Bal Gangadhar Tilak revived the Ganapati and Shivaji festivals in the 1890s, activating Hindu and Maratha pride in their culture and tradition. Ganapati, a syncretistic figure, combined elements of high Hinduism, asceticism and wisdom, with values of village Hinduism, devotion and pleasure. His appeal extended to Chitpavan Brahmans and the non-Brahman lower castes. The figure was effectively ‘politically recruited’ by Tilak. While earlier, Ganesh puja was always a domestic or family affair, from the 1890s Ganapati religious festivals became the centre around which large public gatherings were constituted in Maharashtra. Simultaneously, Hindus were urged not to participate in Muharram festivals. In 1895 Tilak also introduced the Shivaji festival. The legend of Shivaji, deeply rooted in the Maharshtiran psyche, was invoked and glorified, and he became a public God and hero. Marathi pride was intermixed with Shivaji’s fight against the Muslims. There were public celebrations of Shivaji’s birthday, used to mobilize the masses for freedom struggle. While these Hindu religious and historical symbols were used for political mobilization, their extensive use inadvertently aided Hindu religious revivalism and Muslim alienation. They harped on a romantic, nostalgic and primordialist discourse. In Madras too, in the 1820s emerged the Vihbuti Sangam (Sacred Ashes Society) which preached reconversion of the radicalized Shanar Christians. The 1840s saw the coming up of the Dharma Sabha, mainly patronized by the Brahmans and high caste Hindus. The two organizations stood for conservative resistance to change, rigid adherence to varnashramadharma and caste exclusiveness. With the establishment of the Theosophical Society in 1882, Hindu revivalism gained strength in Madras, as it stimulated the interest of the educated Indians in the history and culture of their country. It was further reinforced after the arrival of Annie Besant, who also formed the linkage with nationalism and Congress politics (Bandyopadhyay 2004: 245). Religious conflicts in the 1880s and 1890s In the 1880s and 1890s, there were increasing tensions between Hindus and Muslims. Various issues provided occasion for riots in this period, for example when a mosque or a temple was defiled, when there were coincidences of major Muslim and Hindu festivals, over cow-slaughter, over music before mosques etc. Riots occurred over processions in public spaces and access to them. They signified struggle over power and status, as there was a contest over boundaries of ritual space. We will briefly discuss some of these issues. Earlier too, there had been some tensions. For example, at Ayodhya in 1855, there was a contention over a site where a mosque stood adjacent to an older Hindu temple. In Bareli riots occurred in 1837 and 1871 when public religious processions of the two communities coincided. Such conflicts were as much over matters of religious and ritual practice, as over economically and socially exploitative relations. They were exacerbated by the colonial regime’s new drive to catalogue Indian practice – public and personal, sacred and secular – and to establish ‘customary’ practices. Procession routes, timing, musical accompaniment etc. all generated new kinds of competition for domination of public space. In the 1880s, such conflicts received an impetus with the emergence of cow protection movements. Cow protection movements The cow was to emerge as an enormously potent and sacred symbol of the Hindu nation particularly in late 19th century north India. The question of ritual slaughter of cows, with Hindus demanding a complete ban on it, led to many violent agitations and riots in the period. It was not so much because Muslims loved to sacrifice cows, as because militant Hindus made it an issue. In response to the Hindu challenge, what used to be a quiet, often private ritual, became an ostentatious public celebration. The cow-protection movement arose in north India between 1880 and 1920. A significant feature of the movement was that it led to an entente between the publicists of the Arya samaj, orthodox Sanatan Dharma Sabhas and other Hindu bodies. In Punjab and UP, and later in central India, various gaurakshini sabhas (cow protection societies) and gaushalas sprang up in the late 19th century, giving the movement a much more systematic form. These became particularly strong in Bihar, Banaras, Awadh, Allahabad, and later on in Bengal, Bombay, Madras, Sind, Rajputana and Central Provinces. Its leaders were mostly Brahman officials, honorary magistrates, schoolmasters and pleaders. Its main adherents in 1893-94 were the urban-based Hindu publicists, merchants, landed elite and trading and banking classes. More than thirty riots occurred in six months in Bihar and UP, the first being in 1893 in Mau in Azamgarh district. It has been noted that there were two distinct phases in the agitation, an earlier urban phase and a later rural campaign. Further, it involved a struggle not only over a ‘sacred symbol’ but also, locally, over ‘sacred spaces’, and over occasions that were used to highlight the issue.
Value addition: Interesting details
Cow protection movements and print
To boost the cow protection movement’s organization and ideology, its preachers and emissaries used various platforms like municipalities, legislatures, political meetings, press and print extensively. They published mass posters, distributed handbills, printed poems, sang bhajans, gave extensive lectures and enacted plays in praise of the ‘mother’ cow. A newspaper entitled Gausewak was regularly published at Banaras from the 1890s, and another called Gaudharma Prakash was issued monthly at Farrukhabad. A drama in Hindi called Bharat-dimdima Natak, published at Lucknow with copies sold at railway book-stalls, highlighted the grievous condition of India at the present time owing to cowslaughter. ‘Snowball letters’ or patias, using a gendered Figure 6.ry, became a significant feature of the propaganda. Addressed to men, the sin of incest was constantly evoked in many of them. Locally produced mass visual Figure 6.s and pictures of the cow were circulated and exhibited at many meetings. For example, one depicted a cow in the act of being slaughtered by three Muslim butchers, and was headed ‘The present state’. Another exhibited a cow, in every part of whose body groups of Hindu deities and holy persons were shown. In such Figure 6.s, the body of the cow itself was invested with the divine and she herself became a proto-nation. This new space of the cow-nation embodied a Hindu cosmology, with the sacred inscribed onto her body. Since all the gods dwelt in the cow, to kill a cow was an insult to every Hindu, it was argued.
Sources: Sanyasi, Swami Alaram. 1892. Bhajan Gauraksha Updesh Manjari. Prayag; Narayan, Badri. 1917. Bhajan Gauraksha Gopal Darpan. Lucknow; Sharma, Rameshwar. 1919. Gauraksha Prachar
Natak.
Moradabad;
Pinney,
Christopher.
1997.
The
Nation
(Un)Pictured?
Chromolithography and ‘Popular’ Politics in India, 1878-1995. Critical Inquiry, 23: 841-47; Pandey, Gyanendra. Construction of Communalism, 185. The movement had a strong upper caste bias and its leadership largely remained in the hands of the elite. Other groups participated with various other motives. Thus zamindars tried to assert their social power that had been slipping away from their hands because of various changes instituted by colonial rule. The peasant communities and intermediate castes like Ahirs and Yadavs ‘used’ the movement to fulfill their own caste dynamics and needs and to legitimize their social mobility and new status. The movement had exclusivist overtones too, as it urged upper caste Hindus not to sell cows to Chamas, Nats or Banjaras, as they too, along with Muslims, were seen as cow-killers. This was an indicator of the movement’s artificiality in a sense, in that it made implicit divisions between Hindus. But the movement did put an unmistakable Hindu stamp on the nationalist agitation. Some of the Congress leaders were closely associated with local gaurakshini sabhas, alienating the Muslims further. Linguistic identities Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities points to the critical role that language and literature play in nationalist formulations. In colonial India, language was another instrument through which contours of a new nation were traced and through which community identities were strengthened. Various languages were given a new fixity, thereby creating languages of power and leading to the emergence of distinct linguistic identities in many parts of India. India’s various language were collected, classified, standardized, enumerated and thus dramatically transformed from ‘fuzzy’ and ‘uncounted’ entities into a neatly bounded, counted and mapped configuration by the British. The result was an arsenal of grammars and dictionaries, culminating in the grandest example in the form of The Linguistic Survey of India. The colonized Indians were divided by many languages, cultures and religions. In such a scenario, the concept of one language, one nation became powerful and seductive. Hindi vs Urdu However, this concept of one language, one nation was highly problematic. To take the example of north India, its linguistic map was filled with classical languages like Sanskrit, Arabic and Persian, known to specialists and to the courtly elite. Then there was Urdu, followed by Hindi. There was Hindustani, which was less Persianized than Urdu and less Sanskritized than Hindi. Alongside existed many regional dialects like Bhojpuri, Awadhi and Braj. Thus in polyphonic India, a single ‘national’ language had to be created, and its power established. Most Hindi intellectuals from the second half of the 19th century came to believe that chosen language to be ‘Hindu Hindi’ and not Urdu or ‘Islamic Hindustani’ or even Bengali. Language became, both among the Muslim gentry and the Hindu upper castes, a means and symbol of community-creation. Till the early 19th century, in the heartland of north India, including Punjab, Urdu was the government language used in the lower levels of the bureaucracy and the judiciary. The area, particularly UP and Bihar, witnessed a Hindi movement, posited in opposition to Urdu, and guided by a Hindu consciousness. The larger context of the movement was a growing split between Indo-Persian (symbolized by Urdu) and Hindu (symbolized by Hindi) merchant culture from the 19th century. This was accelerated by the post 1857 expansion of government services, education and publications. Among the middle classes, there was increasing scramble for educational opportunities, government jobs and positions on municipal boards. In some UP towns, Muslims were relatively advanced in literacy and employment, which led to a feeling among many upper-caste Hindus that Muslims were usurping their jobs. In such a scenario, the assertion of Nagari (denoting script and language) and the attack on Urdu by the upper caste Hindu literati was an attempt to assert a distinct community identity and to prepare itself for a culturally hegemonic role in the new nation. It symbolised another element by which self-conscious Hindu nationalism emerged in north India. It based itself on separation from and rejection of earlier symbols of joint Hindu-Muslim culture. As a result, overlapping literary cultures came to function separately. There was a new identification of Hindi with Hindu, and Urdu with Muslim through several avenues. Bharatendu contributed to the standardization and codification of Hindi and slowly the slogan ‘Hindi, Hindu, Hindustan’ came to be a part of the Hindi movement. The Arya samaj too played a crucial role in attempting to promote Hindi as the national language. An organized movement in support of Hindi however began with the establishment of the Nagari Pracharini Sabha in Banaras in 1893, a voluntary organization explicitly formed to promote Hindi language and the Devnagari script. It attempted to standardise the Hindi language through dictionaries, grammars, newspaper campaigns, introduction of large numbers of Sanskrit words into Hindi, and publication of books and periodicals, especially school textbooks. Organizations like the Hindi Sahitya Sammelan of Allahabad too sought to Sanskritize Hindi, removing Persio-Arabic words from it, simultaneously marginalizing the spoken forms of Hindi like Avadhi and Braj. Similar efforts were made by other groups to induct more Arabic and Persian words into Urdu. It is to be noted that the bulk of supporters of the Hindi movement came from the ranks of vernacular elite who were educated in more standardized vernaculars of Hindi and Urdu. It did not come from the English-speaking elite or from local-dialect speaking masses. Value addition: What the sources say
Raja Shivprasad on Persian language
To read Persian is to become Persianized, all our ideas become corrupt and our nationality is lost…. All the evils which we find amongst us we are indebted to our ‘beloved brethren’ the Muhammadans.
Source: Shivprasad. 1868. Memorandum Court Character in the Upper Provinces of India. Banaras, 1. A major portion of the debate centred on the proper language and script for government courts and offices. The Hindi side argued that the bulk of the population used Hindi; the Urdu script had foreign origins, its use made court documents illegible, encouraged forgery and fostered the use of difficult Arabic and Persian words. Urdu supporters argued that even the inhabitants of remote villages spoke Urdu fluently, Urdu language had originated in India even if the script had foreign origins, any script could lend itself to forgery, numerous dialects of Hindi lacked standardization and that Hindi had an impoverished vocabulary, especially in scientific and technical terms. Both sides tended to identify language with religion. Both assailed government policy, either for encouraging Urdu and turning all Hindus into semi-Muhammadan and destroying Hindu nationality, or for encouraging Nagari script which would lead eventually to the abolition of Urdu, and would cause Muslim boys to become Hindu in thought and expression. Both sides confused names for language and script. However, script was critical as grammars of both Hindi and Urdu derived from a regional dialect that was almost identical. Vocabularies in everyday discourse overlapped considerably, but scripts focused and heightened differences between Hindu and Indo-Persian cultures. Value addition: Common misconceptions
Hindi and Urdu: of virtue and vice
Pandit Gauri Datta wrote a play titled Nagari aur Urdu ka Swang in 1883 and Munshi Sohan Prasad penned Hindi aur Urdu ki Larai, which was published from Gorakhpur in 1884. In these plays, Hindi was upheld as much superior to Urdu, by misrepresenting the two languages. Interestingly, the two languages were represented as women: Hindi was a patient and respectable Hindu wife or a Brahman nurturing matron; while Urdu was nothing less than a heartless aristocratic strumpet or a wanton Muslim prostitute. Further, queen Devnagari was as much of the new middle class Hindu housewife as of any queen; Begum Urdu was the unreformed, the uncontrolled woman.
Source: King, Christopher R. 1994. One Language, Two Scripts: The Hindi Movement in Nineteenth Century North India. Bombay: Oxford University Press, 135-37, 173. Hindi was not a homogenous language. However, modern Khari Boli Hindi evolved through a rejection of various regional dialects and bolis like Awadhi and Kaithi and particularly Braj, which was identified as the language of the erotic and ‘feminine’. Khari Boli was seen as introducing a ‘symbolic order’. However, this modern and new Hindi propounded by the likes of Mahavir Prasad Dwivedi and organizations like the Nagari Pracharini Sabha posed a problem. It lacked a known past, and thus a clear link was established with Sanskrit to lend it greater lustre. The University of Allahabad was also active in the propagation of such ideas.
Value addition: Common misconceptions
Hindi and other languages
Hindi was declared the daughter or granddaughter of Sanskrit, which was seen as having united India into a coherent entity, into one heart, in ancient times, and Hindi was to play the same role now. The Nagari Pracharini Sabha tried to show that other languages like Bengali, Gujarati, Marathi were sisters of Hindi, since it was assumed that they had a common source in Sanskrit. In fact, they were all taken to be basically Hindi, attired in various dresses. Even other north Indian languages were shown as dialects of Khari Boli.
Source: Kashi Nagari Pracharini Sabha. 1900. Hindi Kya Hai. Banaras, 1-2. In 1835, Urdu replaced Persian as the official language of the courts in north India. This was accompanied by complaints about excessive Persianization of Urdu, as it was forced to operate immediately as a new official language. From 1850 onwards, the government recognized Hindi and Urdu as separate subjects in schools at lower levels of education. Printing of textbooks in both Nagari and Urdu scripts heightened existing differences and helped create opposing vernacular elites. The new recognition of Hindi led to a demand for thousands of Hindi texts in the Nagari script. Many career opportunities dependent on literacy in Hindi arose. It is significant that all the three founding members of the Nagari Pracharini Sabha made their careers in education. In 1877 the provincial government first prescribed successful performance in the school vernacular examination as a qualification for government service. By the mid 1880s, changes were further accelerated. Hindi became the language of the lower courts in the Central Province (now Madhya Pradesh) in 1882 and in Bihar in 1883. In 1900, a resolution of the UP government granted equal status to Hindi along with Urdu in courts and administration all over. It is important to note that while almost all Hindus knew Urdu well and majority knew Hindi too, a very small minority of Muslims knew Hindi. Thus Muslim government employees had strong stakes in Urdu, as a large number of educated Muslim elite lived in urban areas of UP and held government jobs. 17% of Muslim population lived in towns, constituting 44% of the urban population in UP. It is significant that up to 1900, the ratio between Hindi and Urdu publications had remained roughly constant -- about 14-15 in Hindi for every 10 in Urdu. By 1914 this ratio changed dramatically. There were 27 in Hindi to every 10 in Urdu. Thus it appears that there was expansion of Hindi, almost at the expense of Urdu. Other linguistic passions In Bengal too there were movements towards greater separation between Hindu and Muslim Bengalis. From 1860s onwards, there was a growth of vernacular pamphlet literature and the rise of Musalmani Bangla. At the same time, the Hindu middle class bhadralok were reforming the Bengali language and literature and increasing Sanskrit loan words in it, while purging it of Persian loan words. However, in Bengal the script remained common. In Punjab too there was a battle over the script. Persian was pitted against Gurmukhi. By the1920s, most Sikhs had switched over to Gurmukhi. In Maharashtra, taking Marathi sentiments of linguistic regionalism and parochialism to new heights, Tilak too demanded the constitution of a unilingual province of Maharashtra. In Madras Presidency, Tamil devotion in the 19th century transformed the language into a primary site of attachment, love and loyalty. Tamil emerged as an autonomous subject of praise and was eulogized as a language that enabled the schooling of its citizenry. Tamil revival organisations sprang up, using print, public rallies, street poetry and processional songs effectively to promote Tamil. It produced intense movements of Tamil linguistic nationalism, revivalism and even Tamil separatism. In colonial India thus languages came to be seen as the personal property of their speakers. It was perceived that in the well-being of their language lay the future of a community. Why such identities? Hindu nationalism came out of a ‘rediscovery’, a redefinition and a reconstruction of Hindu identity. It claimed to represent Indian nationalism, as it posited a community based solidarity, minimising differences of region, caste and language. Hindu religious revivalist ideas became an established political force in the late 19th century. In the process however, they created various fractures and frictions, particularly with lower castes and Muslims. The explosion of new literary forms and printed materials helped various religious communities in formulating a victimology, with the other side as the victimizer. At the same time, the forging of religious and linguistic identities was also grounded in education, language and employment. It was tied to economic well-being and thus intensified rivalries. An increasing need was felt for community mobilization as constitutional questions were now being discussed and new competitive institutions were being created. In such an environment of competition, there was need felt by both communities to mobilize along religious and linguistic lines in order to register their collective presence in new public spaces.
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